He is come back disgusted with Germany; but the insults are all

denied. He was bored to death at Hanover, and his pretended gout

was a bore and a wish to get rid of his subjects. The Verulams are

come from Lord Maryborough's, and their language is also his. Again

I say that things look just the same towards you as they ever did,

and you have the game in your hands. If the Government are foolish

enough to try and tide through another session, I perfectly agree

with you that your line should be to form a junction with Canning,

who will no doubt then feel as indignant as you will do.

The King has seen Lord Wellesley, and I have no doubt is trying to

hatch up something through him, but it is quite impossible he can

belong to the present Cabinet, and I therefore judge he is looking

to a household employment; and there could be no objection to such

an arrangement. But this is not the point; the point of the

Government is the increase to their strength, and Lady Verulam told

me (not knowing that I had heard the same thing from the Duke of

W----) that Lord Liverpool, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord

Londonderry were united and decided on this, and would not meet the

Parliament without it. All this, you see, confirms our histories.

If, after all, they surrender, one can only say what shabby fellows

they are.

As to the Opposition coming in, I don't believe the King will

attempt it. Lord Lansdowne is gone out of town; Lord Londonderry is

still in favour. The King does not come here, but goes to Brighton.

I shall go to town for a day, and whatever I pick up you shall

hear; but I earnestly recommend you not to push the thing, or to

move one step, or to show your offence, but suffer the whole thing

to proceed from themselves, and see the result. You will then stand

on much better ground, and have the strongest complaint against the

conduct of the Duke of Wellington.

Believe me, ever yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Gorhambury, Nov. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just arrived here, and only write three lines to say that the

Verulams and all in the House speak of the change of the situations

of Ministers as a thing decided, though not yet distinctly known.

Canning certainly goes to the Admiralty, as is said, and Melville

and Sidmouth move--but how or when is differently stated. You are

to be offered Ireland, and I take it for granted, C. Wynn your

secretary. They are outrageous with Grant for keeping them in

ignorance with regard to the state of Ireland. He has been all

along saying he wanted no troops, and now he is calling for them at

all risks. Lord Sidmouth has positively refused to let a battalion

of Guards go, saying he cannot spare another man. For some reason,

which I suppose refers to Liverpool politics, Canning's appointment

is not instantly brought forward. My wife saw the Duchess of

Gloucester yesterday, who told her she had seen the King, who was

never in better spirits or health; that he told her he had had an

explanation with his Ministers, that all was now arranged, and he

was more happy and comfortable than he had been for some time. Lord

Cholmondeley has resigned, and Lord Conyngham is Lord Steward; Lord

Rocksavage to be called up to the House of Lords.

I have only written the _on dit_ which I collect here. Lady

Verulam saw her brother, Lord Liverpool, in town on Saturday last,

who, she says, was in excellent spirits, and appeared to be much

more at his ease and satisfied with the K---- than he had before

been, I have no doubt but that the arrangements are settled, and I

have none also that you will be sent to. I only hope you will not

be fastidious. My principle is to take situation, and my advice

would be, to accept Ireland if offered. Be assured it must lead to

all you can desire.

If you are not at the Admiralty, remember I would not wish to go

there; nothing but acting with you would induce me;--otherwise,

either the Treasury or India Board.

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

I have postponed from day to day, my dear B----, thanking you for

your letter, in the expectation of hearing from you again something

more decisive. From this not being the case, I conclude that you

have heard nothing more than common reports, and that the King and

his Ministers have left town, again postponing any arrangement till

January, just as at the opening of last session till Easter, at

Easter till the recess, at the recess till the return from Ireland,

and then till the return from Hanover. The feebleness and

vacillation they continue to show is at least a consolation to

those who have not been called upon to embark in the same boat with

them. But how can it be possible for that boat, as at present

manned, I will not say to weather any breeze, but to swim through

the smoothest water? You have seen last year the indisposition of

the House to support Vansittart even in the common business of his

office, and it cannot be expected that this will be diminished

after it is publicly known that they have failed in making any

arrangement to strengthen themselves, owing to the want of the

King's confidence and support. For myself, if they attempt to go on

thus, I decidedly wish their fall, as I do not apprehend any

calamity from a Whig administration equal to that of the House of

Commons taking into its own hands the executive administration of

the country. To this we are every day making rapid progress, and I

fear that if we go much further, our return to the practice of the

English Constitution will be impracticable, and convulsion

ultimately the inevitable consequence. Till Ministers shall again

guide, instead of following the House of Commons, I have no hope.

The last report I hear is that the dispute about Canning is to be

compromised by his being appointed to succeed Lord Hastings; and I

feel little doubt that this would completely satisfy him, though it

could only strengthen Ministers inasmuch as it delivers them from

the dread of his turning against them. I should regret anything

which takes him from the House of Commons, for though I have no

respect for his character, yet he is of great use to check Burdett,

Hobhouse, Lambton, &c. &c.

If Ministers admit of Lord Conyngham's appointment to be Lord

Steward, it seems as complete a victory to the King as if he were

at once made Chamberlain, and will produce a lasting disgust in all

the quiet and decent from one end of the country to the other, who

have hitherto been the chief supports of Administration. Lord

Cholmondeley's promise of the next blue ribbon is not worth much,

since he is just as likely to drop as any one of your noble

brotherhood.

If one is to believe the newspapers, Lord Londonderry is to go into

Norfolk on a shooting-party before Henry could reach town from

Askrig. At all events, I have little hope that he will not put him

off with the same sort of postponements as he has hitherto used. I

quite agree with you that they at present consider us as

hackney-coaches bound to remain on the stand whatever the weather

may be, till they shall make up their minds to call us; and I hope

that you will be disposed to reject any continuation of similar

communication to that which they have already made to you, unless

it is accompanied with a direct and intelligible proposal.

As things are, I feel no temptation to quit the comforts of my own

fireside. When we know the time and complexion of the meeting of

Parliament, it may be advisable to discuss further what will then

be to be done.

Adieu.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Several intimations have been given in Mr. Fremantle's letters, of a

negotiation on the part of the Ministers for an increase of strength;

the following letter brings this more tangibly before the reader, and

shows something like earnestness in the intention.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO MR. W. H. FREMANTLE.

Teddesley, Nov. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR FREMANTLE,

The period is now arrived at which Lord Liverpool thinks he can

make his arrangements for strengthening his Government, and

according to what I stated to Lord Buckingham by his desire last

summer, he is very desirous of communicating with him. I don't know

where Lord Buckingham is at present; and I think that you had

better come to town if not inconvenient to you, and see Lord

Liverpool, who wishes to speak to you.

I shall be in town myself on Tuesday evening.

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The long pending arrangement of the junction of Lord Buckingham and

his friends with Ministers, was now drawing to a close; a sense of its

necessity induced Lord Liverpool to renew the negociation, and Mr. W.

H. Fremantle was invited by the Premier to a discussion with him on the

subject. The result of the interview is given by him in the following

report, and the effect of the official arrangements proposed, will

appear in the correspondence which it precedes.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE'S REPORT OF CONVERSATION WITH LORD LIVERPOOL.

He begun by saying, that the situation of the Government at the

end of the last session was such that he did not know how far

its stability could be depended upon; that a variety of untoward

circumstances had arisen which made their situation precarious,

and under these impressions he did not feel himself authorized or

justified in proposing a connexion with the Government to any

person or party at that time. The case was now altered, for he had

to say that there was no doubt or question as to the continuance of

the Government, and as to the complete confidence and support of

the King, and therefore he wished to make known to me, for the

information of Lord Buckingham and his friends, what steps the

Government were enabled to take with a view of forming a connexion

with them.

The great and material point to which the Government looked was

strength in the House of Commons, and therefore whatever changes

would take place in the Cabinet were to be grounded on this

consideration alone. The vacancies that would take place in the

Cabinet arose from the retirement of Lord Sidmouth, and by the

opening of the Presidentship of the Board of Control. It was

intended, in the event of Lord Hastings' return from India, that

Mr. Canning should succeed him, but not belong to the Cabinet

previous thereto. That Mr. Peel should hold a very prominent

situation (which I took for granted meant Lord Sidmouth's office),

and that the Board of Control or the Secretaryship of War, with a

seat in the Cabinet, could be offered to Mr. Charles Wynn; that

knowing Lord Buckingham's and Lord Grenville's anxious wishes for

Mr. Henry Wynn, the appointment to Switzerland was now open to him,

and a seat at one of the principal Boards for any friend whom Lord

Buckingham might recommend. That it was right to advert to the

situation of Ireland, and I must be aware of the confidential

communication he had had with Mr. Plunket when he was last in

England; that since that time the King had satisfied himself that

measures might be pursued which would keep the Catholic question in

a state in which neither of the contending parties would

preponderate, and that in this spirit of conciliation he had

communicated lately with Mr. Plunket, and had reason to think he

was satisfied with the views of Government on this subject, and

would be disposed to accede to an arrangement which was now in

progress for making him Attorney-General of Ireland, retaining his

seat in Parliament, and taking an active part in the House of

Commons. That in his communications with the King, knowing what had

been the object of the late Marquis of Buckingham and of the

present, and also the conditional engagement which had been made by

the late King of a Dukedom in case any Duke were created, the King

had authorized him to tell Lord Buckingham, that although he had

not meant to grant that dignity, and did not now mean to create

any other person, he was willing to grant the dignity to Lord

Buckingham on the present occasion. These were the principal

points and engagements held out by Lord Liverpool. In the course

of stating them he added a variety of observations, which chiefly

rested on the difficulties of an arrangement, but always adverting

to his wish to meet the objects of Lord Grenville and Lord

Buckingham by bringing forward Mr. Charles Wynn.

Without entering into the state of the country, or of the

Government, or the difficulties of the House of Commons, I said I

feared such an arrangement would not be satisfactory to Lord

Buckingham; that I knew his object was office; that whatever might

be his feelings with regard to a Dukedom, I was quite satisfied he

would not connect himself with a Government unless he formed a

part of it; that his habits were those of active employment, and

by accepting a Dukedom he was placed on the shelf; and therefore,

though I should feel it my duty to convey the offer, I thought it

right to tell Lord Liverpool what I considered would be the

result--namely, that it would not lead to a connexion with the

Grenville party. That I thought Lord Buckingham's talents were

such as would essentially serve a Government in times like the

present, even if his rank, and station, and influence, were out of

the question; but without entering into a discussion on these

points, I was only expressing my own opinion, but it would be for

Lord Liverpool to receive from Lord Buckingham his answer. To

these observations, which were short, Lord Liverpool only dwelt on

his high opinion of Lord Buckingham, and in the course of further

discussion I said that the Admiralty or Ireland were situations

suitable to the dignity and to the pretensions of Lord Buckingham.

He observed that Lord Talbot had nearly served his time in

Ireland; he had been there near four years, but at the present

moment there were insurmountable objections to removing him; by

which observation it strikes me that he meant to imply that Lord

Buckingham could succeed him, but this was never said. After a few

more observations immaterial, he asked me when I should

communicate with Lord Buckingham; I said I should go to Avington

to-morrow, and as he said he was going next week to Bath, he

should be happy to receive a communication from Lord Buckingham

any day the end of this week, and that if Lord Buckingham would

honour him by an interview, much more could be done, and more

explained, than by letter, and he should be happy to see him.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 2, 1821.

The two facts which your two letters have successively communicated

have in the first instance highly delighted, and in the second

proportionably dispirited me. Wellesley's appointment I verily

believe to be the best that could be made. But what can I say of

that of his secretary?--a man who may, for what I know, have

virtues and talents of which it never fell in my way to hear a

word, but who is known to the public here, and in Ireland, by

nothing but the having made in the Catholic debates in the very

last year, the most absurd speech and motion that could have come

from the lips of Duigenan himself.

If one could laugh on such a subject, and when such interests are

at stake, what can exceed the ridicule of thus systematically

coupling together a friend and an enemy to toleration, like fat

and lean rabbits, or the man and his wife in a Dutch toy, or like

fifty other absurdities made to be laughed at, but certainly never

before introduced into politics as fixed and fundamental systems

for the conduct of the most difficult and dangerous crisis of a

country.

What is to result from this disheartening folly? Is Wellesley a

man likely to submit, like some of his predecessors, to be made a

cypher in his Government? Is Plunket disposed to see the whole

detail of daily business, and the whole character and temper of

the Secretary's office fall back into the old channels; and that

after the nomination of Grant, and his conduct since he went to

Ireland, had both been among the principal inducements to him to

look at a situation so far beneath his just pretensions? And what,

I might ask, would be Wellesley's own situation between the

Secretary at home from whom he receives orders, and the Secretary

at Dublin to whom he is to give orders, if I did not believe that

with all his failings he possesses a high and independent spirit,

which will lead him to assert himself decisively in the very first

moment of the counteraction, which is thus studiously and

systematically provided to embarrass him in all his operations.

But above all, what a picture does it present of the councils to

which you are invited to unite yourself!

I really had, after receiving your first letter, begun to accustom

myself to look at the bright side of the question alone, and to

indulge soothing visions of honour and happiness to you both in

the new course which is opened to you. And I will endeavour, and

for my own peace of mind I _must_ endeavour, still so to do.

But the decision must rest, where it ought to rest, with yourself

and with Charles; and I can have no other sentiment or feeling on

the subject, but that which leads me to offer up the most earnest

wishes and prayers that it may be such as shall be most honourable

and happy to yourselves, and through you to the country.

I have shown this to my brother, who desires me only to add on his

part, that Wellesley's nomination had made the same impression on

him, as offering a new and most important change in the _face_ of

the Government, and _that_ (as Lord Londonderry would say) in one

of its largest _features_; and that this feeling is with him, as

with me, more than _neutralized_ by a measure to which, forming, as

it will do, a part of the new proposed arrangements, you and yours

are directly made parties.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO MR. W. H. FREMANTLE.

London, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR FREMANTLE,

Since I saw you this morning I have learned that Lord Sidmouth is

to remain in the Cabinet by the King's particular desire. I have

not seen Lord Liverpool, but I conclude that he omitted to mention

this from forgetfulness. Indeed, I had myself forgotten that the

King had in the discussions of last summer, desired it.

I beg you, however, to recollect that ours is not, nor never has

been, a _controversial_ Cabinet upon any subject; and that a man

more or less of any particular opinion will not have the slightest

influence on the decision of any question.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I received your kind note just as I was going to dinner. I will not

detain your servant longer than to return you my sincere thanks. I

will write more fully in the course of the evening, and will take

care that you shall receive my letter early to-morrow. In the

meantime I beg leave to inform you that I wrote to Lord Grenville

as soon as I was authorized to write to any person, and I wrote to

your Lordship at the same period of time. In my letter to Lord

Grenville I requested an interview previous to my departure, for

the purpose of receiving his inestimable advice; at that moment I

had no idea of any other object. I could have attended Lord

Grenville to-morrow, but I have received the King's commands to

wait on him at Brighton, and I must depart early. On my return I

shall be happy to pay my duty at Dropmore or in London, according

to Lord Grenville's convenience.

I was very insufficiently informed of the circumstances mentioned

by you, and was not aware even of their general tenor until

yesterday.

I need not state what my ardent wishes are. The Duke of Wellington

did not know of the commands which I had received from Brighton

when he spoke of the possibility of my visiting Dropmore to-morrow.

Ever, my dear Lord, yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

In my short note this evening I stated to your Lordship generally

the restraints which precluded my earlier communication with you

and Lord Grenville; my desire, expressed to him, of receiving the

great benefit of his advice previously to my departure for Ireland;

and my earnest and anxious hope that Lord Grenville, your Lordship,

and your friends, might concur in acting with the Government which

had called me to the administration of the affairs of Ireland.

I was informed a few days ago (but in no distinct statement) that

it was probable that your Lordship and Lord Grenville might give

your countenance to the Government, and that some of your friends

might accept office; but it was not until yesterday that I

understood the arrangements for that desirable object to be in any

advanced state, and from what I then collected, I had hoped that

all difficulties had been removed.

My desire to see Lord Grenville rested entirely on my sense of the

advantage of receiving his opinions, which I was satisfied he would

impart to me with all the freedom and confidence of

long-established friendship, and of mutual esteem and affection;

but I should not have presumed, without his express injunction, to

suggest any opinion respecting the conduct of his friends or his

own in the present crisis. With regard to the settlement of the

Roman Catholic grievances, my general opinions are unalterable; but

the course to be pursued by the Executive Government in Ireland in

the existing state of the law, and in the present condition of that

country, must be regulated by practical considerations, in which

persons may cordially concur whose sentiments may greatly differ on

the great and final question. My view of the present state of

affairs in Ireland would lead me to think that an impartial,

equitable, and mild administration of the law (of which the

alteration cannot be effected or attempted by a Lord Lieutenant),

is the only safe course which can now be pursued, and the only

channel through which we can ever reach a happy and permanent

settlement.

With this view I entertain no apprehension of interruption in my

government from the influence mentioned by your Lordship, as the

subject of alarm in some most respectable minds. I really do not

believe that any person now in high office, or likely to be in high

office in either country, would attempt to contravene the liberal

and benevolent spirit of the King's gracious and conciliatory

admonitions to Ireland; and I trust that, by general consent, the

system of government is abolished by which the laws respecting the

Catholics were administered in a spirit much more severe than their

letter. This is a step towards more substantial improvement, and

every step in this salutary career must advance us still more near

the complete attainment of general union and harmony. This is my

plan, from which I cannot deviate, and in the execution of which I

apprehend no interruption.

I understand from the Government here, and I most ardently hope,

that our highly respectable and admirable friend Mr. Plunket is

likely to hold a high official station in Ireland, where I shall

place the most firm confidence in him, and receive the constant

benefit of his council and assistance. This will be a great comfort

and strength to me in a situation of great and arduous exertion;

where, however, the course to be observed cannot be doubtful,

whatever doubt the uncertainty of all human affairs must cast over

the prospect of success.

If your Lordship had desired my opinion, I should certainly have

declared, that as your junction with the Government cannot fail to

be of great advantage to the country, so it could not be injurious

to the Catholic cause, which can prosper only by the regular and

steady progress of a prudent and temperate system. On this point,

however, I repeat that I would not venture to obtrude my weak

judgment. I am obliged to attend the King to-morrow, otherwise I

should have endeavoured to see your Lordship and Lord Grenville; on

my return I hope for that advantage.

Believe me always, my dear Lord,

With true esteem and regard,

Yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

My brother Arthur has mentioned Lieut.-Col. Fremantle to me with

great regard. I shall be very happy, if it should be in my power,

to promote his wishes; but, in the very extended state of my old

engagements, I cannot make any decision before my arrival in

Ireland.

MR. W. C. PLUNKET TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dublin, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY LORD,

The mails have arrived here after a continuance of eight or nine

days of storm, and I have just received your Lordship's letter of

the 30th. I hasten to acknowledge it, and to express the strong

sense I entertain of your Lordship's kindness and confidence. When

I was in town last March, I took the liberty of asking Lord

Grenville's advice, with reference to an overture which had been

made to me on the part of his Majesty's Ministers, and on which I

had declined to act, until I should have the opportunity of

learning his sentiments; finding that he had formed a decided

(and I must say most unfortunate) resolution not to become a

member of administration, but knowing, at the same time, how

entirely his views and opinions on the state of public affairs

coincided with those of the Government, I felt disposed to accede

to the proposal which had been made, of resuming my former office

of Attorney-General in Ireland. Your Lordship was not then in

town, or I should certainly have availed myself of your confidence

and friendly interest in my affairs, and have asked the benefit of

your advice. Lord Grenville agreed with me that there was _no

possible objection to the proposed arrangement_; at the same

time he suggested the propriety of holding myself free as to the

time and mode of dealing with the Roman Catholic question.

The business has hung over from that time to the present, and

though the measure was understood, nothing effectual has been done

towards its accomplishment till within this few days. On the

subject of the Roman Catholics, or as to the policy to be pursued

respecting the bringing forward this question, I never have given,

or indeed formed, any definite opinion, and with respect to it I

hold myself just in the same situation as if I were to remain

utterly unconnected with Administration. It appears to me that

great advantages may be derived to that cause from the introduction

of its known and steady friends to some share in his Majesty's

counsels, and I own I should grieve if any circumstance was to

withhold your Lordship's services, and those of some of your near

friends, at this critical period.

That the Roman Catholic question cannot, for any great length of

time, be kept back, appears to me evident; but it seems equally

clear that there is great occasion for caution, and much room for

accommodation, as to the time of bringing it forward; nothing

could be more injurious than the risking the loss of the vantage

ground which we have taken possession of during the last session;

and one cannot but apprehend that such might be the consequence of

bringing the measure forward, without some better prospect of good

sense and good temper on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy,

than they displayed on the late occasion. Of some improvement in

that quarter I am led to entertain hopes, as well as on the part

of those of the laity who were least manageable. All these are

arguments for delay; at the same time, this should be entirely

kept open for discretion, and above all, should not be liable to

be considered as the result of contract or stipulation, especially

with any portion of the Government, which would unavoidably tend

to throw the Roman Catholic body into dangerous hands. Under these

circumstances, and reserving this perfect freedom, I am quite

disposed to attend in Parliament, and render whatever services I

can to the general measures of Administration.

I write to your Lordship, as you desire it, fully, my opinions on

a subject, when I should be much more disposed to ask yours, were

I on the spot or the time admitted it. Will you have the goodness

to communicate what I write to Mr. Wynn, and to him only. I trust

I shall soon learn that the public cause has been strengthened by

your Lordship's accession, and by his.

We are in a state of extreme agitation and disturbance here; the

accounts are much exaggerated, however, _as I believe_, for I have

not had the honour of the slightest communication from any person

connected with the Irish Government. The state of this country,

whilst it furnishes the fullest proof of the necessity of disposing

of the question to which I have adverted, does not, perhaps, afford

strong encouragement for bringing it forward just at present; but

on this and all other matters connected with it, I shall look with

great anxiety to learn the opinion of Lord Grenville.

I beg your Lordship to believe how sensible I am of the honour you

do me by consulting me on the present occasion, and that I am with

great truth and regard always my Lord,

Your Lordship's much obliged

And very faithful humble servant,

W. C. PLUNKET.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 4, 1821.

We have had a full talk with Charles, and have laid before him the

good and the bad, as far as I can judge of it. His decision and

yours (not ours) must ultimately regulate your conduct.

I have strongly recommended to him to see Lord Liverpool and Lord

Londonderry, and also Lord Wellesley, who has written to me in

very kind terms to announce his appointment, and to whom I write

to offer to go to Richmond to see him, if it is inconvenient to

him to come here. I hope you and Charles will endeavour to learn

from him the plain English of this metaphor about balances, and

what it is that he understands himself to be sent to Ireland to

do.

It is a bad feature of this business, that every day presents some

new difficulty not previously announced to you.

The _Courier_ now informs us,--1, That Lord Sidmouth is to continue

of the Cabinet; and 2, That Canning is _not_ to go to India; or, in

other words, that Charles is to go alone into the Cabinet at the

very moment that is studiously chosen for making it _more_ orange

in its complexion _than it was before_; and secondly, that what is

called _strengthening_ Government in the House of Commons consists

in driving Canning into opposition, who was before the best speaker

on the Government side, and having Peel in Government, who was

before a speaker also on their side.

I wish I could say _I_ approved all these things, because I see

_you_ wish it; but I must speak the truth or hold my tongue, and my

affection to you both makes me very reluctant to do the latter,

though for your sake I have certainly expressed myself much less

strongly to Charles on some of these points than I should otherwise

have done.

As for saying of each of these things separately, that there are

personal objections to A---- and B---- and C----, and that they

are each and all of them individuals of too little consequence for

you to hang your decisions upon, of what does a discussion of this

nature consist, except first, of measures, the explanation of the

most important of which is now wrapped up in metaphorical

ambiguity; and secondly, of the men who are to execute them; and

if these really are severally as insignificant as you deem them,

what better argument can be found against putting them or keeping

them in the first ranks of a new arrangement, the professed object

of which is to supply strength which was confessed to be wanting?

But I have done, and have only as before most earnestly to wish

that you may do what is best, whether I am able ultimately to

think it so or not.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 5, 1821.

I return you Wellesley's letter, with which I am much pleased. I

wish I could say the same of the other parts of the business; but I

am old-fashioned enough to be thoroughly scandalized at the want of

the common forms of civility and respect so singularly shown in

Lord L----'s sending up for Charles from Wales to receive a

proposal of coming into the Cabinet, and in the interim taking

himself off to Bath, and leaving behind him not even a letter, but

a _message_ that he is not to be back till near the meeting of

Parliament.

Of the substance of the matters now depending, I have nothing more

to add; but do not take it ill if an old man tells you plainly

that if you do not on such an occasion so express and conduct

yourself as to ensure the attention and respect which is due to

you, it will be in vain to attempt to claim it afterwards, and

that if you abandon it, you give up with it the hope of being

really useful.

I have known many such discussions, some ending well, others ill.

But I never yet witnessed one in which such arrangements were (as

in this case) presented _crudely_, to be accepted or refused,

without any previous discussion as to the mode of shaping them, or

any facility offered, or even intimated, for softening down such

difficulties as such proposals are always more or less attended

with.

I must say there appears to be, with respect to both of you, a

total misunderstanding of your real rank and station in the

country, and in its public estimation.

Do not think that I wish your acceptance or refusal to be

influenced by feelings of temper or personal offence. Far from it.

The question involves much higher considerations, both public and

private; but what I do most earnestly wish is that you should

maintain your own dignity against aggressions which are never

neglected without leading to future inconvenience, but least of

all in such cases as these.

The negotiation, like various others that had preceded it, had

obstacles to surmount. One of the most active members of the party

invited to strengthen the Government insisted upon an understanding on

certain great political questions, on which a perfect Ministerial

understanding had more than once before been extremely difficult to

establish. The letters sent and received will speak for themselves.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 13, 1821.

MY DEAR B----,

The post has brought me no letter from Lord Liverpool. Perhaps the

reservation in writing of my right to originate any measure which

may appear to me desirable for the amelioration of the state of

Ireland, either in Parliament or in Council, and of declaring that

as the hope of contributing to that object is my principal

inducement to accept office, so I should not hesitate at any time

to relinquish it, if that would more effectually assist the

object; and also of stating that Goulburn's appointment could not

have had my concurrence--which are the three points insisted on in

my letter--may, though agreed to by Lord Londonderry most readily,

be of more difficult digestion to the Earl, particularly if, as

begins to be reported, there is at the same time some hitch on the

part of Peel, and that the Earl may find himself somewhat

embarrassed between conflicting reservations. Still, I do not

myself think that it is possible for him now to go back, as he is

too deeply committed. Henry in to be in town to-night, which I am

glad of, for, as Lord Londonderry goes a-shooting into Norfolk on

Saturday, to-morrow will be his only opportunity of seeing him. I

wish much, if Liverpool's answer is affirmative, to press forward

the appointment as much as I can, in order that I may have the

more time to work quietly at learning the business of the Board

before I am called up to town to attend the Councils before the

meeting of Parliament.

Upon sending to the Foreign Office, I find that Lord Londonderry

is not expected there till to-morrow. Whatever Liverpool's answer

is, it will be desirable that I should see Londonderry; and if it

is in the affirmative, I should also wish to see Courtenay to

learn the state of the office.

One o'clock, P.M.

Liverpool's answer has just arrived by a messenger, accepting all

my scruples and reservations most amply. I enclose to you copies

of both letters. I must see Henry to-night, and Lord Londonderry

to-morrow, but will come down to you afterwards--if I can, in the

evening; but I think that hardly can be done, and therefore I will

say next morning, by the earliest coach, if you will send some

conveyance to meet me. I think that there can be no reason for

your delaying to send your letter to the King. I am inclined to

think that both for the general interests of the Government and my

own convenience, it would be far better that it should be at once

distinctly understood that Plunket's appointment should take place

before the meeting of Parliament, which you will find is eight

weeks hence, so that his writ may be moved the first day, and his

assistance secured at the earliest possible moment in Parliament;

and that the other arrangements should not wait for his.

Liverpool's letter is, I think, a weak one, particularly on the

subject of the appointment of Goulburn. I will write a few lines

of acknowledgment to him, informing him that I have transmitted

his letter to you, and expressing satisfaction in his explanation.

If you like to write a letter of acceptance before I come down, I

think there can be no objection; but probably you will think that

we had better talk over the other arrangements before you write to

him upon them. I wish I could come down to-morrow; but I really

feel anxiety to see both Londonderry and Courtenay before I leave

town, as I think it probable they may both be absent next week.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I have written a line to inform Wellesley of our acceptance, in

the event of no difficulty arising on your part, and desiring to

be allowed to see him, in order to communicate to him my letter to

Liverpool.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.

Dropmore, Dec. 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Although I understood from Lord Londonderry that he had fully

detailed to your Lordship the conversations which have passed

between us, and stated the difficulties which pressed upon my mind

respecting the flattering proposal conveyed to me through Lord

Buckingham, I feel it due to your Lordship, both as the head of

his Majesty's Government and also one of those members of it from

whom I differ on the Catholic question, that before any final

determination be taken I should explain without reserve the

feelings and opinions by which my conduct must be actuated in the

event of my acceding to the proposed arrangement.

Regretting, as I do, the difference of sentiment to which I have

already adverted, I must premise distinctly, and in terms which

cannot be misunderstood, that it would be impossible for me to

form a part of any Government without reserving to myself, in the

most ample manner, the full liberty not only of supporting and

advocating, but of originating, either in Parliament or in

Council, any proposition which may appear to me desirable to

promote the amelioration of the general state of Ireland; and it

is scarcely necessary for me to add, that in my judgment

concession to the Catholics is a primary step towards the

accomplishment of this inestimable object. It would be moreover

essential that I should not only posses, but also, at my own

discretion, avow the perfect liberty of speaking and acting, which

I retain on this subject; and it is probable that I might feel

myself called upon to declare publicly that as the hope of

contributing to the success of this measure had been my principal

inducement to accept of office, so I should not hesitate one

moment to relinquish it from the time of my being convinced that

this purpose might be more effectually assisted by my resignation.

The circumstance which mainly encouraged me to act upon this hope

is the intended appointment of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket.

This appears to hold out to Ireland in general the fairest

prospect of a firm, impartial, and conciliatory Administration,

while their known sentiments with regard to the Catholics in

particular will, I trust, excite in that great body of his

Majesty's subjects, a confidence from which the most beneficial

results may be expected. These nominations are, however,

accompanied by that of another gentleman as Chief Secretary, whose

opinions are known to be directly at variance with those of Lord

Wellesley and Mr. Plunket on this most momentous subject. To Mr.

Goulburn's merits and general character every man must do justice

who has observed his conduct in the department which he has

hitherto filled, but I am so deeply impressed with the

inconvenience and irritation which may arise from the apprehension

in the public mind of counteraction and opposition between the

Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary at a period of so much

disturbance as the present, that if this should be made the

subject of Parliamentary discussion, I may, besides referring to

my not having participated in his Majesty's councils when the

appointment took place, find it necessary to declare that it is

one in which I could not have concurred. Lord Londonderry has

already, I have no doubt, fully stated to your Lordship the

various discussions which have taken place on public measures in

my conversations with him; but the points I have adverted to in

this letter are of such paramount importance that I am sure you

will agree with me in thinking them fit to be the subject of a

direct and specific communication to your Lordship. Upon these

points, therefore, as upon that of the confident expectation which

I collected from Lord Londonderry of Lord Wellesley's and Mr.

Plunket's appointments being both completed before the meeting of

Parliament, I shall hope to hear from your Lordship as soon as is

consistent with your convenience.

I have the honour to be my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's most faithful and obedient servant,

C. W. WILLIAMS WYNN.

THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL TO MR. CHARLES W. WYNN.

Bath, Dec. 12, 1821.

MY DEAR SIR,

I was prepared by Lord Londonderry for the letter which I have

received from you this morning, and he has, of course, communicated

to me the substance of the conversations which he has had with the

Marquis of Buckingham and yourself since my departure from London.

Agreeing, as I have every reason to hope we now do, in all the

other leading principles of Government, foreign and domestic, the

difference of opinion which unfortunately exists between us on what

is called the Roman Catholic question must be a matter of sincere

regret to me.

You will do me the justice, however, to believe that this

difference can only be founded on an opinion that the beneficial

consequences supposed by yourself and others to be likely to follow

the proposed alteration of our laws on this subject, would not in

fact result from it. But I think it material further to add, that

whether I may or may not be mistaken, I am fully persuaded that in

the state in which that question now is, and under all the

circumstances of the country, fewer public evils are likely to

arise from the adoption or rejection of the Catholic claims under a

Government of a mixed character, than might occur under one which

for brevity I designate as exclusively Protestant or exclusively

Catholic.

With a knowledge of the sentiments entertained by you and by those

immediately connected with you on this question, I could never have

ventured to have asked the King's permission to be the bearer of

the proposition which has been made to you, unless I had been

prepared to have it distinctly understood that you would be at full

liberty to support, to advocate, and even to originate, if you

should deem it necessary, any measure of which the removal of the

disabilities of the Roman Catholics might form a part, or the

whole; and you can certainly not be precluded from adopting

hereafter any line of conduct which, in the discharge of your

public duty, a consideration of what is due to this question,

combined of course with what is due to other great national

interests, may appear to you to require.

I trust that the explanation will prove satisfactory to you, and I

have only to say, with respect to the appointment of Mr. Goulburn,

that upon the principle upon which the Government is acting I can

never consider the opinion of any individual, whether in support or

in opposition to the Roman Catholic claims, to be in itself a bar

to his appointment to office in Ireland, provided he is in all

other respects duly qualified, it being understood that the

existing laws, whatever they may be, are to be equally administered

with respect to all classes of his Majesty's subjects, and that the

Roman Catholics are in any case to enjoy their fair share of the

privileges and advantages to which they are by law entitled.

With respect to the appointments of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket,

the appointment of the former has already taken place, and he will

leave London for Ireland as soon as his private arrangements can be

made.

Lord Wellesley will have instructions to take measures for carrying

into immediate effect the intentions respecting Mr. Plunket. In the

mode of accomplishing this most necessary and important object,

some consideration ought and must be had for the feelings of the

gentleman now in office; but in order to obviate any eventual

embarrassment on this head, I can have no objection to the other

arrangements being suspended until Mr. Plunket's appointment is

effectually secured.

I cannot conclude without assuring you of the cordiality of my

feelings towards you, and without expressing the sincere pleasure

and satisfaction which I shall have in an official connexion with

yourself and your friends.

Believe me to be, with sincere regard,

My dear Sir,

Your very faithful humble servant,

LIVERPOOL.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 13, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I had the pleasure of seeing your Lordship I have been

assured, upon information on which I think I can rely, that I may

perfectly well hold one of the Commissionerships of the Board of

Control and continue the exercise of my profession; if this be so,

and you see no objection, it really seems to me that if they refuse

to turn out the King's Advocate, it would be most desirable that

you should press my going with Wynn to the Board of Control, upon

an understanding that, on the death of Lord Stowell, I should

succeed him as Judge of the Admiralty. I will enclose a memorandum

containing the statement. It is very natural that Wynn should take

some person with him in the capacity of a Commissioner, and we know

that Sturges Bourne has made a vacancy there; it must, however, be

understood that I am not to be a Privy Councillor, as that would

prevent me from arguing causes before the Privy Council.

Wynn has as yet received no answer from his letter to Lord

Liverpool, which is rather singular. The idea is very general that

Canning will not go to India.

Believe me,

Yours gratefully and sincerely,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

Since writing the above I have been summoned to a _Cabinet at

next door_ on the arrival of Lord Liverpool's despatch, which,

of course, you will receive by this post.

_Memorandum for the Marquis of Buckingham._

King's Advocate, if an arrangement can be made for the removal of

the present King's Advocate, which, from his unfitness for his

situation, would be a desirable arrangement for Government;

Or,

The promise of being Judge of the Admiralty, whenever Lord Stowell

shall make a vacancy, and in the meantime to go with Wynn as one of

the Commissioners (with a salary) to the Board of Control, if the

duties of that office should not conflict (as I am assured they

would not) with the exercise of my profession.

THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Bath, Dec. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I have this morning received the favour of your letter, and I

derive sincere pleasure from the satisfactory conclusion of the

communications that have passed between us. I can assure you that I

look forward to the connexion which has now been formed, as one

that is likely to be highly advantageous to the public service, as

well as truly gratifying to my personal feelings.

There can be no objection to your putting yourself in communication

with the Secretary of State for the Home Department respecting your

title, and the time is now come when you may properly write to the

King to acknowledge his Majesty's gracious intentions.

I feel with you all the importance of the whole arrangement taking

place as nearly as possible at the same time, and if I wish for a

short delay, it is because I am convinced that Lord Wellesley and

Mr. Goulburn will find great facilities in carrying the point

respecting Mr. Plunket, from being able to say that the general

arrangement is suspended till it can be brought to a conclusion.

Mr. Goulburn is now with me, and proceeds to Ireland to-morrow;

Lord Wellesley will leave London, I understand, on Wednesday, and I

am to see him here on his way. I will certainly recommend to the

King to make Mr. Fremantle a Privy Councillor; I shall be most

happy if it is in my power to open a seat at the Board of Treasury

for him. I feel he would be of great personal use to me at that

Board; but I cannot be confident as to my success in this respect

until after my return to town.

Believe me to be, with great truth,

My dear Lord,

Very faithfully yours,

LIVERPOOL.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Strathfieldsaye, Dec. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

I have received a letter from Lord Londonderry which gives me

reason to hope that your discussions with the Government have been

brought to a conclusion to your satisfaction. I cannot express to

you the gratification which this circumstance affords me; and most

particularly [when] I think that I have been, in some degree,

instrumental in bringing about an arrangement which is, I trust, as

agreeable to you as I am sure it is beneficial to the country. I

could not avoid writing these few lines to congratulate you; and I

beg you to believe me,

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 20, 1821.

I think you are certainly right in what you propose to do as to

your own title. I am not herald enough to see any difficulty in

your son's being _commonly called_ Earl Temple, as at present;

and I should vehemently suspect that any difficulties arising on

that head at the College, have nothing else in view than the

payment of a third set of fees.

If, however, you give way to them, I should incline to recommend

your taking the Marquisate of _Temple_. I wish I were not in

the way as to that of Grenville; and should you and he prefer that,

most undoubtedly I could have no claim to object to it; but I could

not recommend it, because he as well as I should then experience,

to a much greater degree, the inconvenience which already results

from the confusion of Granville and Grenville.

I return Lord Liverpool's letter, which is very handsomely

expressed.

I know nothing of French politics, and care as little as possible.

I am sick of reading two or three columns about them every day in

our English papers. I cannot much praise the wisdom of letting the

Ministerial papers here open a battery against the existing

Ministry (be it what it may) in France.

You must be aware of the case of the Earl of Euston, and others

similar to it. After all, I see no reason against his being called

Marquis of _Chandos_, if you find it necessary to take another

Marquisate, though I know no instance of the son's being called by

the _same title_ as that which his father has in a higher rank; but

it does not occur to me why it should not be so.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 19, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am much obliged to you for your communication about the Treasury.

I should certainly prefer acting under Lord Liverpool, for whom I

entertain the highest personal respect and the warmest feeling, to

a seat in the Board of Control; and I feel, moreover, that I could

be of more use in the one than in the other. I am also much

gratified by the intention of recommending me for the Privy

Council, but I would by no means wish for such a distinction unless

I held one of the offices to which I have alluded, and which were

distinctly named to me by Lord Liverpool as open to your

nomination.

I won't worry you on my concerns more, knowing how much discussion

this whole subject has created.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I never for one moment doubted your kindness and friendship towards

me, which I have always felt, and on this occasion I was sure you

would keep Lord Liverpool to his engagement; but in looking at his

letter you will see that it is very vague, though probably he did

not mean it to be so, and I wished you to be aware of this in time.

I am quite sensible to your particular attention to my extra object

of Privy Council, which I was so anxious for you to press because

it was not stipulated. I am quite sure it will all end right, and

whether it is Treasury or Control I care little, but on the grounds

which I think would be most advantageous to you.

From what I hear, the blow is felt by Opposition. They are very

sore at the connexion you have formed, and endeavour to hold out

that the Government is not strengthened by it. There can be no

doubt of its increased strength, provided the whole of Canning's

party, with him at the head, do not form a junction with Lord

Lansdowne; and this seems impossible, for some time to come at

least. Indeed, those most connected with him still hold out that he

is to go to India, though not immediately. I was not aware till a

day or two ago that he was to have a Peerage previous to his

return, but not on his assuming the Government.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GLASTONBURY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Conduit Street, Dec 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Nothing can be more honourable than the arrangements lately

proposed to you by Lord Liverpool, or more dignified and consistent

than your acceptance of them on your own part and on that of your

friends', whether considered in a public or private point of view.

I am most thankful to you for the communication of them, and I feel

most sensibly the very flattering and affectionate terms in which

you convey it. I share, believe me, most warmly in the pride and

exultation which yourself and every part of your family must feel

on your advancement to the highest rank in the Peerage. This was

the object of your good father through the whole course of his life

(who _justly_ considered it as the most _substantial_ proof of

Royal favour which could be given), as it has been of yours; and

you have now the gratification of obtaining it thus speedily, and

(as it must be universally allowed) without any dereliction of

principle or submission whatsoever. On the contrary, you have

asserted your right to maintain all your old opinions, and to

adhere to them in spite of all possible contingencies: nothing more

could be required by you, and your satisfaction must be complete. I

must likewise observe on your Dukedom (and I feel a pride in making

the observation), that you are to be called to it without a

companion, which adds considerably to the distinction. This great

boon, therefore, is conferred on you with every circumstance which

must make the acquisition complete, and, in any point of view, it

is of higher value as it brings no responsible situation in the

Cabinet or elsewhere with it. This would have appeared to me a sad

drawback in times like the present, which I may say, without

meaning to convey any censure on the Government, are truly

alarming. But your mind may [be], and probably is, of a more ardent

cast; and difficulties and dangers may be to you additional

recommendations. However, my grey hairs do not dispose me to thrust

my hand, like the old Roman, into a flaming fire; but better days

may follow, and the sun may again shine upon us, when such

situations may be more desirable, and will be attainable.

The Catholic question is the only point on which you differ with

any part of the King's Ministers, and on this point there has been

always a difference among themselves. I sincerely wish that the new

arrangements may bring this question to a happy conclusion, which

seems now more indispensably necessary than ever to the public

safety. But this is the only part of the change which I do not

quite approve. The appointment of Lord Wellesley is excellent,

provided he still retains sufficient bodily strength, and the

energies of his mind are such as they were several years ago in

India; but I think that I see a sort of _compromise in the

appointment_ of the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary, who are

thought to come from different schools and to hold different

doctrines. This compromise has been already fatal, and we are now

tasting its fruits. The times will no longer bear such a line of

conduct. I therefore sincerely hope that the public suspicions on

this subject are unfounded.

My brother desires to join me in every sentiment which I have

expressed personal to yourself. We both desire to be personally

remembered to Lady B----, and I remain, my dear Lord, with the

sincerest esteem,

Ever affectionately yours,

GLASTONBURY.

MR. HENRY W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, March 28, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I saw Lord Castlereagh this morning, and am happy to say that his

reception of me was as favourable as I could have wished. He began

by a great deal of palaver about the obligation the Government were

under to _my_ family, and that he conceived I had an undoubted

claim upon them. At the same time he said that he was not enabled

to make any communication to me, but that he trusted soon to have

it in his power. When I told him that I was going abroad for six

weeks, he desired me to call on him on my return, and that he did

not doubt he should then be able to give me a decisive answer. I

consider this as almost tantamount to a promise, and that I have

very nearly obtained the object I have so long had in view. This I

owe entirely to you, and the most difficult task I have now to

perform is to express to you one half the obligation I feel for

your kindness. You will, I am sure, consider yourself as repaid by

the happiness you have procured to me and mine.

Ever your affectionate and obliged,

H. W. W.

Watkin has just brought in from the House of Commons the account of

the game being quite up with the Neapolitans.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Christmas Day.

MY DEAR B----,

On Saturday I slept at Dropmore, in my way down here, and my visit

was well timed, as I just met Lord Wellesley, and had a great deal

of conversation with him. Ha was in high spirits, and very

entertaining, narrating his past victories over Indian cabals, and

anticipating his future ones over Irish. I cannot say that the

King's Lieutenant (as he took care more than once in conversation

to style himself) was received without that ceremony. On the

contrary, Mr. Dodsworth was Lord Chamberlain for the occasion, to

show him his room before dinner, and he found his own way into the

gallery afterwards, and had nobody even to carry up his candlestick

to bed.

In and about his carriage were five servants, among whom were two

young _gentlemen_ between eighteen and nineteen, who, by the

housemaid's report, made his bed. (I should have thought one would

have been sufficient to make or unmake it) Lady Grenville was cruel

enough not to repeat this to me till he was gone, so that I had no

sight of them.

He told me that he understood Downes made no objection to retiring,

and therefore he anticipated no difficulty or delay in Plunket's

appointment, as Saurin would not have the power to stop it, and

would only have to choose between promotion to the Chief-Justiceship

and dismission from the Attorney-Generalship. The latter is

reported to be troubled with scruples of conscience, not only from

his want of experience in criminal law, but objections to passing

sentence of _death_. Now, since as Attorney-General he must have

swallowed these sufficiently to direct capital prosecutions, I have

myself little apprehension of their choking him when he is to pass

sentence, or even if his office required him to execute it. Lord

Wellesley talked to me a good deal about Canning, and expressed his

belief that he really wished to go to India. If that is the case,

there can be no doubt, that whether he delays two or three months

on account of Lord Hastings or not, that it will end in his going.

He treated the reports of disturbance in Dublin as quite

ridiculous, and told us that they rested only on the depositions of

Patrick Maloney, a discharged serjeant, who tells of a meeting of

1700 men at night under Carlton wall, who were seen by nobody else

but Terence O'Tregan, who is to come forward hereafter, but at

present is confined at home, having caught a _could_ in his head,

and so keeping house.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 27, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Nothing can be more satisfactory or conclusive than Lord

Liverpool's letter, which fully confirms your interpretation. I am

perfectly satisfied, and shall wait with great patience and

pleasure his convenience.

I believe there is something in the change of Bloomfield. I have

heard it from a variety of quarters, but I doubt its being put into

execution, as there must be so much in the power of the individual,

from long habits and confidences. At present it is clearly not so,

for only yesterday I received a note from him, _under the King's

authority_, requesting me to learn from Charles Wynn for a

certainty whether he could place at the disposal of his Majesty a

writership for the year 1821, for a young man whom he was anxious

to send out to India. I have enclosed the note to Wynn. A pretty

good and modest demand, even before he is in office, or knows what

his patronage may be; and why it was to be conveyed through me, I

know not.

When this letter will reach you, I have not a guess. The floods

have stopped up all communication with London. There are not less

than twenty stages now at rest in Egham, and the water still

rising. The sheep, oxen, &c., all removed, and no provision for

this additional population. I see by the papers it is much the same

in your Northamptonshire neighbourhood. When do you expect your

patent will be ready?

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 30, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I heard yesterday the particulars regarding Canning, which I

believe to be true, and accounts about the trouble of a letter,

&c., which you had heard.

About a year and a half since, Lord Hastings wrote to Sir John

Doyle a private letter, in which he complained bitterly of the

conduct of the Board of Directors, saying as he had lost their

confidence, he should remain in India no longer. Doyle showed this

letter, and had authority from the Directors to say that so far

from Lord Hastings having lost their confidence, they entertained

the highest opinion of him, and should be extremely sorry if he

returned. In answer to this, Lord Hastings writes to Doyle to say

he is glad to find the Directors are satisfied with his conduct,

but that he should return to England, as he found his health and

spirits give way, and he was anxious to return. Upon the strength

of this letter the Ministers thought proper to act, and notified

their intention of naming Canning for his successor, transmitting

the letter of Lord Hastings to Sir John Doyle to the Court of

Directors as their grounds for appointing him a successor. The

Court return the letter, saying they could not receive a private

letter to a private friend as a ground for such an appointment, and

on this objection it was decided to write to Lord Hastings to know

decidedly his wishes on the subject of return. This letter was

prepared by the Court of Directors, and ended in leaving it

entirely at his option to remain or come home; and being sent to

the Board of Control for approbation, B. Bathurst scratched out the

latter paragraph, and left it with the intention of naming him a

successor, in compliance with the wish expressed by him to Sir John

Doyle. This letter went the 15th of last month, so that no answer

can be had for ten months to come; and I have no doubt Canning will

wait till that time under an assurance of supporting Government,

unless anything turns up in the meantime to make it worth his while

to take another position.

I hear from many hands the Opposition are violent with us; and

there does not seem to be two opinions as to the liberal and

handsome terms which have been made with you; indeed, I may fairly

say to you that Wynn's appointment is considered much beyond his

pretensions.--The King is living very retired; literally no one at

the Pavilion but the Conynghams and two or three of the household.

One of the grounds for believing in Bloomfield's disgrace is that

Lady Bloomfield is not there, being the first time she has ever

been absent from a party of this sort. I am very glad to hear the

Christmas quarter in the Revenue has kept up very well, and I

understand Vansittart talks of having a surplus of seven millions

this year. Such a result would very much lighten our labours in the

session. They are going to make a new Board for the preventive

service against smuggling, Sir Henry Hotham to be the chief, and

two other commissioners, Boyle and the officer now employed, whose

name I believe is Shortland. This will necessarily create a new

Board of Admiralty by the vacancy occasioned by Sir H. Hotham and

Warrender, who wishes to retire. I heard the new navy lord, but I

can't just now recollect who it was. I have never heard who comes

in the room of Warrender.

Ever sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

CHAPTER VII.

[1822.]

CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT. LORD ELDON'S DISSATISFACTION. MR. CHARLES

WILLIAMS WYNN APPOINTED PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF CONTROL. OTHER

MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS. THE KING'S SPEECH. TROUBLES IN IRELAND.

THREATENED ATTACK IN PARLIAMENT ON MR. HENRY WILLIAMS WYNN. LORD

GRENVILLE ON THE FINANCES OF THE COUNTRY. DEAN BUCKLAND. DISCONTENT

OF THE COUNTRY GENTLEMEN. THREATENED DISSOLUTION OF THE GOVERNMENT.

DISMISSAL OF SIR BENJAMIN BLOOMFIELD.

CHAPTER VII.

The long negotiated arrangement of the Government for an accession of

political and official strength was made known to the public by an

announcement in the _Gazette_ of the 12th of January, that the King

had directed letters patent to be issued, granting to the Marquis of

Buckingham the titles of Marquis of Chandos and Duke of Buckingham

and Chandos. On the 17th the King held a Court at Carlton House, when

the Right Hon. Charles Williams Wynn kissed hands on receiving the

appointment of President of the Board of Control, and on the following

day he attended at a Cabinet Council. A little later Dr. Phillimore and

Mr. W. H. Fremantle were joined with him at the Board, and Mr. Henry

Williams Wynn received a diplomatic appointment to the Swiss Cantons.

The Cabinet was further strengthened by having the Right Hon. Robert

Peel in place of Lord Sidmouth, who resigned the post of Secretary of

State for the Home Department.

After recording these changes, a modern historian adds: "This coalition

gained Ministers a few votes in the House of Commons, but it was of

more importance as indicating--as changes in the Cabinet generally

do--the commencement of a change in the system of government. The

admission of even a single Whig into the Cabinet indicated the

increasing weight of that party in the country, and, as they were

favourable to the Catholic claims, it was an important change."[76]

[76] Alison's "History of Europe," vol. ii. p. 489.

The biographer of Lord Eldon implies that this accession of strength

was regarded with much dissatisfaction by a certain portion of the

Government, of which the Lord Chancellor may be considered the

representative, and acknowledges they were of opinion that the honours

and advantages conferred on the new recruits would have been better

bestowed on themselves. An extract of a letter, dated January 14th,

from the learned Lord to Lady F. J. Bankes, supports his views: "This

coalition," he writes, "I think will have consequences very different

from those expected by the members of Administration who have brought

it about. I hate coalitions."[77] The Lord Chancellor was in truth very

much put out of temper by an arrangement in which he had not been

consulted, and revenged himself by circulating all the jokes (harmless

enough) he could hear or invent, at the expense of his new colleagues.

[77] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 61.

There is no doubt that this junction firmly established the Government

in their position. If only a moiety of the rumours that had long been

circulated affecting their stability was true, they were in an

unenviable state. The King's dissatisfaction had been confidently

reported, and changes threatened of a very sweeping character; but,

though his Majesty had no doubt been greatly irritated by the result of

the Queen's trial, the unexpected removal of the cause of irritation,

and the agreeable impression created by his Irish and German tours,

caused a sensible reaction in favour of his long-tried servants, and he

only permitted the removal of one--replaced by a younger and more

active statesman, who had already acquired high political eminence. How

these changes affected the parties most interested in them, will be

found fully detailed in their correspondence.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Bagshot Park, Jan. 11, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD,

Most sincerely and truly do I congratulate you on your creation,

which, thank God, closes an event so many years looked for, and

anxiously desired by your good father and yourself; I did not

flatter myself with the hopes of living to see it take place, and

more so, from the honour conferred upon you two years ago. The

addition of the entail of the Earldom in the female line, is a mark

of most singular and partial favour altogether. It is as much as

any subject of the empire could acquire, and bestowed on one whose

family and himself have been unconnected with the Government, and

generally opposing it for the last fifteen years. We have been here

for three or four days, and leave it to-morrow. The Duke was quite

flattered and pleased with your letter. From all I learn, I am

inclined to believe the Opposition are very low, and do not flatter

themselves with a great stand this session. The revenue is a great

aid to us. I have not heard a word since from Lord Liverpool, but

take it for granted (which I shall lament) that he will not be able

to succeed in vacating the Treasury; I am rather of opinion that he

would wish it if he well could.

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Tuesday.

MY DEAR B----,

In consequence of Lord Liverpool's summons, desiring me to be in

town two or three days before the 16th, and that he would meet me

there any day I would appoint, I announced to him that I would come

up Sunday evening, and call upon him any hour that he would fix on

Monday. On my arrival on Sunday night I found an answer to this,

stating, without one word of excuse or apology, that he was going

down to Combe Wood, but would return on Tuesday and receive me at

twelve o'clock on that day. This certainly is anything but civil,

but I suppose it is the nature of the animal. I have been with him

this morning, and he told me that there would be a Council on

Thursday at Carlton House for the purpose of swearing me a Privy

Councillor, and that he thought it would be as well that you should

take the same opportunity of kissing hands for your Dukedom. Most

heartily do I congratulate you upon its completion.

I find that both Sturges Bourne[78] and Lord Binning[79] have

desired to retire from the India Board; both, however, expressing

their strong wish to support the Government, and that their retreat

may be considered as unconnected with Canning's.

Their successors are not yet fixed upon. It is proposed to Charles

Grant to be one, which I am told he has not yet positively

declined, but I can hardly believe that he will accept anything so

much lower in the scale of office than what he has previously held.

This is unlucky, as it will so much delay my own appointment and

the commencement of my salary, which begins to be an object. I also

find the finances of this Board in such a state of embarrassment

that there is a debt of 2000_l._, and the charges next year likely

to exceed the income 1600_l._ a-year, to meet which, a deduction of

five per cent. on all our salaries is talked of as the only

resource.

Lord Liverpool professes readiness to appoint Phillimore to a seat

at one of the Boards, but not to be held with his profession, which

is a mere contrivance to negative it.

[78] Right Hon. William Sturges Bourne, Secretary of State in

1827.

[79] Son of the Earl of Haddington. In 1833, he was appointed

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Jan. 17, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have not yet seen Sir Scrope, but I understood yesterday from

Hobhouse that your patents were all in progress, and that it was

determined that you should have a new Earldom of Temple, remainder

to your own male issue, remainder to the male issue of Hester,

Countess Temple, the original grantee, remainder to your

granddaughter and her heirs male. I am going to-day to be sworn in

and to kiss hands, and shall previously see Lord Liverpool, whom I

find very impracticable about Phillimore.

The difficulty about my office is, that the payment by the India

Company being limited to 26,000_l._ a-year by Act of Parliament,

Canning introduced a new scale of salary for the clerks, increasing

according to the number of years' service, so much faster than

seniors have dropped off, that there would in the coming year be an

excess of 1600_l._, besides the past debt of 2000_l._ already

contracted to the tradesmen. This Courtenay proposes to meet by a

general deduction of five per cent. from every salary in the

office, of which I cannot approve, unless some such system should

pervade the public service. It appears to me that the fitter course

is to pay the debt out of Bathurst's lapsed salary of last year and

to oblige the clerks to revert to a fixed scale of salaries.

I dined yesterday at the General's and met Lord Bathurst, who as I

see most plainly, is very hostile and bitter against Lord

Wellesley, quizzing his speeches, &c. &c. All seems to be going on

well, but I am sorry to find that Joy is likely to be

Solicitor-General.

Goulburn has written to Grant that their only difference is upon a

legislative measure, and that he has no inclination at all to

depart from his official and executive system. The regular and

constant manner of doing business is very much _pronee_ by the

Orange party, contrasted with the indecision and idleness of Grant,

though they allow that abstinence from wine is a new and dangerous

feature in an Irish Secretary.

I fear that the country gentlemen will make a desperate effort to

diminish the taxation, and that the friends of the Government are

disposed to take the front of the battle.

There are considerable apprehensions in Ireland of distress from

the utter failure of the potatoes, which are all rotten, and of the

turves which they were prevented by the wet from cutting.

As I was stepping into the carriage to go to Court, Sir Scrope put

into my hand the copy of your letter, and I could only desire him

to call to-morrow at eleven. Fremantle and I were duly sworn in,

and I kissed hands as President of the Board. The K---- looked glum

and out of humour, but as there was no opportunity for him to speak

to us, we could not ascertain whether it belonged to us

individually, or from a previous long Recorder's report, which I

believe always makes him nervous and uncomfortable. Lord Liverpool

seemed much more coming about Fremantle, but I fear there is little

hope of my Board being completed so that the Commission shall issue

before Wednesday next.

Ever yours affectionately,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, Jan. 23, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have this morning seen Lord Liverpool, and received from him the

offer of a seat at the India Board for Phillimore, which will be

thankfully accepted. It is rather odd that they do not place him at

the Admiralty, since they have an opportunity for it. Berkeley

Paget accepts a place at the Audit Board, Fremantle will go to the

Treasury, and Sir George Clerk come to the India Board from the

Admiralty, where he is to be succeeded by Douglas (brother to Lord

Queensberry). If B. Paget declines the Audit Office, Fremantle will

come to the India Board, and Sir G. Clerk remain at the Admiralty.

As yet we have had little talk of business. The general plan of

business for the session will be opened to us the day after

to-morrow, at Lord Liverpool's, where we all dine for that purpose.

He concurred with me generally upon the principles you suggest, of,

in the first instance, bringing forward as our own measure all that

we think we could with any degree of propriety concede, instead of

waiting till it is wrung from us. Upon corn I really think that the

eyes of the public are beginning to open, and that a large

proportion of the House of Commons will be ready to resist any

proposition for again tampering with its price, notwithstanding the

nonsense of Mr. Webb Hall and his petitioners.

I find by the accounts from Paris there is rather more hope of

co-operation between the Right and Centre parties than had at first

appeared, but there are many symptoms of restlessness and cabal

among the military, particularly the non-commissioned officers.

My uncles are extremely alarmed at the threat of a question being

brought forward on Henry's appointment to Switzerland, which, it is

contended, ought to be left only to the care of a _charge

d'affaires_. At any other period than the present I should think

nothing of it, and even now I do not think it can produce much

effect, since Stratford Canning held the same appointment in 1820,

or till the end of 1819, and as the difference between the expense

of an envoy and _charge d'affaires_ to the public is only 2400_l._,

one-half of which is covered by the cessation of Henry's pension.

Lord Liverpool told me that your Dukedom had produced many very

urgent applications--Lord Hertford, &c., and Lord Waterford for an

Irish Dukedom.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Jan. 20, 1822.

I most heartily congratulate you on the attainment of an object

which you had so much at heart. The additional provision respecting

the Earldom is certainly a very considerable fresh mark of favour,

but I hope a very unnecessary one. My newspapers have missed me for

these two last days, but I conclude I am not premature in directing

this to you by your new title.

Plunket's appointment has actually been recommended from Ireland.

Wellesley had indeed told me, when he was here, that he had full

powers to carry that arrangement into effect, and in all

contingencies; and he certainly has not taken much time to do so.

Saurin refuses both the Chief Justiceship and the Irish Peerage,

both which were offered to sweeten the pill. It is said--but I know

not how to credit it--that although this thing had been directed

from England ever since last spring, the first intimation which

Saurin ever had of it was subsequent to Wellesley's arrival.

Tho only uneasiness I now feel is lest the Irish Chancellor should

feel his consequence so much superseded by this event, as to induce

him to look to his retreat, which would of necessity remove Plunket

from the station where his services are most wanted, to one of

higher dignity but less ability.

I feel the greatest anxiety about poor Hodson. It was not till this

morning that I heard of his danger. Few things ever gratified me

more than his appointment, and I had looked forward with infinite

delight to the hope that you might be, as I am sure you wished to

be, of much further use to him.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

The principal political friends of the Duke of Buckingham that had for

some time past been acting as a distinct party, now either formed a

portion of, or were content to vote with, the Government; but this

coalition was something more than an addition of strength--it implied,

to a very important extent, a change of policy. That it was so

understood by the community at large will sufficiently appear in the

course of the correspondence.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

India Office, Jan. 28, 1822, Five P.M.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have this instant returned from the Cabinet, to which the first

sketch of the King's Speech has been submitted. The principal parts

of it are the expression of hope that peace may still be preserved

between Russia and the Porte; pleasure at the manifestation of

loyalty and attachment during his visit in Ireland; hope that it

has produced beneficial effects, but regret at the spirit of

outrage which has evinced itself by systematic violence, &c.;

determination to exert every means in his power to protect the

peaceable and loyal, and referring it to the consideration of

Parliament whether further powers may be necessary--_i.e._,

Insurrection Act; assurances of the determination to administer the

law _equally and impartially_ to every description of subjects;

great satisfaction at the increasing produce of the revenue, and

the flourishing state of manufactures. The Speech concludes with

the depression of the agricultural interest, and so commending the

subject to the most serious attention of Parliament.

I have no time to enter into a discussion of these points before

the post goes out, as I only returned from Dropmore to the Cabinet,

and have some other letters which cannot be delayed. I am anxious

to hear how soon you come up, as subjects of this kind can be

considered infinitely better by conversation than correspondence.

Our accounts from Ireland are very bad. There has been a desperate

engagement between the insurgents and a party of the King's troops

near Bantry, in which the former fought with great resolution. One

of the soldiers was killed, and twelve of the others. There has

also been a search for arms in Kildare, which has produced 667

fire-locks and a great number of other weapons. This, so near

Dublin, is a more alarming circumstance than the former.

The Commission for the new Board, consisting of Fremantle,

Phillimore, and myself, is at length ordered, and will appear in

to-morrow night's _Gazette_.

If you have no particular objection, I wish that you would yourself

propose to Lord Liverpool the arrangement for the change of

Phillimore for Sir E. Carington at St. Mawe's, and the return of

the former for a Government seat.

I think that Lord Liverpool seems indisposed to Phillimore, and

perhaps has not yet forgot his resentment on account of Phillimore

voting for Lord Grenville immediately after he (Lord L.) had made

him Regius Professor of Civil Law at Oxford. I have been obliged to

urge him a good deal to obtain what I have, and I therefore should

not like immediately to make a new request to him, apparently in

favour of the same person, though really for Sir E. C----.

There is a strong disposition in the Cabinet to relieve the

agricultural interest, but whether this can be done most effectually

by a sacrifice of taxation to the amount of 1,500,000_l._, or by an

issue of Exchequer Bills, as has been done in former instances for

the commercial interest, is not yet determined.

The absurdity of supposing that the importation of corn three years

ago, since which the ports have been shut, can govern the present

markets, seems really too absurd for even a country gentleman to

swallow.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

The reason of Fremantle not being appointed to the Treasury is that

Lord Anglesea is, I believe, apprehensive of contest at Milborne

Port, and therefore does not choose that Berkeley Paget should

vacate his seat.

Would it not be as well to recommend Sir E. C. to Lord Liverpool

for a Treasury seat as [well as] Phillimore? I own I think it might

embarrass the pressing the latter for the King's Advocateship, in

the event of its becoming vacant. I am, however, most perfectly

ready, if you prefer it, to mention the matter to Lord L.; but

certainly had rather not, under the circumstances, so soon ask

anything more for Phillimore.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, Jan. 29, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD,

I have a letter from a friend in Dublin, which mentions that Lord

Wellesley has said something in conversation which has been

construed into meaning that he expects soon to be in Lord

Liverpool's place; and as a confirmation of this, it is added, that

he will not appoint to the situations in his household till after

Parliament has met. Have the kindness not to cite me in the _most

remote manner_ for this communication. The accounts from the South

of Ireland are bad. The White Boys have treated some of Lord

Bantry's people who have unhappily fallen into their hands as Owen

Glendower's Welshmen treated the English in Henry IV.'s time--stuck

their heads on poles, &c. &c.

On my way here to-day I met Abercromby, who told me we should have

warm work in Parliament, and that the Board of Control would be

attacked, as Wynn's appointment had given so much umbrage to

_several_ who thought he ought not to have been preferred to them.

Of course Huskisson is one alluded to. Who the others are, I cannot

guess. The Opposition certainly calculate on the bad humour of the

_Canningites_, and the storm which is expected to blow from the

country. They would wish to have it understood that on certain

points connected with economy there is an understanding between the

Boodle's _set_ and themselves; but this I disbelieve.

Believe me,

Your Grace's obliged and very faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Jan. 30, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I came to town last night, and find from a civil letter I received

last night from Lord Liverpool, that I am to go to the Board of

Control, at which I am exceedingly sorry, and rather more so as I

find I am to go to bed there with Phillimore. I own I thought I was

entitled to a little better berth than he was--however, I am sure

you did your _possible_. I think also it is not the most creditable

thing for your party that we should all be huddled up in a nest

together. In short, altogether I am sorry for it, and should have

been much better pleased at the Treasury. I have been riding with

Tierney, who professes to know nothing of the intention of

Opposition, but evidently builds entirely on the diversions in

Ireland, and the necessity of the Catholic question being now to be

decided, if the Grenvilles, and Plunket, and Lord Wellesley have

any regard for their character, or if they have any weight in the

councils. An attack is to be made immediately on the appointment of

Henry Wynn to Switzerland, as being unnecessarily called for at a

moment of professed economy.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Jan. 30, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I omitted in my account of the King's speech a paragraph stating

that the estimates have been framed with every possible attention

to economy, and expressing satisfaction at the reduction which it

had been found possible to make upon the general expenditure,

particularly on the navy and military services. This amounts to

1,500,000_l._; but there is 450,000_l._ of temporary charge to

be added for the veteran battalions to Ireland. I am myself much

inclined to agree with your view, and to think that with the

present superabundance of capital in the market, the advance of

five millions to the agricultural interest in Exchequer Bills at

four per cent. interest can do little. It may have the effect of

producing a general lowering of the interest on mortgages, and if

this should succeed, it would indeed be a material advantage, and

would also collaterally tend to raise the stocks and to enable us

to save a million and a half by paying off the Five per cents.

Still I am myself very anxious for a reduction of taxation, but it

is true that it is very difficult to determine to what articles

this should be preferably applied for the relief of the land.

Windows would probably be the most direct, and yet that would apply

more efficaciously to the towns than to the country. It has been

already seen how very little relief was produced by the reduction

of the malt duty.

Every day's account from Ireland is worse and worse. There is more

appearance of organization and connexion; nor have we as yet a clue

to any of the directors of it.

I know nothing about Bloomfield, or of what is going on at

Brighton.

You will be amused to hear that from secret and private sources we

have reason to believe that Lord C---- has by this time made

himself master of the military chest of the _army_, containing

500,000 dollars, and has sailed to establish himself _independently_

on the isthmus. Will not this make a good novel for some future

Walter Scott?

To-day the plan for issuing Exchequer Bills to the landed interest

seems to be nearly dropped, and to be changed into a general

proposition for increasing circulation by borrowing four millions

from the Bank. Still I am convinced that we must come to the

reduction of taxation as the only measure of relief which will be

comprehensible.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

Parliament was opened on the 5th of February by the King in person;

but before the Parliamentary campaign was commenced, some anxiety

was felt by the friends of the newly-appointed envoy to Switzerland,

in consequence of a threatened opposition to his appointment from

the Whigs and Radicals. This portion of the House of Commons

affected to treat the recent coalition as a matter of very little

importance,--nevertheless, it was believed that they would gladly

seize upon any opening for an attack upon the Government and their

new friends; and it was imagined that the disappointment which had

followed from the expectations excited by the overtures of the Court

last year, would give an additional stimulus to their hostility.

MR. HENRY WILLIAMS WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Feb. 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I am sorry to hear that you have such authentic accounts of the

attack on _me_. I have still reason to believe that none will be

made till the general one on the Civil List. Charles has had a

conversation with Lord Londonderry, who says that he is perfectly

ready to meet any attack, both as to the time the mission had been

vacant, and as to the expediency of having a person there with my

rank. With respect to the first, he says that as soon as Canning

left Switzerland, he took the King's pleasure as to Lord

Clanwilliam's appointment, which was approved, but that in

consequence of Hamilton's illness, he was appointed, _ad interim_,

Under Secretary of State, and that he liked the business so much,

that he now wishes to hold the situation permanently. With respect

to the expediency of appointing a Minister, he defends it on the

plea of all the great powers having a representative there with

that rank, and that in case of disturbances in Italy, it might be a

very important post. In point of expense, I find that it will be

more considerable than Munich, Stuttgard, or Frankfort. Lord

Londonderry thanked Charles for my offer, but said that he did not

see any necessity for accepting it, and that it would be of bad

consequences, as showing weakness at the first start. Duncannon

told Phillimore that they were not making any whip for the first

days.

Many thanks for your box, respecting which I have sent to inquire.

I kiss hands on Monday, after which I will call in Pall Mall, in

hopes of finding you arrived.

Ever yours affectionately,

H. WILLIAMS WYNN.

The references to the late Dean of Westminster, to be found in the two

following letters, are not without interest. The Duke of Buckingham was

anxious to engage him as a travelling companion in a tour he was about

to undertake, in which he proposed to avail himself of every opportunity

for adding to his knowledge of geology.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 17, 1822.

My friend Buckland is so far from being a quiz in a buzz wig, that

he is, I think, one of the men I should most choose for an

_agreeable companion in a post-chaise_. Whether he is prepared

to undertake so formidable an expedition as you speak of, I should

have some doubt, and the rather because he has usually some project

of his own for spending the long vacation abroad in the prosecution

of his inquiries. I can, however, have no difficulty in asking him

the question, and at all events I should be glad of the opportunity

of making him known to you, because I am sure you cannot but like

him.

I have been reading Lord Londonderry's speech, which, as far as I

understand his figures, seems to me more satisfactory than I had

hoped. The great question is--will it satisfy the country

gentlemen, without whom he cannot go on, and will they, on this

ground, make a real and firm stand in his behalf? Of that of course

I cannot pretend to judge, nor perhaps is it easy to say who can.

Government have certainly, under all the circumstances, acted

wisely in taking the present moment for reducing the Five per

cents. quite down to Four, though it is obvious they might have

made rather a better bargain by a little further delay. So far is

well, and I think the Malt Tax is, on the whole, the best they

could have chosen, though I am not sure whether the Window Tax

would not have given more general relief. His million for next year

(assuming Ireland to be tranquillized), I also fully understand and

approve.

But pray explain to me if you can (for from the newspaper I can

make nothing of it), from what quarter his 500,000_l._ in each

year, for the four preceding years, is to come? Observe he states

it (if said _Courier_ be correct), as something independent of, and

in addition to, the future reduction of Four per cents. down to

Three.

If by the conjuration of what is called _borrowing of the

community_, in order to keep up the nominal Sinking Fund, he means

to apply the five millions annual surplus at _simple_ interest, and

not at _compound_, he ought in the first place to say so

distinctly, for whether right or wrong (about which much might be

said), it is, at least, a more complete departure than any yet made

from the original principle of the Sinking Fund. I do not say it

would be necessarily wrong because _new_, but it would be _so new_

that it ought to be brought distinctly under view.

But I suspect this cannot be his meaning, both from his relying so

much on the necessity of keeping up Pitt's measure, and also from

his expressly stating the larger amount of this sinking fund of

five millions in proportion to debt when compared with Pitt's

original million in proportion to the debt of 1786. The fallacy of

such a comparison would be monstrous, if the one was a fund working

at compound interest, and the other be meant to work only at simple

interest. Besides, even if this were to be done, the annual

interest set free by the 5,000,000_l._ annually applied would, at

four per cent. be 200,000_l._, not 500,000_l._ So I am at a loss to

make it out, and perhaps after all it is only the blunder of the

newspaper reporter. If you can explain it to me pray do.

Lord L---- takes no notice of the successive falling in of the army

and navy half-pay and pensions, which, if the present amount be as

he states it, 5,000,000_l._, cannot be put at less than from

100,000_l._ to 150,000_l._ to put in in each year. I suppose he was

afraid of the old joke against Sir George Yonge, who was said to

have expressed a hope that the half-pay officers would die off

fast, and be thus _provided for_.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 20, 1822.

I enclose you Mr. Buckland's answer, which I think you may pretty

nearly consider as an acceptance of your offer, and I really

congratulate you upon it. He is full of information of all sorts,

with lively spirits, and a most active mind and body, and will, I

think, be as cheerful and amusing a companion as a man could have

in such a tour. I trust you take a draughtsman with you, for

without that your _cortege_ will be very incomplete.

I do not think Monday's discussion argues at all favourably for the

Government, and Huskisson's loss will be most severely felt on the

corn cause, if he is really so weak as to be driven from it by a

little pelting in pamphlets and speeches. To my taste his speech

read as much the best that was made on the former day. But I cannot

for the life of me see what good the four millions are to do; nor

can I understand, on the other side, Ricardo's fears of the harm

they are to do.

The Bank have acted with the same ignorance as has characterized

them throughout. If they do not lend their gold to Government, they

must lend it to individuals by lowering their discounts, and if

they incur loss by either operation, I do not see who but they will

suffer by it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

I see by the subsequent accounts in the _Courier_, that Government

does plainly mean to apply the 5,000,000_l._ at simple, and not at

compound interest, and I do not see why one should be sorry for it.

But even so, I cannot work 200,000_l._ up to 500,000_l._ I suppose

the rest is to come, and much more I am confident will come, from

casual saving and increased revenue in each successive year.

If I cared a farthing about my predictions, otherwise than as the

facts are of public benefit, I should have great cause to be proud

of all I have said from the first day of peace, as to the necessary

rise of our revenue to follow from it, and that while all the world

was croaking all round me on that subject.

The threatened attack did not come off for some time; nevertheless a

fair amount of political skirmishing took place in both Houses, and

every great question was a wager of battle in which the contending

parties exerted themselves to the utmost to overpower their adversaries.

Catholic Emancipation was expected to be a severe contest, but the

increasing disturbances in the sister kingdom caused the friends of

Ireland much anxiety, and rendered a coercive policy inevitable. At

this period the country gentlemen began to exhibit a diminution of

ministerial support, which created considerable embarrassment.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

I yesterday met the Chancellor in Cabinet, who immediately came to

me, and expressed in the strongest manner the pain which he had

felt at seeing sentiments attributed to him by Fyshe Palmer, in his

speech at the Bedford meeting, which he never entertained, and

which if he had, he trusts he never should have been fool enough to

have so expressed.

The joke is a very bad one, and was repeated to me when I came to

town in January as Mackintosh's, probably with just as little

foundation as it is now attributed to the Chancellor.

Lord John's coarse and ungentlemanlike attack appeared to me very

much to miss fire, and my reply was well received and listened to;

but it is curious to see what common cause the newspaper reports

make in hostility against me--wilfully altering, and even inserting

things for which there was not the least foundation in my speech.

The _Times_ contained the only tolerable report, which was copied

in the _Courier_, and even from that it would appear that, instead

of being extremely clamorous and inattentive to Folkestone[80] (so

much that he was obliged repeatedly to stop, in order to procure

silence), and then listening to what I said very favourably, the

House had adopted a conduct exactly the reverse.

Lord Londonderry is to-day to open a plan of providing for the

annual charge of five millions now paid in half-pay, pensions, &c.,

by granting long annuities for forty-five years, by which means a

saving of two millions annually is to be made, which is to repeal

the salt tax and diminish the window-tax.

Being myself no friend to the Sinking Fund, and anxious that the

Government should have the credit of affording every practicable

remission of taxation, I have no objection whatever to this; but I

must say for those who support that system, it is somewhat

ridiculous with one hand to expend five millions in relief of the

burthens of posterity, and with the other to transpose a burthen

from our own shoulders upon theirs.

I am still myself sanguine in my hope of the continuance of peace,

as I think it clear that both powers wish to avoid war, and that

the Emperor Alexander is aware of the certainty that the flame once

lighted must spread further.

[80] Viscount Folkestone, the present Earl of Radnor.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Six P.M.

MY DEAR B----,

Lord Liverpool had not, at eleven this morning, returned from

Brighton, and Londonderry was not out of bed, or at least not come

down. I sent your two notes to the latter, but have not yet seen

him, though the post is just going out.

The visit to Brighton relates, I believe, wholly to the Civil List,

on which the country gentlemen are to make their next serious

attack. I do not agree with you in your wish that the Government

should break up upon so very unpopular a question as that of the

Admiralty. I myself look at the minority on the salt tax with more

apprehension and concern than the majority on the Admiralty.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 4, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The country gentlemen have so much deserted the Ministers in the

Admiralty questions, that it is not a propitious moment to ask

favours, while so much ill-humour mutually prevails. A great many

of these country gentlemen being sulky and discontented because the

price of corn will not sustain the rise they had made in their

rents, vent their spleen by opposing and thwarting the Government;

and some who were steady anti-reformers have suffered themselves to

be gulled by Cobbett into attributing the pressure of their rents

to an inadequate representation in Parliament, though it has no

more to do with their rents than with those of the Cham of Tartary.

Yet these blockheads all profess that they do not wish to change

the Government, though they are doing all that they can to

annihilate them. The danger is a pretty serious one, for, with the

connexion that Opposition holds with the Radicals, and the daily

pledges they give to the tenets of these people, it is probable

that the extensive changes that would immediately take place, would

have very much the effect of an entire revolution in the government

of the country. At sixty-seven this is less interesting to me than

it is to you and to your son, for whose sake I heartily wish I may

see this with exaggerated alarm.

Most affectionately yours,

T. G.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 6, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Your letter of the 3rd followed me into Hampshire, from whence I

returned this day; and I assure you that I am much flattered by

your confidence.

You are quite right; the country gentlemen treat the Government

exceedingly ill. What I complain of is not the votes of individuals

upon the salt tax or the Lords of the Admiralty, or upon any other

question of reduction, as in the existing temper of the country,

men may find themselves obliged to follow the torrent rather than

stem it; but what I complain of is their acting in concert, and as

a party independent of, and without consultation with, the

Government, which they profess to support, but really oppose. In

ordinary times, and under ordinary circumstances, this conduct

could not be borne for a moment. The Government would necessarily

be obliged to take the line which you suggest; and I think that

under ordinary circumstances the result would be what you suppose.

I think it also not impossible that we may find ourselves obliged

to take this step before this session closes. But I confess that I

shall take it myself, and see it taken by my colleagues with the

greatest reluctance and pain, for reasons which in fact constitute

the great difference between these times and others.

It would not be difficult to form a Government to succeed to us out

of our own party. But if we are unable to conduct the Government,

they would be still more unequal to it; and they would want

particularly our experience in tiding over the difficulties of the

day. The Opposition are still more unable than ourselves or others

to form and conduct a real Government. But they would be able, and

not unwilling, to do a great deal of mischief--enough probably to

prevent us or any others who should succeed to them from being able

to conduct the Government again. They would soon find that they

could not govern upon their new system; and they would not be

supported by the country on that or any other; but they would just

have the power to render the government of the country impossible

to their successors.