Such were the obstacles arising from the vanity of philosophers and the

imperfection of their science, which suspended the strength of their

appeal to reason and common sense against the condemning of wretches to

a cruel death on account of crimes which the nature of things rendered

in modern times totally impossible. We cannot doubt that they suffered

considerably in the contest, which was carried on with much anger and

malevolence; but the good seed which they had sown remained uncorrupted

in the soil, to bear fruit so soon as the circumstances should be

altered which at first impeded its growth. In the next letter I shall

take a view of the causes which helped to remove these impediments, in

addition, it must always be remembered, to the general increase of

knowledge and improvement of experimental philosophy.

LETTER VII.

Penal Laws unpopular when rigidly exercised--Prosecution of Witches

placed in the hand of Special Commissioners, _ad

inquirendum_--Prosecution for Witchcraft not frequent in the Elder

Period of the Roman Empire--Nor in the Middle Ages--Some Cases took

place, however--The Maid of Orleans--The Duchess of

Gloucester--Richard the Third's Charge against the Relations of the

Queen Dowager--But Prosecutions against Sorcerers became more common

in the end of the Fourteenth Century--Usually united with the Charge

of Heresy--Monstrelet's Account of the Persecution against the

Waldenses, under pretext of Witchcraft--Florimond's Testimony

concerning the Increase of Witches in his own Time--Bull of Pope

Innocent VIII.--Various Prosecutions in Foreign Countries under this

severe Law--Prosecutions in Labourt by the Inquisitor De Lancre and

his Colleague--Lycanthropy--Witches in Spain--In Sweden--and

particularly those Apprehended at Mohra.

Penal laws, like those of the Middle Ages, denounced against witchcraft,

may be at first hailed with unanimous acquiescence and approbation, but

are uniformly found to disgust and offend at least the more sensible

part of the public when the punishments become frequent and are

relentlessly inflicted. Those against treason are no exception. Each

reflecting government will do well to shorten that melancholy reign of

terror which perhaps must necessarily follow on the discovery of a plot

or the defeat of an insurrection. They ought not, either in humanity or

policy, to wait till the voice of the nation calls to them, as Mecænas

to Augustus, "_Surge tandem carnifex_!"

It is accordingly remarkable, in different countries, how often at some

particular period of their history there occurred an epidemic of terror

of witches, which, as fear is always cruel and credulous, glutted the

public with seas of innocent blood; and how uniformly men loathed the

gore after having swallowed it, and by a reaction natural to the human

mind desired, in prudence, to take away or restrict those laws which had

been the source of carnage, in order that their posterity might neither

have the will nor the means to enter into similar excesses.

A short review of foreign countries, before we come to notice the

British Islands and their Colonies, will prove the truth of this

statement. In Catholic countries on the Continent, the various kingdoms

adopted readily that part of the civil law, already mentioned, which

denounces sorcerers and witches as rebels to God, and authors of

sedition in the empire. But being considered as obnoxious equally to the

canon and civil law, Commissions of Inquisition were especially

empowered to weed out of the land the witches and those who had

intercourse with familiar spirits, or in any other respect fell under

the ban of the Church, as well as the heretics who promulgated or

adhered to false doctrine. Special warrants were thus granted from time

to time in behalf of such inquisitors, authorizing them to visit those

provinces of Germany, France, or Italy where any report concerning

witches or sorcery had alarmed the public mind; and those Commissioners,

proud of the trust reposed in them, thought it becoming to use the

utmost exertions on their part, that the subtlety of the examinations,

and the severity of the tortures they inflicted, might wring the truth

out of all suspected persons, until they rendered the province in which

they exercised their jurisdiction a desert from which the inhabitants

fled. It would be impossible to give credit to the extent of this

delusion, had not some of the inquisitors themselves been reporters of

their own judicial exploits: the same hand which subscribed the sentence

has recorded the execution.

In the earlier period of the Church of Rome witchcraft is frequently

alluded to, and a capital punishment assigned to those who were supposed

to have accomplished by sorcery the death of others, or to have

attempted, by false prophecies or otherwise, under pretext of consulting

with the spiritual world, to make innovation in the state. But no

general denunciation against witchcraft itself, as a league with the

Enemy of Man, or desertion of the Deity, and a crime _sui generis_,

appears to have been so acted upon, until the later period of the

sixteenth century, when the Papal system had attained its highest pitch

of power and of corruption. The influence of the Churchmen was in early

times secure, and they rather endeavoured, by the fabrication of false

miracles, to prolong the blind veneration of the people, than to vex

others and weary themselves by secret investigations into dubious and

mystical trespasses, in which probably the higher and better instructed

members of the clerical order put as little faith at that time as they

do now. Did there remain a mineral fountain, respected for the cures

which it had wrought, a huge oak-tree, or venerated mount, which beauty

of situation had recommended to traditional respect, the fathers of the

Roman Church were in policy reluctant to abandon such impressive spots,

or to represent them as exclusively the rendezvous of witches or of evil

spirits. On the contrary, by assigning the virtues of the spring or the

beauty of the tree to the guardianship of some saint, they acquired, as

it were, for the defence of their own doctrine, a frontier fortress

which they wrested from the enemy, and which it was at least needless to

dismantle, if it could be conveniently garrisoned and defended. Thus the

Church secured possession of many beautiful pieces of scenery, as Mr.

Whitfield is said to have grudged to the devil the monopoly of all the

fine tunes.

It is true that this policy was not uniformly observed. The story of the

celebrated Jeanne d'Arc, called the Maid of Orleans, preserves the

memory of such a custom, which was in that case turned to the prejudice

of the poor woman who observed it.

It is well known that this unfortunate female fell into the hands of the

English, after having, by her courage and enthusiasm manifested on many

important occasions, revived the drooping courage of the French, and

inspired them with the hope of once more freeing their country. The

English vulgar regarded her as a sorceress--the French as an inspired

heroine; while the wise on both sides considered her as neither the one

nor the other, but a tool used by the celebrated Dunois to play the part

which he assigned her. The Duke of Bedford, when the ill-starred Jeanne

fell into his hands, took away her life in order to stigmatize her

memory with sorcery and to destroy the reputation she had acquired among

the French. The mean recurrence to such a charge against such a person

had no more success than it deserved, although Jeanne was condemned both

by the Parliament of Bordeux and the University of Paris. Her indictment

accused her of having frequented an ancient oak-tree, and a fountain

arising under it, called the Fated or Fairy Oak of Bourlemont. Here she

was stated to have repaired during the hours of divine service, dancing,

skipping, and making gestures, around the tree and fountain, and hanging

on the branches chaplets and garlands of flowers, gathered for the

purpose, reviving, doubtless, the obsolete idolatry which in ancient

times had been rendered on the same spot to the _Genius Loci_. The

charmed sword and blessed banner, which she had represented as signs of

her celestial mission, were in this hostile charge against her described

as enchanted implements, designed by the fiends and fairies whom she

worshipped to accomplish her temporary success. The death of the

innocent, high-minded, and perhaps amiable enthusiast, was not, we are

sorry to say, a sacrifice to a superstitious fear of witchcraft, but a

cruel instance of wicked policy mingled with national jealousy and

hatred.

To the same cause, about the same period, we may impute the trial of the

Duchess of Gloucester, wife of the good Duke Humphrey, accused of

consulting witches concerning the mode of compassing the death of her

husband's nephew, Henry VI. The Duchess was condemned to do penance, and

thereafter banished to the Isle of Man, while several of her accomplices

died in prison or were executed. But in this instance also the alleged

witchcraft was only the ostensible cause of a procedure which had its

real source in the deep hatred between the Duke of Gloucester and

Cardinal Beaufort, his half-brother. The same pretext was used by

Richard III. when he brought the charge of sorcery against the Queen

Dowager, Jane Shore, and the queen's kinsmen; and yet again was by that

unscrupulous prince directed against Morton, afterwards Archbishop of

Canterbury, and other adherents of the Earl of Richmond. The accusation

in both cases was only chosen as a charge easily made and difficult to

be eluded or repelled.

But in the meanwhile, as the accusation of witchcraft thus afforded to

tyranny or policy the ready means of assailing persons whom it might not

have been possible to convict of any other crime, the aspersion itself

was gradually considered with increase of terror as spreading wider and

becoming more contagious. So early as the year 1398 the University of

Paris, in laying down rules for the judicial prosecuting of witches,

express their regret that the crime was growing more frequent than in

any former age. The more severe enquiries and frequent punishments by

which the judges endeavoured to check the progress of this impious

practice seem to have increased the disease, as indeed it has been

always remarked that those morbid affections of mind which depend on the

imagination are sure to become more common in proportion as public

attention is fastened on stories connected with their display.

In the same century schisms arising from different causes greatly

alarmed the Church of Rome. The universal spirit of enquiry which was

now afloat, taking a different direction in different countries, had in

almost all of them stirred up a sceptical dissatisfaction with the

dogmas of the Church--such views being rendered more credible to the

poorer classes through the corruption of manners among the clergy, too

many of whom wealth and ease had caused to neglect that course of

morality which best recommends religious doctrine. In almost every

nation in Europe there lurked in the crowded cities, or the wild

solitude of the country, sects who agreed chiefly in their animosity to

the supremacy of Rome and their desire to cast off her domination. The

Waldenses and Albigenses were parties existing in great numbers through

the south of France. The Romanists became extremely desirous to combine

the doctrine of the heretics with witchcraft, which, according to their

account, abounded especially where the Protestants were most numerous;

and, the bitterness increasing, they scrupled not to throw the charge of

sorcery, as a matter of course, upon those who dissented from the

Catholic standard of faith. The Jesuit Delrio alleges several reasons

for the affinity which he considers as existing between the Protestant

and the sorcerer; he accuses the former of embracing the opinion of

Wierus and other defenders of the devil (as he calls all who oppose his

own opinions concerning witchcraft), thus fortifying the kingdom of

Satan against that of the Church.[47]

[Footnote 47: Delrio, "De Magia." See the Preface.]

A remarkable passage in Monstrelet puts in a clear view the point aimed

at by the Catholics in thus confusing and blending the doctrines of

heresy and the practice of witchcraft, and how a meeting of inoffensive

Protestants could be cunningly identified with a Sabbath of hags and

fiends.

"In this year (1459), in the town of Arras and county of Artois, arose,

through a terrible and melancholy chance, an opinion called, I know not

why, the Religion of Vaudoisie. This sect consisted, it is said, of

certain persons, both men and women, who, under cloud of night, by the

power of the devil, repaired to some solitary spot, amid woods and

deserts, where the devil appeared before them in a human form--save that

his visage is never perfectly visible to them--read to the assembly a

book of his ordinances, informing them how he would be obeyed;

distributed a very little money and a plentiful meal, which was

concluded by a scene of general profligacy; after which each one of the

party was conveyed home to her or his own habitation.

"On accusations of access to such acts of madness," continues

Monstrelet, "several creditable persons of the town of Arras were seized

and imprisoned along with some foolish women and persons of little

consequence. These were so horribly tortured that some of them admitted

the truth of the whole accusations, and said, besides, that they had

seen and recognised in their nocturnal assembly many persons of rank,

prelates, seigneurs, and governors of bailliages and cities, being such

names as the examinators had suggested to the persons examined, while

they constrained them by torture to impeach the persons to whom they

belonged. Several of those who had been thus informed against were

arrested, thrown into prison, and tortured for so long a time that they

also were obliged to confess what was charged against them. After this

those of mean condition were executed and inhumanly burnt, while the

richer and more powerful of the accused ransomed themselves by sums of

money, to avoid the punishment and the shame attending it. Many even of

those also confessed being persuaded to take that course by the

interrogators, who promised them indemnity for life and fortune. Some

there were, of a truth, who suffered with marvellous patience and

constancy the torments inflicted on them, and would confess nothing

imputed to their charge; but they, too, had to give large sums to the

judges, who exacted that such of them as, notwithstanding their

mishandling, were still able to move, should banish themselves from that

part of the country." Monstrelet winds up this shocking narrative by

informing us "that it ought not to be concealed that the whole

accusation was a stratagem of wicked men for their own covetous

purposes, and in order, by these false accusations and forced

confessions, to destroy the life, fame, and fortune of wealthy persons."

Delrio himself confesses that Franciscus Balduinus gives an account of

the pretended punishment, but real persecution, of these Waldenses, in

similar terms with Monstrelet, whose suspicions are distinctly spoken

out, and adds that the Parliament of Paris, having heard the affair by

appeal, had declared the sentence illegal and the judges iniquitous, by

an arrét dated 20th May, 1491. The Jesuit Delrio quotes the passage, but

adheres with lingering reluctance to the truth of the accusation. "The

Waldenses (of whom the Albigenses are a species) were," he says, "never

free from the most wretched excess of fascination;" and finally, though

he allows the conduct of the judges to have been most odious, he cannot

prevail on himself to acquit the parties charged by such interested

accusers with horrors which should hardly have been found proved even

upon the most distinct evidence. He appeals on this occasion to

Florimond's work on Antichrist. The introduction of that work deserves

to be quoted, as strongly illustrative of the condition to which the

country was reduced, and calculated to make an impression the very

reverse probably of that which the writer would have desired:--

"All those who have afforded us some signs of the approach of Antichrist

agree that the increase of sorcery and witchcraft is to distinguish the

melancholy period of his advent; and was ever age so afflicted with them

as ours? The seats destined for criminals before our judicatories are

blackened with persons accused of this guilt. There are not judges

enough to try them. Our dungeons are gorged with them. No day passes

that we do not render our tribunals bloody by the dooms which we

pronounce, or in which we do not return to our homes discountenanced and

terrified at the horrible contents of the confessions which it has been

our duty to hear. And the devil is accounted so good a master that we

cannot commit so great a number of his slaves to the flames but what

there shall arise from their ashes a number sufficient to supply their

place."[48]

[Footnote 48: Florimond, "Concerning the Antichrist," cap. 7, n. 5,

quoted by Delrio, "De Magia," p. 820.]

This last statement, by which it appears that the most active and

unsparing inquisition was taking place, corresponds with the historical

notices of repeated persecutions upon this dreadful charge of sorcery. A

bull of Pope Innocent VIII. rang the tocsin against this formidable

crime, and set forth in the most dismal colours the guilt, while it

stimulated the inquisitors to the unsparing discharge of their duty in

searching out and punishing the guilty. "It is come to our ears," says

the bull, "that numbers of both sexes do not avoid to have intercourse

with the infernal fiends, and that by their sorceries they afflict both

man and beast; that they blight the marriage-bed, destroy the births of

women, and the increase of cattle; they blast the corn on the ground,

the grapes of the vineyard, the fruits of the trees, the grass and herbs

of the field." For which reasons the inquisitors were armed with the

apostolic power, and called upon to "convict, imprison, and punish," and

so forth.

Dreadful were the consequences of this bull all over the Continent,

especially in Italy, Germany, and France,[49] About 1485 Cumanus burnt

as witches forty-one poor women in one year in the county of Burlia. In

the ensuing years he continued the prosecution with such unremitting

zeal that many fled from the country.

[Footnote 49: Dr. Hutchinson quotes "H. Institor," 105, 161.]

Alciatus states that an inquisitor, about the same period, burnt an

hundred sorcerers in Piedmont, and persevered in his inquiries till

human patience was exhausted, and the people arose and drove him out of

the country, after which the jurisdiction was deferred to the

archbishop. That prelate consulted Alciatus himself, who had just then

obtained his doctor's degree in civil law, to which he was afterwards an

honour. A number of unfortunate wretches were brought for judgment,

fitter, according to the civilian's opinion, for a course of hellebore

than for the stake. Some were accused of having dishonoured the crucifix

and denied their salvation; others of having absconded to keep the

Devil's Sabbath, in spite of bolts and bars; others of having merely

joined in the choral dances around the witches' tree of rendezvous.

Several of their husbands and relatives swore that they were in bed and

asleep during these pretended excursions. Alciatus recommended gentle

and temperate measures; and the minds of the country became at length

composed.[50]

[Footnote 50: Alciat. "Parerg. Juris," lib. viii. chap. 22.]

In 1488, the country four leagues around Constance was laid waste by

lightning and tempest, and two women being, by fair means or foul, made

to confess themselves guilty as the cause of the devastation, suffered

death.

About 1515, 500 persons were executed at Geneva, under the character of

"Protestant witches," from which we may suppose many suffered for

heresy. Forty-eight witches were burnt at Ravensburgh within four years,

as Hutchison reports, on the authority of Mengho, the author of the

"Malleus Malleficarum." In Lorraine the learned inquisitor, Remigius,

boasts that he put to death 900 people in fifteen years. As many were

banished from that country, so that whole towns were on the point of

becoming desolate. In 1524, 1,000 persons were put to death in one year

at Como, in Italy, and about 100 every year after for several years.[51]

[Footnote 51: Bart. de Spina, de Strigilibus.]

In the beginning of the next century the persecution of witches broke

out in France with a fury which was hardly conceivable, and multitudes

were burnt amid that gay and lively people. Some notion of the extreme

prejudice of their judges may be drawn from the words of one of the

inquisitors themselves. Pierre de Lancre, royal councillor in the

Parliament of Bourdeaux, with whom the President Espaignel was joined in

a commission to enquire into certain acts of sorcery, reported to have

been committed in Labourt and its neighbourhood, at the foot of the

Pyrenees, about the month of May, 1619. A few extracts from the preface

will best evince the state of mind in which he proceeded to the

discharge of his commission.

His story assumes the form of a narrative of a direct war between Satan

on the one side and the Royal Commissioners on the other, "because,"

says Councillor de Lancre, with self-complaisance, "nothing is so

calculated to strike terror into the fiend and his dominions as a

commission with such plenary powers."

At first, Satan endeavoured to supply his vassals who were brought

before the judges with strength to support the examinations, so that if,

by intermission of the torture, the wretches should fall into a doze,

they declared, when they were recalled from it to the question, that the

profound stupor "had something of Paradise in it, being gilded," said

the judge, "with the immediate presence of the devil;" though, in all

probability, it rather derived its charms from the natural comparison

between the insensibility of exhaustion and the previous agony of acute

torture. The judges took care that the fiend seldom obtained any

advantage in the matter by refusing their victims, in most cases, any

interval of rest or sleep. Satan then proceeded, in the way of direct

defiance, to stop the mouth of the accused openly, and by mere force,

with something like a visible obstruction in their throat.

Notwithstanding this, to put the devil to shame, some of the accused

found means, in spite of him, to confess and be hanged, or rather burnt.

The fiend lost much credit by his failure on this occasion. Before the

formidable Commissioners arrived, he had held his _cour plénière_ before

the gates of Bourdeaux, and in the square of the palace of Galienne,

whereas he was now insulted publicly by his own vassals, and in the

midst of his festival of the Sabbath the children and relations of the

witches who had suffered not sticking to say to him, "Out upon you! Your

promise was that our mothers who were prisoners should not die; and look

how you have kept your word with us! They have been burnt, and are a

heap of ashes." To appease this mutiny Satan had two evasions. He

produced illusory fires, and encouraged the mutinous to walk through

them, assuring them that the judicial pile was as frigid and inoffensive

as those which he exhibited to them. Again, taking his refuge in lies,

of which he is well known to be the father, he stoutly affirmed that

their parents, who seemed to have suffered, were safe in a foreign

country, and that if their children would call on them they would

receive an answer. They made the invocation accordingly, and Satan

answered each of them in a tone which resembled the voice of the

lamented parent almost as successfully as Monsieur Alexandra could have

done.

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