During the early days of November the commander of the Sixth Army

came to the conclusion that the offensive of the Army Group Fabeck

could lead to no decisive results. The forces available were still

too weak to break through the enemy's strongly entrenched positions,

particularly as he was continually bringing up fresh reinforcements to

the battle-front.

If the attempt to break through south of YPRES was not to be entirely

abandoned, and a purely defensive war on the Western Front thereby

avoided, more troops would have to be brought up for the YPRES battle

from other sectors of the front. As a beginning the 2nd and the

Bavarian Cavalry Divisions were affiliated to the Army Group Fabeck,

the Bavarian Cavalry Division being allotted to the XV Corps and the

2nd Cavalry Division to the II Bavarian Corps. The German General

Staff also placed the II Corps and the 4th Infantry Division at the

disposal of General von Fabeck, and they began to detrain at LILLE on

the 5th November. On the 3rd Crown Prince Rupert of Bavaria ordered

the XXIV Reserve Corps and the 25th Reserve Division to be taken from

the Sixth Army, west of LILLE; and this was followed by an order on

the 4th to withdraw all the troops of the Guard Corps available from

their positions, and for their sector of the front to be taken over by

the IV Corps at ARRAS. Accordingly a composite Division of the Guard

Corps, consisting of the 1st and 4th Guard Infantry Brigades, under

Lieutenant-General von Winckler, marched for ROUBAIX, which was reached

on the 7th. More heavy artillery was also handed over to the Army Group

Fabeck, and, in addition, all the artillery ammunition allotted to the

Sixth Army. The intention of the German General Staff, communicated

to the commander of the Sixth Army on the 4th November, was: to push

the attack to the immediate north (of the elbow) of the COMINES-YPRES

canal, and to put in all available forces to break through there.

In the meantime, however, General von Fabeck, in accordance with

instructions previously issued by the commander of the Sixth Army,

had placed the XXIV Reserve Corps and the 25th Reserve Division on

the left wing of the II Bavarian Corps, and had there formed a Group

Gerok, to which the 6th Bavarian Reserve Division was added. Thus for

the offensive north of the COMINES-YPRES canal there were left the II

Corps and Guard Corps (the 4th Division and the mixed Division of von

Winckler), besides the XV Corps which was already in position there.

The fighting continued along the front of the Army Group until the

10th, when these troops were ready to attack. No time was to be given

the enemy to recover, or to strengthen his positions.

The XV Corps, which in the meantime had extended its left wing to

the COMINES-YPRES canal, won ground daily, especially on the 6th

November, when the 39th Division delivered a heavy attack near KLEIN

ZILLEBEKE and drove the recently arrived French troops from their

position, capturing four hundred prisoners in the farm buildings. The

troops, advancing with their bands playing, also stormed parts of

ZWARTELEEN, a village widely scattered among the woods and meadows.

The artillery fired at point-blank range, as the November mist made

observation impossible at any distance. French counter-attacks and

an attack by British cavalry, which attempted to make good the

retirement of the French, were repulsed. Their casualties were heavy,

the 1st and 2nd British Life Guards being decimated. The enemy's

counter-attacks on the 7th and 8th November, in which the much

weakened 7th British Division, as well as the Zouaves, took part,

had also no success. On the 8th November the 148th Infantry Regiment

captured the fortified position along the western edge of VELDHOEK;

with a strong counter-attack the French made a bid to recover the lost

ground. Lieutenant-Colonel Linker, the gallant regimental commander,

hastily gathered together all the supports within reach, including

_Landwehr_ men of the 54th Reserve Division, and led them forward to

meet the advancing enemy; he himself was mortally wounded at the head

of his victorious followers. The French hurriedly retired, suffering

considerable loss.[93]

The II Bavarian Corps was kept busily employed by the hostile

counter-attacks near the canal; the enemy offered very stubborn

resistance in order to keep possession of the high ground from which

YPRES can be seen. The Bavarians, however, not only maintained their

positions, but, by an irresistible attack on the 9th and 10th November,

took the high ground on which ST. ELOI is situated.[94] To the 5th

Bavarian Infantry Brigade is due all the credit for this fine feat. The

enemy remained for a long time in the houses of ST. ELOI, but the high

ground was of primary, perhaps even decisive, importance; for it gave

us a bird's-eye view of the country east of YPRES, where the mass of

the British field artillery was in position.

The fighting further south which the troops of the Group Gerok had in

and north of WYTSCHAETE was equally heavy. The northern edge formed the

dividing line between the Groups Gerok and Urach. The enemy kept the

village under heavy fire in order to hinder the work of our observers,

the mere sight of a man anywhere being sufficient to draw his artillery

fire. Our stereo-telescopes were therefore used through loopholes in

the ruins or at the chimney openings, and the observers were often far

safer on such lofty perches than our reserves in the cellars of the

battered village. Only slow progress could be made in the woods lying

to the north-west.

The Group Urach also was unable to make much headway. On its right

wing, the 3rd Infantry Division struggled hard to get possession of the

Park north-west of WYTSCHAETE. After a whole day's fighting the 34th

Fusilier Regiment forced its way into the hospice, a fine old convent

at the northern entrance to the village; from its roof the enemy had

been able to get a splendid view of our positions in the valley south

of WYTSCHAETE. In spite of a most thorough bombardment our attack was

very costly, and although the Park was enveloped on two sides, it was

found impossible to enter it. From this patch of wood heavy enfilade

fire swept the positions of the 6th Bavarian Division to the north,

and the trenches of the 3rd Prussian Division to the south. It was

surrounded by a wall and moat as well as by wire entanglements, the

impenetrable undergrowth being entangled with a maze of wire. Frenchmen

with machine-guns were roped to the trunks of some of the trees, and

they were found dead hanging from the shell-torn stumps when the Park

of WYTSCHAETE was finally stormed on the 13th November by the 21st

Reserve Infantry Regiment of the 6th Bavarian Division, with the 2nd

Grenadiers and 34th Fusiliers of the 3rd Prussian Division. There is

a legend connected with WYTSCHAETE Park, and the scene was worthy of

it.[95]

The 26th Infantry Division during these days had advanced its lines

to the western slopes of the WYTSCHAETE-MESSINES ridge, and in places

across the valley, by sapping. This operation cost many casualties,

as the British on Mount KEMMEL were able to watch every movement in

our trenches, and could immediately bring them under the fire of field

or heavy artillery, or even of long-range naval guns, and they were

by no means sparing with their ammunition. Fortunately our losses

were for the most part only in the front lines, but our shortage of

ammunition compelled us to husband it.[96] Owing to the conformation

of the ground and to the weather preventing any air-reconnaissances,

we were unable to range accurately on the enemy's artillery, and the

most we could do was to disturb their means of fire-direction. Their

observation posts on Mount KEMMEL were soon discovered, and the fight

now began against the observers there as well as against those posted

in the towers of YPRES. So the blame must not be laid on us for the

gradual destruction of those magnificent buildings of YPRES, which gave

such a fine view of the whole countryside.

Further to the south no noteworthy progress was made either by the

Cavalry Corps, or on the front of the Sixth Army.

Such then was the general situation when, on the 10th November, the

new forces lay ready to take the offensive in their positions north of

the COMINES-YPRES canal. Before going further, however, the operations

of the Fourth Army from the last days of October must for a moment be

touched on.

THE OPERATIONS OF THE FOURTH ARMY FROM THE END OF OCTOBER TO THE 9TH

NOVEMBER 1914

Whilst the northern wing of the Sixth Army under General von Fabeck

was engaged in the heavy fighting just described, the Fourth Army

of Duke Albert of Würtemburg had been doing its utmost, by means of

constant attacks, to prevent the enemy from withdrawing any troops from

his front to support his endangered positions near YPRES. By 11 A.M.

on the 3rd November the reorganisation of the German forces rendered

necessary by the inundation of the front between the coast and DIXMUDE

had been sufficiently completed to enable an offensive to be delivered

on this day, on the line DIXMUDE-GHELUVELT. The right flank, from

DIXMUDE to the coast, was secured by the 38th _Landwehr_ Brigade, 4th

_Ersatz_ Division, and part of the 43rd Reserve Division, all under the

orders of the general officer commanding the XXII Reserve Corps. The

dispositions of the attacking troops were as follows: the XXIII Reserve

Corps in the sector NOORDSCHOOTE-BIXSCHOOTE; the III Reserve Corps,

including the 44th Reserve Division, on both sides of LANGEMARCK,

facing the front HET SAS-ST. JULIEN (this was the most important group

in the offensive); the XXVI and XXVII Reserve Corps were to the south

again, with the left flank resting on the GHELUVELT-YPRES main road.[97]

By the evening of the 5th the XXIII Reserve Corps had been able

to gain ground at and north of BIXSCHOOTE, while the 5th Reserve

Division advancing from the north had forced its way close up to the

western edge of LANGEMARCK. But all our efforts to capture this place

by attacks from north and east, in spite of reinforcements being

brought up, failed. It became evident that the enemy's skilfully

placed and more numerous artillery, combined with his well-wired

infantry positions in a country so favourable for defence, were more

than a match for our guns, especially at a time when ammunition was

scarce, and the misty weather prevented observation from aeroplanes.

A continuation of the offensive here would only have meant a useless

sacrifice of life. It was therefore decided with deep regret to resort

to the long and wearisome task of sapping in order to hold the enemy.

The situation of the Fourth Army indeed was no enviable one. Here

in the plains of Flanders, operations were effected by the November

weather and heavy rains, far more than in the country east and south

of YPRES. The troops had to endure great hardships; their trenches

rapidly filled with water, and were necessarily so shallow as to give

insufficient protection against artillery fire. In several places they

had to be evacuated altogether, and the men lay out in the open with

only a hastily constructed wire entanglement in front to secure them

against surprise attacks. Sapping too proved most difficult in this

water-logged district. Frequently it could only be carried on by piling

up sand-bag parapets, and these being easily seen by the enemy were

promptly shelled. Thus the attack made slow progress. Regular reliefs

for the troops in the front line were out of the question, for the

units available at that time were too weak; and in any case, the men

found relief time a very dangerous moment, as the enemy was able to

observe every movement, especially where he still held good observation

points, as at BIXSCHOOTE and LANGEMARCK.

A very extensive system of espionage served to complete his knowledge

of our intentions. Individual soldiers were left behind in civilian

clothing, with concealed telephonic communication; they kept hidden

during the daytime in attics and cellars, and reported our movements

and dispositions quickly and accurately to their headquarters.[98]

A great deal of information was also given away by the Belgian

population, who crossed the German lines by secret bypaths, or sent

news across by carrier-pigeons, or by lights and signals. Although the

punishment meted out to espionage was severe, the Belgians always kept

up this form of patriotic work. It was extremely harmful to us, and its

effect could be diminished only by maintaining thorough surveillance

of the country in rear of our lines. Our reserves, about which the

enemy was always well informed, had for the above reasons to be kept

close up behind the front lines in order to be near at hand at the

critical moment. Their movements, as well as the sending up of all

the necessary supplies, were often matters of extreme difficulty.

Generally the reserves had to bivouac on sodden meadows, the farms in

the neighbourhood being insufficient to provide shelter for them all.

The troops who were withdrawn from the front line and put in reserve

had therefore small opportunity for either rest or recreation.

The insecurity of our communications back into the interior of Belgium

must be passed over almost without mention, except to say that here

too a colossal task had been set; for the weak force allotted to the

General-Governor had not only to garrison Belgium, but to provide

observation posts along the Dutch frontier. In carrying out these

duties, the old _Landsturm_ troops showed a spirit of endurance which

said much for the military training they had received many years

before. The work of keeping watch over the excited population was not

without its dangers, and all praise is due to these garrison troops and

to the auxiliary troops sent from Germany to their assistance. Thanks

to them, the long lines of communication through conquered Belgium were

not disturbed, and the supply of the northern wing of our army suffered

no interruption from the enemy. For the honour of all concerned this

must be put on record.

On the 4th and 7th November the enemy made attacks on a larger scale

along the coast. On the 4th, believing that we had left only weak

outposts behind, even opposite NIEUPORT, when we retired to the eastern

bank of the canal, two to three Belgian regiments advanced through

LOMBARTZYDE. At first they gained a slight success, but were shortly

afterwards attacked by part of the 38th _Landwehr_ Brigade from the

east, and by the 33rd _Ersatz_ Brigade from the south, and driven back.

Detachments of the Marine Division pursued the fleeing Belgians. The

second attack made by about five thousand French troops, which took

place on the 7th, fared far worse; the whole of LOMBARTZYDE was taken

by our counter-attack, and the enemy losses were very heavy.[99]

On the 9th November the 38th _Landwehr_ Brigade was relieved by parts

of the Marine Division, for the 10th November was the day on which the

new offensive was to be made with fresh troops against YPRES from the

south-east.

THE LAST PHASE

When the 4th Division and von Winckler's Guard Division were sent

forward on the 9th November into the northern part of the fighting

line, formerly occupied by the XV Corps, the II Bavarian Corps, from

the heights of ST. ELOI it had just stormed, was able to look right

down on YPRES. The orders of the Sixth Army commander, dated the

7th and 8th November, had given all the necessary instructions for

the employment of the new units. The 4th Infantry Division and von

Winckler's Guard Division were placed under the commander of the

Guard Corps, General Baron von Plettenberg, and were to be called

Plettenberg's Corps. The XV Corps and Plettenberg's Corps formed the

Army Group Linsingen.[100]

The task set the troops of General von Linsingen was 'to drive back

and crush the enemy lying north of the canal (COMINES-YPRES); the

main weight of the attack is to be delivered by the left wing. The

Army Group Fabeck is to maintain its positions west of the canal,

its task being to continue pressing forward and at the same time to

support the attack of the left wing of the Army Group Linsingen, by as

powerful enfilade fire as possible from its right flank batteries.' The

decisive attack was to begin on the 10th November, when another strong

reinforcement of engineers would have arrived. All the other units of

the Sixth Army and the whole of the Fourth Army were also, according to

arrangement, to attack on this day with increased energy, so that the

enemy should be allowed no rest, and held to his positions along the

whole front.

On the stroke of 7 A.M. the Fourth Army advanced to the attack. This

tenth day of November was to be a famous one in its history. The

sectors of attack for each of the Corps remained, generally speaking,

the same, except that the left wing of the XXVII Reserve Corps had been

closed in slightly to the north. Strengthened by the Guard _Jäger_

Battalion, a Guard Machine-Gun Detachment[101] and the 9th Machine-Gun

Detachment, this Corps was to advance towards the POLYGON Wood.

The orders for the XXII Reserve Corps ran as follows: 'The XXII Reserve

Corps[102] in co-operation with the Marine Division will secure the

YSER canal front, and will take DIXMUDE.' Immediately north of DIXMUDE

the 4th _Ersatz_ Division was in position, with the 43rd Reserve

Division to the east and south, the two divisions together making a

semicircle of steel round the objective. This time our troops were

determined to take the town so stubbornly defended by the French

infantry. The enemy fully realised the importance of this bridge-head.

Besides holding a strong German force always in the vicinity, it

covered the canal-crossing nearest to Calais. On the 9th its garrison

was further reinforced by the arrival of fresh French troops.

The rain of the previous days had made the ground over which the attack

on DIXMUDE was to be carried out very heavy going. The HANDZAEME canal,

running east and west, divides it into two parts, the northerly one

being particularly swampy and difficult to cross. The main attack had

therefore to be made from the east and south-east on a comparatively

narrow front. The town itself comprised both modern and obsolete

fortifications, but the first strongholds of the defenders were the

railway buildings and cemetery situated to the east of it. The railway

embankment had been transformed into a very strong defensive position,

and a heavy fire was expected from it when we advanced from the high

embankments of the YSER. Under the cover of darkness the division was

able to push its front line to an assault position within two hundred

yards of the enemy, and at dawn on the 10th the artillery bombardment

began. Our heaviest guns took part and countless shells from our

_Minenwerfer_ did their utmost to break down the enemy's resistance.

By 7.40 A.M. our first attempt to take the enemy's advanced positions

had failed, and another artillery bombardment against his obstacles and

flanking posts was ordered. At 9.30 A.M. the advanced stronghold at

the cemetery was stormed. Our infantry had scarcely got into position

there before the artillery observers arrived to direct the fire of

their batteries from the front line on to the next strong point. The

artillery bombardment lasted throughout the morning until 1 P.M. when

the general assault was ordered. The infantry, with detachments of

sappers carrying hand-grenades and various material useful in an

assault, had worked its way forward close up to the line of obstacles.

The 201st Reserve Infantry Regiment advanced rapidly at first by

frontal attack. North of it, the 15th Reserve _Jäger_ Battalion under

Captain Hameln worked forward across the deep marshes between the

canal and the railway. The 202nd Reserve Infantry Regiment came under

a heavy enfilade fire from the YSER embankment, and at 1.30 P.M.

orders were issued for the Corps reserve under Colonel Teetzmann,

consisting of a few battalions of the 43rd Reserve Division and of the

4th _Ersatz_ Division, to be brought up into the line. Its task was

to help carry forward the attack of the 202nd Regiment against the

railway embankment, and to secure the left flank of the advance. The

nearer the attack approached to the town, the more desperate became

the resistance of its defenders. The gallant commander of the 201st

Reserve Regiment, General von Seydewitz, always in the front line

encouraging his men, was killed leading the attack just as his regiment

and the _Jäger_ entered the devastated town at about 3.30 P.M. Our

well-directed artillery fire had cleared the front at the critical

moment, and the enemy withdrew to the flanks of and behind DIXMUDE, but

did not cease to offer resistance. He held the railway embankment south

of the town with particular tenacity. Even when this had been finally

stormed, the 202nd Regiment had to continue the fight, with heavy loss,

among the burning houses in the southern part of the town, until the

201st Regiment by a wheel southwards were able to give assistance.

Teetzmann's brigade in its attack on the YSER embankment, to protect

the flank of the division, had meanwhile reached the river. Thence it

pressed on towards the bridges west of the town, so that the enemy's

retreat was threatened. In spite of this, however, he gave nothing

up without a struggle, and every block of houses had to be captured:

in fact the street fighting that ensued was hardly less bitter and

terrible than at WYTSCHAETE and MESSINES.

During the struggle in DIXMUDE, the French artillery fired into the

place regardless of friend or foe, and both suffered alike. The fight

was still raging among the houses at the northern exit, where von

Beerst was only making slow progress with the advanced detachments of

the 4th _Ersatz_ Division, when our reserves were assembled in the

market-square to deliver the final blow. The French infantry and Marine

Fusiliers put up a desperate defence, but finally had to give way, for

though not numerically superior, the offensive spirit of the German

troops overcame all resistance. It was not until the west bank of the

canal had been reached, that the mass of the enemy put up another

defence.

DIXMUDE was captured, and the French had been driven back across the

canal. A combined counter-attack by Belgians, Zouaves and French, which

began during the evening and continued into the night, was unable to

alter the situation, and though DIXMUDE in consequence was under the

heaviest fire, our troops held their ground. Weak detachments of the

4th _Ersatz_ Division were even able to cross the river north of the

town under cover of darkness, though the extreme swampiness of the

ground prevented them carrying their success any further. The enemy had

prepared the bridges, west of DIXMUDE, for demolition some time before

and had constructed strong positions along the west bank of the YSER.

These were especially good, as the ground there is higher and overlooks

that on the east bank. Our artillery had therefore to make another

preparatory bombardment. The spoils taken at DIXMUDE were considerable,

and in spite of the fact that the British assert that the Allies only

lost a few hundred men, we took in prisoners alone 17 officers and 1400

men.[103]

[Illustration: THE CAPTURE OF DIXMUDE.

ON NOVEMBER 10TH. 1914.]

Ypres 1914: An Official Account Published by Order of the German General Staff · 第 6 / 10 段