The division on the second reading of the Bill was 159 against, 120

for, showing a majority of 39. On the measure being lost, Lord Eldon,

the most zealous of the anti-Catholics, thus writes:--"It was quite

clear in Lord Grenville's speech that, professing that the Bill must be

greatly amended in the Committee, he did most carefully abstain from

pointing out one single enactment that could be left untouched, or one

that he would introduce as one of his great amendments. He was very

dexterous in avoiding saying that he would have no securities; but I

think it is clear that is now his meaning. The Duke of York has done

more to quiet this matter than everything else put together. It has had

a great effect. I have nothing further to delay your drinking to the

thirty-nine who saved the Thirty-nine Articles--a very fashionable

toast."[62]

[62] "Life," by Twiss, vol. ii. p. 40.

"As to Liverpool," writes the Lord Chancellor, "I do not know what he

means. To please Grenville, he makes a Regius Professor--friend to the

Catholics. To please Lansdowne, he makes a Bishop of Bristol and Regius

Professor--friend to the Catholics. He therefore, I dare say, will not

stir a step beyond pronouncing in words his speech. I am not quite

content with this, and yet I don't know what to do. But what he does or

does not do, I think, should not regulate me."[63]

[63] "Life," by Twiss, vol. ii. p. 41.

The Court had recovered from the alarm the Queen had created. A

magnificent banqueting-room had been finished at the Brighton Pavilion,

60 feet long by 42 wide, and had been furnished with imperial

magnificence. This suggested anything but doubts of the Sovereign's

undisturbed rule. At Windsor, the current of affairs went merrily as a

marriage-bell, the Royal party enjoying "the contemplative man's

recreation" on the Virginia Water with a zeal that would have

gratified, if it did not edify, Izaak Walton; and now the Coronation

was boldly talked of--indeed, preparations were making for the

performance of this ceremony with the greatest possible splendour.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Strathfieldsaye. April 23, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

I have received your note in answer to that which I wrote to you on

Wednesday; and I wish you would let me know whether you have any

objection to my stating that I know those are your feelings, if

there should be an opportunity.

I shall be at Winchester on Wednesday, for the meeting of the

Lieutenancy, but I am obliged to return here that night, as I have

some people here; otherwise, I should take that opportunity of

paying you a visit at Avington.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

I was last week at Woburn. I think the Opposition are much more

annoyed at having failed in pledging a number of persons by a vote

to go with a Committee on Reform, than they are at the loss of the

Roman Catholic Bill.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 15, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I hear from London that the D---- of N---- has been so ill-advised

as to have offered to the Q---- the Marshal's box at the

Coronation, and that she has written to the K---- to know where and

in what dress she should appear at that ceremony. I presume the

answer will be, "In a white sheet, in the middle aisle of the

Abbey." Perhaps _two_ white sheets might be more appropriate, if

the report is founded of Bergami the Second, in the person of a

certain strapping Scotch Baxter, seven foot by six. If the K----

continues to drive Lord L---- to the wall on one side, and the

commoner Lord L---- urges him with a Catholic measure on the other,

I should not be surprised that he took that opportunity of

withdrawing himself from the turmoil, and of leaving _champ libre_

to the commoner Lord L----, who may feel more confidence than is

reasonable, that he should find himself strong enough to take the

whole Government upon his own shoulders--a speculation which,

however flattering to his ambition, seems hardly within his reach

to carry through, the general opinion being certainly much less

favourable to him than to the present First Lord. Perhaps, however,

the K---- is tired of his old Ministers, and is ready enough to

take to their opposers, provided he can do so with at least the

appearance of making it his own act, instead of his submitting to

undisguised compulsion; but if he puts away his present servants,

he places himself as unconditionally now at the discretion of

Opposition, as he would have been if he had surrendered to them at

the beginning of the session. Perhaps female influence may have

contributed to this new view as a new measure; and undoubtedly it

is a most marked demonstration, that the three _first_ subject

dinners after the accession should be found in the three leading

houses of Opposition. The probability, however, is that it is an

over-refinement to give consistency or premeditation to that which

may be only the unrestrained irritation of the moment.

Yours most affectionately,

T. G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 16, 1821.

Certainly, your description of the discussion for and against the

proposed relief to the Catholics is not encouraging, any more than

the prospect which the papers seem to hold out of the rejection of

the Grampound Bill by the majority of the Cabinet, in contradiction

to Lord Liverpool's support. The King's demonstrations of renewed

intercourse with the great peers of opposition must also, in such a

moment, be a source of weakness, as well as of personal vexation.

In this state of things, I do not wonder that both parts of the

Government should be unwilling to stir this Catholic question again

in any shape; and I certainly see no such benefit likely to arise

from doing so in the mode of partial relief, as to induce the

friends of conciliation on a larger scale to embark in any such

proposal as this limited measure holds out.

If any other proof were wanted beyond what the general view of the

subject affords, to convince any reasonable man that this mode of

treating the most important of all our present public interests as

no Government question, is the worst instead of the best that could

be adopted, Lord Londonderry's[64] own situation in respect of this

subject at this moment would be decisive against it. He has, I am

persuaded, been restrained only by that pledge from taking the only

course which becomes him on the subject, and which, if he had

adopted it in consequence of the passing of the Bill in the House

of Commons, would have been decisive in its favour in its

subsequent stages. Having neglected to do this at that time, I

myself think that his doing it now would be a step of much more

doubtful result, and probably of much more dangerous consequences,

and therefore, if I were his adviser, which I am very glad I am

not, I do not see what I could suggest but now to leave the matter

as it is. Shall we see you on Monday? As to the direct reference

which Lord L----'s conversation seems to have had to yourself and

your own conduct, in respect to making yourself, personally and

officially, a party to this system of treating the greatest of all

questions in our domestic policy as no Cabinet measure, what I have

already said will sufficiently show you my opinion. It is a mode of

getting rid of a present difficulty, but at the risk and almost

certainty of the greatest possible embarrassments in future. And

this deserves the greater consideration, inasmuch as the events of

this session have again rendered this Roman Catholic question so

very prominent a feature of all that can be looked to for some time

to come.

[64] Lord Castlereagh's father having recently died, he had

succeeded to the title.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Sunday Night.

I have just got your letter, and write these few lines to save the

post, though I have, in truth, in what I wrote to Charles this

morning, said all that occurs to me as material on the subject.

It is of great importance that you should not appear, either to

Plunket or to others, to stir a single step in the matter without

his previous approbation.

I most entirely agree in the utter impossibility of either yourself

or Wellesley, or any other supporter of the Catholic Bill, bringing

forward any such proposition as this, or even acquiescing in it,

except under an express and positive declaration that you do so

only as seeing in it an advance, _however small_, towards the final

and total accomplishment of that which can alone satisfy your own

duty and opinion on this subject.

How can Lord Londonderry or any of his colleagues think that any of

those who were turned out in 1807, precisely because they would not

pledge themselves to any truce or cessation of this question short

of its total and final accomplishment, would now lend themselves to

such a measure for the sake of obtaining for the Catholics benefits

so small that it is even doubtful (as I explained to Charles this

morning, according to my view of the subject,) whether they or

their opponents would gain most by thus varying the state of the

question?

I forget which bishop it was that was foolish enough to express his

hope that the present rejection of the Bill would finally set the

question at rest. But I well remember that I noticed this

nonsensical expectation in the course of what I said, and assured

him that it neither ought to have, _nor would have_, that effect.

And indeed if I, and half or all the supporters of the Bill, had

thought differently, and were inclined to lend ourselves to such a

pledge, how could any or all of us answer for the Catholics

themselves, or bind ourselves, if they stirred the question in

opposition to our pledges, that we would then vote against our

declared opinions?

All this, in my judgment, only shows that Lord Londonderry is, as

he may well be, most uneasy in his situation, as resulting from the

present strange and most anomalous state of this business, which he

ought to have foreseen, but did not, as at least a possible event,

when he agreed to form a Government in which the one most important

feature in the whole political interests of the country was not to

be considered as a ministerial question.

"You have what I advise;" but pray do not forget that, on this

subject above all others, Plunket is entitled, not to _know_, but

almost to _direct_ your course.

GRENVILLE.

The Queen put in a formal claim to be crowned with the King, and Mr.

Brougham urged it, with all his forensic eloquence and skill, before

the Privy Council; but, as will be seen, all the principal precedents

were in opposition to his argument:--

"William the Conqueror's Queen was crowned two years after he was

crowned.

Henry I.'s Queen, ditto.

Stephen's Queen, ditto.

Richard I.'s Queen, crowned abroad.

John's Queen, not crowned with him, but crowned.

Henry III.'s Queen, not with him, but afterwards, alone.

Edward III.'s Queen, crowned alone.

Henry IV.'s Queen, crowned--not with him.

Henry V.'s Queen, ditto.

Henry VI.'s Queen, not crowned with him, but alone.

Henry VII.'s Queen, crowned long after him.

Henry VIII.--Some of his Queens crowned, some not.

Charles I.--His Queen not crowned at all.

Charles II.--His Queen not crowned at all.

George II.'s Queen, or George I.'s, I am not sure which, not crowned at

all."[65]

[65] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 43.

On the 21st of May a feeble attempt was made in the House of Commons to

bring forward the pretensions of the Queen to share in the approaching

State ceremonial; but the firm language of Lord Londonderry, and the

apathy of the House on the subject, set the matter at rest.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 4, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

The coronation is fixed (_decidedly so_) by the Government to take

place previous to his going to Ireland, and a fortnight after the

close of the Session: two days afterwards he starts for Ireland,

and embarks at Portsmouth; and on his return from Ireland, he goes

to Hanover. This is all arranged at present, and the Ministers have

agreed to it. With the exception of the coronation, all the rest

may be subject to change; but I am quite sure the coronation is

determined on. Prince Leopold was to have started for Germany on

Friday, to see his mother; but has put it off, in consequence of

this decision, as he could not be back in time.

Canning leaves Paris this day for London. Parliament--that is, the

House of Commons--is expected to be up on the 25th; and I think it

may. There is no other news.

Ever yours truly,

W. H. F.

There are to be two Parliamentary Commissioners--Frankland Lewis

and Wallace--for this Irish examination, and three other

Commissioners; salary, L1500 (to Parliamentary Commissioners) per

annum. I don't think it would be a bad appointment (one of the

others) for Tom Fremantle, if I could have a chance of getting it.

I suppose their salary is much less.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, June 5, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

It is evident that something has for the moment interfered to

prevent the immediate announcement of Lord Sidmouth's resignation,

which on Saturday and Sunday was reported upon the best authority.

Lord G---- told me that Lord S---- was suddenly sent for by the

King on Saturday, and it seems probable that it was to tell him to

delay his resignation; indeed, as the Session will end with this

month, that period would be the natural one for change.

Lady Liverpool was yesterday reported to be dead, but she still

lives, though she is considered as being at death's door; and I

believe the Ministers are much alarmed, from their doubting

whether, in that case, Lord L---- will not retire altogether.

The coronation is now again afloat, and is expected to take place

before the journey to Ireland. The Court of Claims is resumed; and

having a ticket to-day to see the preparations in the Hall and the

Abbey, I am convinced from what I saw that they are now in earnest,

and that there is nothing which may not be quite completed in six

weeks, except the tower at the Great Gate of Westminster Hall. The

Hall is beautiful and magnificent; but in the Abbey, the appearance

of the great aisle is much hurt by the projecting galleries on each

side for the spectators.

Yours affectionately,

T. G.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 10, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I only returned to town this morning, having gone on Sunday. I am

very glad you were so satisfied with my last, but think you rather

went beyond my meaning in your construction of its contents;

however, I saw the Duke of Wellington this moment, and put your

letter into his hands, which he read with great attention. We were

on horseback, and many persons passing in the Park, and therefore

he had little means of conversing upon it; however, his observation

to me was--"I am glad he is satisfied with my explanation; I am

quite sure he may depend on what I said. You have heard, no doubt,

of the event of this morning" (meaning Lady Liverpool's death,

which took place at six o'clock), "this for the moment, of course,

stops all proceedings. Does Lord Buckingham remain in the country?

I am glad he does; he would be more fidgetty here, with all the

reports, but a few days probably will give him information." By

this you will perceive, for I really think I have quoted every word

he said (as we were interrupted by Mr. Singleton's presence), that

the communication is beyond doubt intended, and I shall think it

your own fault if you let the opportunity slip.

Without meaning in any manner to embarrass any views which you may

have, I think it fair to state my wish, which is to be placed at

any one of the Boards of Treasury, Admiralty, or India. It was the

situation which I was to have when Lord Grenville was to come in,

and I should hope both my pretension of former office and my

talents would entitle me to it, but be assured I mean not to

interfere with your arrangements in any way.

I send you a list which is made out at White's of the new Peers,

and which is said to be correct; it is expected out immediately.

Irish: Roden, Kingston, Conyngham, Longford, and Ormond.

Scotch: Wemys and Lothian.

English: Lord George Murray, Sir W. Scott, Pole, Cholmondeley,

Forester, Sir T. Liddle, and Sir T. Heathcote.

I have nothing further to say at present. You shall hear to-morrow

if anything occurs. I had a letter from Cecil Jenkinson announcing

her death, and saying Lord Liverpool was as well as could be

expected. The Duke of Wellington told me they were urging the King

to go to Ireland by Holyhead, but as yet he persists in going by

long sea.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

The negotiation with the Grenvilles was again resumed; a full report

of which is here given, including some curious revelations of Court

and Ministerial life.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am perfectly aware of the difficulties you have in managing the

_half-Whig_ principles and the _negative qualities_ which are

acting against you on the subject of negotiations and connexion

with the Government; and it was because I felt this, and knew the

delicacy of the transaction, and because I had incurred so much

blame from Lord G---- and others in former negotiations, that I

acted as I did. The moment I got your first letter I determined to

act upon it, _without consulting any one_. It was your wish that I

should communicate with the Duke of Wellington (personally); I

concurred in that opinion, and I therefore instantly went to him.

_After_ I had so communicated with him, and had written the account

of it to you, I sought Charles Williams [Wynn], to inform him of

what I had done, and showed him the correspondence. I had a long

conversation with him, and maintained those opinions and the views

which you have suggested in your letter of this morning. Although

he deprecated the overture to the Duke of Wellington, yet I am

quite persuaded he is delighted at the prospect it has opened to

his views. I know not whether he may or may not have opened the

subject to his uncles, but it is impossible they can condemn a

proceeding which was called for by the general and increasing

rumours of the town; but even if they are so disposed, it is

necessary for every man to judge for himself. They might think it

right to remain quiet; you, on the contrary, think it right to

communicate your views and opinions confidentially to the Duke of

Wellington, with whom you had before conversed on the subject. I

have always told you, and I repeat it, that Charles Williams,

though most able and admirable as your chief in the House of

Commons, is too full of difficulty and _splitting of hairs_. My

opinion is, decidedly, that you should, under all the difficulties

of the present moment, and with the retirement of your uncles, get

into official station, and thereby official strength and power; and

when once that is done, your influence, your necessity _to any

future Government_, will be tenfold what it now is; but if you are

now to hold off, and to be fighting for general objects, and for

balance of Cabinet strength, and for questions and individuals, I

have no hesitation in saying that I think you will do wrong. These

will be the points, I perfectly well know, that will be uppermost

in the mind of your uncles and Charles Williams; but it is for you

to act for yourself, which I think you can manage without

quarrelling with them. With all these impressions on my mind, and

recurring to the blame I incurred for communicating with Harrison

on a former occasion, I felt it impossible for me not to mention

the transaction to Charles Williams, _after I had executed your

wishes_; but I can assure [you] there is no other individual on

earth to whom I have opened my lips on the subject; and you must be

aware that, whether this conversation had been made known or not,

you must have mentioned the subject to your uncles and Charles Wynn

whenever the Government had sent to you, and on your arrival in

town. I feel exceedingly sorry you should have thought that I

wanted discretion by so doing; but, devoted as I am at all times to

you, the case was one in which I felt obliged to take the step I

did.

I shall not communicate your letter of to-day to him; but shall

continue to urge the same language you hold, and which, I assure

you, I have already done to him; and I would recommend you to leave

it now where it stands. Again I can't help expressing my opinion of

the propriety of your conduct, and the necessity there was of

coming to a full and distinct understanding as to your footing with

the Government.

I cannot yet give a good guess as to Lord Liverpool's conduct. If I

were to give my opinion, it is that he will remain in office; but

if Lord Londonderry thinks his situation, and power, and influence

must be strengthened (which seemed to be the opinion of the Duke of

Wellington), he may be better pleased with an arrangement which

would give him the Treasury and Chancellorship of the Exchequer,

and thereby he would possess the patronage and the authority over

the Secretaries of the Treasury. It certainly is now a drawback to

his Parliamentary means; at the same time, I own I cannot see

strength in the retirement of Lord Liverpool. He has more footing

and support in the country than any one of the Ministers; and even

his promise of support would be a very different thing. Who is

there to conduct the House of Lords?

Lady Conyngham is certainly moving to introduce the Opposition. I

was told last night (but I can't positively vouch for the fact)

that Lord and Lady Grey and children are invited to the Carlton

House ball this evening; if so, nothing can more strongly mark her

influence; for you must remember the language the King held to me,

not six months ago, about Lord Grey individually. There was no

opprobrious or harsh epithet he did not use. He dines with the Duke

of Devonshire to-morrow, and has a limited party to meet him in the

evening--a ball. I have not heard who are the invitations--but of

course Diplomacy and Opposition. The King has left out many of the

Ministers' ladies and his old friends to-night--such as the Duchess

of Rutland, Lady Bathurst; the only Minister's wife, Lady Melville,

asked.

I will keep this open, in case I have anything further to tell you.

Adieu!

Ever sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

House of Commons, Six o'clock.

I have little more to say, excepting that Lord Londonderry is

unwell, and no particular business will come on this evening. _Lord

and Lady_ Grey are certainly invited to Carlton House to-night, and

Tierney to the evening to-morrow, to meet the King at the Duke of

Devonshire's. The strongest rumours are afloat, and increase with

regard to _his leaning_ towards the Opposition; and certainly these

invitations do not discourage them. What he can mean seems

difficult to unravel.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I feel that I acted wrong in showing your letter marked

"Confidential" to Charles Williams, and am sorry I did so,

particularly as it has given you pain, but a variety of reasons

prompted me at the time; the subject was so important, and the

nature of the commission so delicate, that I did not sufficiently

consider how it might embarrass you. I am quite aware of the many

difficulties you have to contend with, and this made me feel (from

past experience) the danger of moving without explanation; however,

I can only say I am sorry I showed your letter, and it will be a

lesson to me in future to act with more caution.

The state of things is most critical and curious. Everybody now

acknowledges, and seems to admit, that changes must take place and

are pending, but what with the King's flirtation with the

Opposition, the strange absence and conduct of Canning at the House

of Commons, the illness of Londonderry, and the death of Lady

Liverpool, it is all loose and wild conjecture; my version is

this--I have no hesitation in saying, from what I gather, that Lord

Liverpool will not resign (the King has written him a most kind and

considerate letter); that the King only plays a game with the

Opposition from vexation and anger about Mr. Sumner's appointment,

and a wish at the same time of keeping down a party for the Queen,

but that he has no idea of changing his Government. That as soon as

Lady Liverpool is buried and the Session is closed, a communication

will be made to you, and that the Government will be strengthened

by your accession. How and in what manner this will be arranged, in

accordance with your feelings and views, I cannot pretend to say;

but whenever that proposition is made, if you are afterwards to

waive the accedence to a junction till you are enabled to satisfy

the theories and calculations of your uncles, I am quite sure you

might as well remain at Stowe. I have no hesitation in saying to

you, that I think you would do well to make a _sine qua non_ of

Charles Williams being of the Cabinet; but if beyond this he is to

have all his difficulties of who shall fill the different offices,

and how more or less the Government could be better classed, and if

these difficulties are again to be weighed and reasoned on by your

uncles, who sit in their libraries and fancy things and men are as

they were twenty years ago, and forget we are under a new reign,

_and such a reign_; and if above all, they fancy the Government is

reduced to the state of giving you _carte blanche_, and that they

cannot go on without your party, I am quite convinced they would

not treat on these terms, and that _they are_ prepared to go on, if

they find such to be your feelings and line of conduct; I tell you

this as _my own opinion_, and which I think I am bound to give you,

knowing the situation in which you stand, and weighing well all

these difficulties you have to contend against, and as they affect

what I know to be the prevailing object of your mind to conciliate

the junction.

The Opposition are whispering and cajoling about the King's conduct

towards them, and I see are endeavouring to separate the Whigs from

the Mountain; but they will be unable to do this while the Duke of

Bedford, Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, &c. are at Carlton House, and

Lords Tavistock, Fitzwilliam, Milton, Jersey, &c., are with the

Queen on the same evening.

Lady Conyngham is the great link upon which this hangs, and the

Opposition ladies are courting her to a degree and with success.

The King goes to-day (if he is well enough) to the Cottage, for the

Ascot week, and is to have his party, Lady C----, &c.

He is certainly very unwell, with a great degree of gout. He was in

his bed on the day he dined with the Duke of Devonshire till he got

up for the dinner, and went away at twelve. He sat nearly the whole

evening on a couch with Lady C----, and the night before at Carlton

House he did the same with her, attending very little to the

children, and then dismissed his company at about eleven o'clock,

to have a private supper with her. I cannot find that he spoke to

Lord Grey on either of the evenings. Adieu.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 18, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I can have no idea that the Duke of Wellington speaks alone from

his wishes, when he expressly told me that the _chiefs_ of the

Cabinet thought exactly as he did on the subject, and meant to act

upon it. If the Chancellor, Lord Melville, and others, have

counteracted this intention by stopping the arrangement with

Canning, I cannot but think it must end in their quarrelling, for I

am sure Lord Londonderry wishes for further strength in the House

of Commons, and he will not be deterred in procuring it by the

Chancellor's meddling, who does not suffer from this part of the

Government weakness. However, a short time must disclose it. Lady

Liverpool's body leaves town to-morrow to be buried at Hawkesbury;

Lord Liverpool attends it, and sleeps on Wednesday night at

Badminton (Duke of Beaufort's), very near the place; when he

returns, which he does to Combe, on Thursday or Friday, he will of

course resume business and communication with his colleagues. Lord

Londonderry is better; possibly may come to the House of Commons

to-day. There has been the _devil to do_ with the Duke of

Devonshire's dinner. The Spencers, indignant at not being asked,

refused to go in the evening; she saying that she did presume to

think that she was as much entitled to a _family_ association as

Mr. and Mrs. G. Lambe or Captain Clifford, and one must say with no

_little_ reason. He also wrote to Lady Jersey to beg her to _send

him an excuse_, as he had reason to think her presence would be

objectionable (this at the time he had invited Lady Tavistock, and

who was actually there, having been with the Queen the night

before); Lady Jersey is outrageous, but has written a most violent

letter to the Duke; but is crying to everybody, saying she is

abandoned by her friends and everybody; she was at Lady

Londonderry's on Saturday, sobbing and bewailing to every soul,

literally crying. Lady Conyngham carries it with the very highest

hand. She met R. Smith (Lord Carrington's son) on the Friday

morning, asked him if he was to be at the ball at Carlton House

that evening. He answered, "No; he had not been honoured by an

invitation;" to which she replied, "Oh, I'll take care of that;"

and he received a card a few hours afterwards.

Lady Londonderry sent her an invitation for one of her evening

parties; she sent word that Lady Londonderry not having invited her

to one party last winter, as she was not fit company in the year

1820, she could not be better or more worthy in the year 1821. Lady

Gwydyr is the great friend. I don't find the King spoke to one of

the Opposition _men_ either at Carlton House or at Devonshire

House; at the latter, a great mass of them, Tierney, Lord Grey,

Mackintosh, &c. &c., were collected in the outer room to make their

bow as he went out, but either by design or accident he came out by

another room, and the thing missed fire.

I perfectly agree with you in thinking the King's conduct towards

them is more with a view to destroy a Queen's party, but at the

same time it weakens most terribly his own. Canning looks like the

D----; I never saw a man so cast down or so miserable. His late

gasconade has done him great mischief; it is said that Charles

Ellis disapproved it strongly before he wrote the letter. I shall

keep this open till I go to the House. The King goes to-day to the

Cottage for the week--Lady Conyngham, Esterhazys, &c. &c. The

Agricultural Horse Tax is given up; it was surrendered in the

Committee this morning. I met Lord L---- this moment, who told me

he had just parted with Lord Sidmouth, who had seen Lord Liverpool

this morning. He (Lord L----) asked Lord Sidmouth whether there was

any disposition or feeling on the part of Lord Liverpool to resign;

he answered him in the clearest negative, saying he had no such

idea whatever; that he found him greatly subdued this morning, but

that after a little conversation he recovered and began upon

business. Adieu.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 2, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am quite persuaded there is no person more anxious on the subject

than C---- W----; and however sulky he may have been, he was not

the less delighted at the steps you took, by which the prospect

appeared to be so much opened.

I am quite at a loss now to account for the _non_-communication.

Your conjecture is, most probably, that the party who do not feel

the weight of the Government are too strong at present to enable

the efficient members to accomplish their object: at the same time,

it is quite clear something _must_ be done. If they get both

Canning and Peel, they may do; but I don't look to this. The former

claims too much, and there is a great portion of the Cabinet who

hate him. He certainly was walking with Lord Lichfield for an hour

previous to his making his speech; but his friends (I mean Lord

Binning, who told me so) say it was to dissuade him from making it.

He paired off himself on the question, which is a clear

demonstration of his ill-humour. I will endeavour to throw myself

in the Duke of Wellington's way, but I should think it unwise to

call upon him; and, if I have an opportunity, will open the

subject. After his declarations, if the business is off, he will

and must feel very awkward; but at the same time, I think he must

also feel called upon to give you some explanation. The truth is,

that the Government is so extremely weak, and so dis-united in

itself, and upon such terms with the King, that they don't know

from day to day, or from hour to hour, what will be their next

proceedings. I understood last night, the Council were to hear an

argument on the claim set up by the Queen to be crowned. The

Chancellor was to see the King upon it yesterday. This will add

disgust and ill-will from the King, who cannot listen to common

forms on her subject. Nobody can account for the Peerages not

having appeared, as also the Brevet in Army and Navy. Lord Talbot

was to return this week.

Whenever I hear anything, or can procure information, you shall

know immediately. I leave town on Saturday.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 4, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

You will receive with this another letter which I have written to

you, but which I told the Duke of W---- I would not send without

his first seeing, being upon a matter so important, and conveying

his message. Nothing can be so thoroughly weak as the proceedings

of the Government on this question: it is, as usual, holding off

and endeavouring to tide on, trusting to accident, but knowing

themselves to be incapable of continuing in their present form for

another session.

I had a conversation with the Duke, in which he evidently felt

embarrassed, because he admitted the folly of suspending any

measures, but was forced to admit, at the same time, he was

compelled to it. He talked over and admitted the inefficiency of

many members of the Cabinet, but then said there were reasons which

made it difficult to remove them, particularly when adverting to

Lord Sidmouth--said he knew how "silly a fellow he was," but that a

great following of the country attended him, and he would bring

more "_public_ opinion" to the Cabinet than any other member. It

was to his change, however, they looked. That it was impossible the

House of Commons could go on as it was; and the difficulty was, how

best to strengthen it, when there was in all parts of the House

_such a parity_ of abilities. I admitted this, but said the

disparity was only displayed in the Government benches; that B.

Bathurst, Vansittart, and others (I did not name Pole) were perfect

cyphers. It is clear that the efficient members--viz., Liverpool,

Londonderry, and the Duke of Wellington--have been thwarted in

their endeavours by the minor members of the Cabinet, and this

arising from the want of energy in Lord Liverpool. I said, "Do you

think the present supporters of Government, and the members of the

Cabinet whom you may remove, would or could oppose the new

Cabinet?" "Certainly not," he answered; "but though they would

support, yet it would be an unwilling and cold support, such as

could not be relied on." I made him feel as much as I could the

awkward situation in which he himself was placed, with the opinions

he entertained of the weakness of Government; and he really had

nothing to say to this, except that it could not last, but that a

strengthening of the Cabinet _must_ take place before the opening.

One thing, however, has [been] elicited--namely, that neither

Canning nor Peel are thought of as in distinction to a more

enlarged opening.

I have seen Charles Wynn since, and showed him the letter I was to

show the Duke, and which is here sent. Our conversation was short.

His impression is in favour of your joining the Whigs; but this

would be madness. First, that they would repel you; and next, it

would not a bit lessen the power of the present Government; or

could it lead, under any circumstances, to the formation of a

stronger or more efficient Government; it would and must lead you

into the stream of the Radicals, who completely govern the Whigs.

My opinion is, that you should now hold yourself liberated from all

connexion with the Government, and that whether they do or do not

communicate with you, is now a matter not worth your notice; but

that you shall give your support and influence to the formation of

any Government that can rescue us from the danger of revolution,

which is fast approaching, and which daily threatens us more and

more, from the weakness and want of energy of the present members

of the Cabinet. I will add a word or two to this after I have seen

the Duke.

You will see by the papers the death of Buonaparte. I met Lord

Sidmouth, who told me the accounts had arrived. He died of a

stomach attack of a cancerous nature, on the 5th April.

Four o'clock.

I am just come from the Duke, and I send you the letter as he has

altered it.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 4, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, who sent to me to

communicate the last decision of the Cabinet with regard to change.

He desired me to tell you it was found impossible, for reasons into

which he could not enter, to make the arrangements which had been

in contemplation, and that it was thought best not to come to you

with an offer in an arrangement which was not complete, and

therefore to delay to communicate with you till the complete

arrangement could be made. This must be made between this and the

next session of Parliament; and the Duke told me that nothing of

the kind could be done without communication with you; that if the

arrangement in contemplation could have been made at present, an

offer would have been made to you which the Duke thinks would have

been agreeable to you; and he was quite certain nothing of the kind

would be done in future without something of the same kind. I

begged to understand from the Duke whether any partial change--such

as the introduction of Mr. Canning or Mr. Peel--would be considered

change? His answer was, that no change whatever would take place

without your being consulted and a party to it; and that he made

this communication to you with the knowledge and concurrence of

Lord Liverpool.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord,

Most sincerely yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, July 5, 1821.

MY DEAR B----,

I yesterday met Fremantle, who told me of his conversation with the

Duke of W----, which terminates that business just as I expected.

The moment that the pressure of immediate difficulty is removed by

the prorogation, they are content to go to sleep, just as they did

in autumn, and depend upon what good fortune, chance, or the

chapter of accidents may send them before next session, which will

find them just as unfit, unprepared, and incapable as the present

has left them. They all say that Lord Liverpool is in a state of

such nervous irritation, from mental distress and the accumulation

of business which has taken place in his absence, that it is

impossible to get an answer from him upon anything. I spoke the

other day to Lord Londonderry about Henry, and he held just the

same language as before--hope of making an early communication, but

had not yet been able to speak to Lord Liverpool.

Report states the intended reduction to be four regiments of

dragoons, three of infantry, and ten men per troop and company on

the remainder. I doubt the dragoons, since that would be lower than

the establishment of 1792.

The Ordnance is also to be well pared.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 7, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just come from the Duke of W----, who had shown your letter to

Lord Liverpool. Of course he said little upon it, more than

admitting the general terms and the necessity of forming a strong

Government.

I found him, however, I think, a great deal more irritable on the

subject of the King, full of anger, and vexation, and complaint of

the difficulties in which the Cabinet was placed; every hour

increasing those difficulties from the conduct _he_ was pursuing,

not only by his _flirtation_ with the Opposition, but by his

strange whims and orders respecting the Coronation, and the

impatience he already shows at any reductions, particularly when

they touch the military. However, these are things that must be

fought, and as I again repeated, the sooner the better. I found,

however, from the Duke, that the great resistance was made to the

re-introduction of Canning (and this is, I think, material for you

to know). _He_ cannot forgive him, and the particular offence is

the letter he wrote to B----, explaining the grounds of his conduct

regarding the Queen, and in which he stated he "was no party to

laying the green bag on the table of the House of Commons," which

is a direct falsehood. By this you will observe where the _hitch_

rests; and it is likewise gratifying, with your views of the

subject, to feel that the Cabinet consider a strong Government can

only be constituted by the admission of Canning; indeed, the Duke

entered into this part with a great deal of reasoning on the state

of the House of Commons.

The more I hear and see of the matter, the more convinced I am that

the whole thing hangs on a thread; that if the King dared turn them

out he would, that is, he would submit to the influence of Lady

C---- in so doing, but I don't know that if it were not but for

this influence he would be so disposed. That the Cabinet knowing

this are cautious not to give him any good ground, and not to

exasperate him at the present moment. You cannot imagine the state

of irritation in which the Duke was this morning, and I think not a

little of it arose from the result of an interview which Lord

Anglesea had with the King yesterday, for he said to me among other

things--"You have no idea the mischief that is done to us by

persons who have an opportunity of seeing and conversing with the

King. Lord Anglesea saw him yesterday, and this has interfered

already in our proposed military reductions." Afterwards he

said--"There are not less than five Pagets named for situations at

the Coronation." I give you all this to show the tone and temper.

I told him when he was talking over the state of the House of

Commons, that I thought if he could in the arrangement secure the

most efficient of the present members of Government, together with

your squadron, Canning, and Peel, such a Government might defy not

only the Opposition, but all the folly, or indiscretion, or passion

of the King; to which he said, "It is the only Government that

ought to be formed." Nothing could exceed his indignation and

abuse of Lady C----. He said the situation in which she was now

placed, was one she had been seeking for twenty years; that her

whole object was patronage and patronage alone; that she mingled in

everything she could, and it was entirely owing to the necessary

interference of the Government on one or two points, and the

offence given by Lady Castlereagh in not inviting her, that her

present animosity to the Government proceeded, and the consequent

difficulties with the King.

I have run on till the bell-man is actually passing; probably you

will be in town before Sunday, when I shall see you, but I am

compelled by business to go on that day. Adieu.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

P.S.--The Peerages are expected out to-night, nobody knows why Lord

Rous is made an Earl.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

Many thanks to you for your two letters. The account which

Fremantle yesterday gave me of his second conversation with the

Duke of W---- certainly bore a more decisive character than

anything which had previously passed; still, even that is

symptomatic of the general weakness and procrastination which marks

the Administration in general and Lord Liverpool in particular. In

general I concur most fully in the sentiments which you have

expressed in your letter to Fremantle. Perhaps I do not so much

wish as you do for Lord Liverpool's continuance in his present

department; as, notwithstanding the weight which attaches to his

character, I believe that the peculiar peril of the present day

might be encountered with greater probability of success if Lord

Londonderry were to unite that office with the lead of the House of

Commons.

I do not yet know exactly whether I can be with you on Wednesday or

Thursday, but on one of them I certainly will. I find that there is

a probability of the Oxford election being deferred till the 23rd,

or possibly the 24th. I think Heber has a fair probability of

success, if his friends exert themselves; but his committee wants

very much the order and method of your arrangements in St. James's

Square. I fear that of the new Peers there will be a considerable

majority against the Catholics. I can only find William Pole, Lord

Ormond, and perhaps Liddell, among the favourable, and all the

remainder who had not previous votes as representative peers,

hostile.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, July 10, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I think I shall determine to return to town on the 17th or 18th,

because I do not see how the bustle of the coronation can reach me

in Cleveland Square, if I carefully avoid all nearer approach to

it; so that, according to my present projects, I think I shall

certainly see you in London. My expectation is that, more or less

immediately, the influence of the lady will effect the change that

she is supposed to be working for, more especially as I believe her

lover's vanity would rather be flattered by the ostentation of

displaying her power and influence on this subject, in spite of the

manifest impropriety of her appearing in public affairs, and the

hazard which might attend such a manifestation in times like the

present and with the jealousy which the public mind has already

shown upon these topics.

I perfectly agree with you also in the apprehensions which you

express, of the weakness of the present ministers inviting and

acquiescing in the transfer of the executive government from

official responsibility to votes and resolutions and debates.

If the Opposition shall succeed to office, I shall certainly think

their success not a whit more creditable to them on this occasion,

than was their disgraceful failure last year; but whenever that

happens, a new state of things will arise, which will create

perhaps a difficult question, and certainly a most important one,

as to the more or less support which the public interests might

demand for them. If they take the government diffident of their own

strength, they may court popularity among the lower ranks by

measures, under the specious name of reform, which might

irrecoverably ruin the constitution of the country, before they

could be displaced; if, on the other hand, they could promise

themselves a fair and extensive parliamentary support in

endeavouring to bring back to government its proper dignity,

authority, and responsibility, that would be so great a public good

that all possible means should be taken to support it, however

objectionable their conduct out of office had been: the difficulty

would be to decide that important question; we shall have time

enough to think and talk it over.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

White's, July 14, 1821.

It is impossible to describe to you half the lies or inventions

that daily take place. To-day it is said, and confidently, that the

King has nominated four extra Knights of the Thistle--Lauderdale,

Cassilis, Melville, and Aboyne. The preparations for the Coronation

are going on with infinite energy, but I should think with equal

confusion. A grand quarrel between the Lord Great Chamberlain and

the Earl Marshal, the latter engrossing all the Abbey, and the

other all the Hall, and not allowing the smallest interference or

even suggestion from each other. The King perfectly absorbed in all

these petty arrangements of dress, seats, &c. A private box

prepared in the Hall for the Great Chamberlain, in which Lady

Conyngham is accommodated. Lord Conyngham said to-day, at White's,

that he and family were to depart for Ireland immediately after the

levee; not to wait for the ball which is to be given on Friday,

27th, at Carlton House. It is generally believed that Lord Sidmouth

forgot to sign his name to the letter to the Queen; but the

extraordinary part is, that yesterday it was generally understood,

even by the Government, that the Queen was to have a place at the

Abbey, and this I fully believe; but that the King said he had a

full and complete control over the Hall, and _there_ she should not

come; and I believe this is the cause of the rejection altogether.

You can have no idea what an impression it makes in the public, the

conduct of the King towards his Government. The flirtation he holds

with the Opposition, and his general estrangement from them; the

appointments he makes, without the least communication with them. I

dined yesterday at the Duchess of Rutland's, where there was a

large party of Government people, and where nothing else was talked

of. The arrangement for reduction is this at present--ten men

reduced from every troop in every cavalry regiment, and twenty-five

per cent. from all official situations, high and low; this is what

I heard to-day.

I go out of town early to-morrow. You will no doubt have much

communication with the Duke of Wellington when you come, and, if he

is as full as when I last saw him, you will hear much to astonish,

and, I think, to alarm you.

Lord Lansdowne's appointment is confirmed.

Ever yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I waited till the last moment to see if I could pick up anything

for you. Hume was cut off in the middle of his speech. The Queen

certainly means to come to the Royal box at the Coronation, and it

is now said the Cabinet have decided on providing her a seat.

Whether this is true or not I cannot say; but they are mad if they

leave her to fight the battle in the street, which she will

certainly do. The peerages are delayed on account of the question

of titles. Forester can't be Lord Forester or Wenlock, the latter

claimed by Lawleys, the former possessed at present by Lord

Verulam. Forester out of town, and expresses going to settle this.

The list of Peers has given great offence to the friends of

Government; and, to be sure, if England had been looked through for

pretensions, there could hardly [have] been found a set of men who

had so little claim. Lord Donoughmore (the Opposition say) is to

take the title of Alexandria in honour of his brother, who was made

a Peer for his conquests there. Old Foster is to be one of the new

Peers; he was not before named. I do not hear any confirmation of

Lord Lansdowne's appointment as High Constable of Ireland, and I

therefore doubt it. Lady Conyngham dined a few days ago at Lord

Gwydyr's; among the party was Brougham, who had pleaded in the

morning before the Privy Council for the Queen. The report of the

Queen's attending the Coronation has given such an impression of

riot, that the seats have fallen to nothing, and, though they are

preparing accommodation for thousands and thousands, the sale of

tickets is very heavy indeed. I am frightened for the yeomanry, and

hope Lord Temple will be able to get them well back without a row.

I am sorry I shall not see you, for I must go on Saturday, and have

a long appointment for Monday on public business in the country.

You have no idea of the million of reports which are hourly

propagating here on the subject of the Government and Lady

Conyngham, and the Coronation, &c. &c. The town is absolutely in a

ferment. You shall hear to-morrow from me.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

The day appointed for the imposing pageant, the Coronation, came at

last. The Queen had made several vain efforts to obtain a recognition

of her right to be crowned at the same time as the King; but the Privy

Council decided against her on the 10th of July. Nothing daunted, the

day following she wrote to Lord Sidmouth to inform his Lordship of her

intention to be present, and a few days later published a protest

against the decision of the Privy Council. On the 16th, Lord Hood, at

her desire, wrote to the Earl Marshal, informing the Duke (of Norfolk)

of her Majesty's intention to be present at the approaching ceremony on

the 19th, and desiring that persons should be in attendance to conduct

her to her seat on her arrival at the Abbey. The day arrived, and so

did the Queen; but though she tried, with Lord Hood's assistance, to

gain admission at more than one door, her entrance was opposed. She was

not only obliged to endure this repulse, but sounds assailed her ears

as soon as she was recognised by the spectators in the galleries, that

declared how completely she had fallen in public estimation. Mortified

and humiliated, she at last returned to her residence; and, though a

mob of disorderly boys broke the windows of mansions belonging to

noblemen known to be opposed to her, the intelligence failed to afford

her sufficient solace. Lord Eldon thus describes her Majesty's final

exhibition of spirit: "It is all over, quite safe and well. The Queen's

attempt to make mischief, failed. She sent a message to say that she

would be at the Abbey by eight o'clock. To take the persons there by

surprise, she came between six and seven. After trying every door of

the Abbey in vain, she came to the Hall; there she was also denied

entrance. A few of the mob called 'Queen for ever!' I am informed that,

on the other hand, there was great hissing, cries of 'Shame, shame! go

to Bergamo!' and a gentleman in the Hall told us that when her Majesty

got into the carriage again, she wept."[66]

[66] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 48.

She felt the crushing nature of this disappointment, and though she

made an effort--a vain one, of course--to induce the Archbishop of

Canterbury to crown her a day or two later, she was so thoroughly

overwhelmed by this complete downfall of her hopes, that she became

seriously ill, and died on the 7th of August--a week after the King had

left Carlton House for Ireland. The suddenness of her death created to

some extent a reaction of public opinion in her favour, particularly

among the lower orders, and riots of a serious nature attended the

passage of her remains through the metropolis, on their way to

Brunswick; but the nine days' wonder had scarcely lived out its brief

reign, when the town was entertaining itself with accounts of the

King's amazing popularity in Ireland, in a manner that betrayed its

eagerness to get rid, as soon as possible, of a disagreeable subject.

Thus passed away Caroline of Brunswick--a character variously

represented by that very unsatisfactory photograph, Party; but, though

the likeness has often been idealized by those whose credit was likely

to suffer by too natural a resemblance, sufficient physiognomical

likeness has remained to show that she was far from being the sort of

woman a sensible man would court for a wife, or the kind of Princess

that would confer any distinction on the nation that would accept her

as a Queen.

CHAPTER V.

[1821.]

EFFECT OF QUEEN CAROLINE'S ILLNESS AND DEATH ON THE KING. HIS NARROW

ESCAPE IN THE ROYAL YACHT. HIS VISIT TO IRELAND. ENTRY INTO DUBLIN.

POSITION OF THE KING'S MINISTERS. GEORGE IV. ON THE FIELD OF WATERLOO.

THE KING'S VISIT TO HIS HANOVERIAN DOMINIONS. COALITIONS AND DOUBLE

NEGOTIATION. POLITICAL GOSSIP. A NEW CLUB. DISMISSAL OF SIR ROBERT

WILSON FROM THE ARMY. PUBLIC SUBSCRIPTION FOR HIM.

CHAPTER V.

Intelligence of the serious character of Queen Caroline's malady

reached the King, as was stated in the last chapter, when his Majesty

was making a yachting excursion, and its effect upon his mind may be

gathered from the following extract of a letter written by the King

soon after the information had reached him:--

"On Tuesday, at noon, as I had heard nothing from my friend Lord

Sidmouth, who had passed over to the other coast some hours before, we

took up our anchorage here. We had reason to know he had heard the

report before he left Holyhead, and it was determined, as the best

medium line that could be adopted until I could hear from him, that I

should proceed for twelve hours to Lord Anglesea's. Accordingly, I

wrote to Lord Sidmouth and Bloomfield to acquaint them with the

communication I had received respecting the Queen, to account for the

delay in my not proceeding to Ireland, and desiring Lord Sidmouth's

advice as to what I had best do, and that he would make all the

arrangements which might be necessary under existing circumstances.

"I returned from Plas Newydd to my yacht here about four o'clock on the

next day (Wednesday), and found Lord Sidmouth just disembarked, and

ready to receive me. He stayed about two hours with me on board, and

then again took his passage in the steam-boat, having arranged with me

that if the accounts from London of the Queen the next day should

represent her to be in an improved state, that then we should set sail

as quickly as possible, and land at Dunleary, and make my public

_entree_ at Dublin on that day (Friday), although he had already taken

measures for a private entry if matters should be worse, as it was

utterly impossible for me, under any circumstances, not to proceed now

to Ireland, where public notice would be given that I should observe

the strictest privacy for some days, until we were acquainted either

with the Queen's recovery or her demise, and till after the body should

be interred.

"Lord Londonderry fortunately arrived the next morning, after Lord

Sidmouth left me--that is to say, yesterday (Thursday), before seven

o'clock in the morning--and has remained with me, and will continue to

do so till I have set my foot on the Irish shore. He approved of all

the arrangements I had made with Lord Sidmouth as the best possible,

and with every view I had taken of the whole circumstance; and it is

now determined that, either in the course of the day, or as soon as

possible as the wind and weather will permit (but which at present does

not appear very encouraging), we are to set sail either in the yacht

alone, or by steam to Ireland; to make Howth (about five miles from

Dublin), and to proceed, without any sort of show or display, to the

Phoenix Park, without entering or passing through Dublin at all. My

arrival there will then be publicly announced, and that the strictest

privacy for a few days will be observed, as far as proper decency and

decorum may require; and that after that the day will be announced when

I shall make my public _entree_, and when all public ceremonies and

rejoicings will commence."[67]

[67] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 91.

This careful attention to decency and decorum disproves all the

reckless allegations that have been put forward of the King's

indifference, or, as some writers have asserted, exultation, when

intelligence reached him of the serious nature of the Queen's

indisposition. It proceeded further than is indicated in the extract

just quoted; for, when he put to sea with the intention of returning to

England, his Majesty and all the royal suite had a narrow escape from a

watery grave. The scene is thus graphically described by his Majesty's

hand:

"We sailed again yesterday morning between four and five o'clock, with

a most promising breeze in our favour, to make the Land's End. About

two or three in the evening the wind shifted immediately in our teeth,

a violent hurricane and tempest suddenly arose, the most dreadful

possible of nights and of scenes ensued, the sea breaking everywhere

over the ship. We lost the tiller, and the vessel was for some minutes

down on her beam-ends; and nothing, I believe, but the undaunted

presence of mind, perseverance, experience, and courage of Paget

preserved us from a watery grave. The oldest and most experienced of

our sailors were petrified and paralysed; you may judge somewhat, then,

of what was the state of most of the passengers; every one almost flew

up in their shirts upon deck in terrors that are not to be

described."[68]

[68] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 94.

In this position the Royal yacht and her amateur sailors must have made

a study for a marine painter, than which nothing, we believe, more

striking has ever appeared on canvas. The King subsequently sailed on

his intended visit to the sister island, and arrived off the coast in

due course. On his Majesty's landing, the inhabitants of Dublin and of

the neighbourhood, says a chronicler of these events, "escorted him

with the most tumultuous acclamations to the vice-regal lodge, from the

steps of which he thus addressed them:--'This is one of the happiest

days of my life. I have long wished to visit you. My heart has always

been Irish; from the day it first beat I loved Ireland, and this day

has shown me that I am beloved by my Irish subjects. Rank, station,

honours, are nothing; but to feel that I live in the hearts of my Irish

subjects is to me exalted happiness.'"

"These felicitous expressions," we are told, "diffused universal

enchantment, and combined with the graceful condescension and dignified

affability of manner, which the Sovereign knew so well to exhibit when

inclined to do so, roused the loyalty of the people to a perfect

enthusiasm. For the week that he remained there, his life was a

continued triumph."[69]

[69] Alison's "History of Europe," vol. ii. p. 486.

His stay in the island was marked by a series of loyal demonstrations

that could not fail of producing in the mind of his Majesty intense

gratification. On the 15th of August the King held a private levee at

the Lodge in Phoenix Park, Dublin, at which the principal members of

the Irish Government were presented. On the 17th was his public entry

into the metropolis, when his progress to the Castle was a scene of

devotion such as Dublin had never before exhibited. He re-embarked at

Kingston on the 5th of September, but did not quit the Irish shore till

three days later. After a stormy passage, he returned to English ground

at Milford Haven on the 13th, and arrived at Carlton House on the 15th

of the same month. Some particulars of this memorable visit hitherto

unknown may be found in the following letters.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 26, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Not knowing in what part of the world a letter would find you, I

have not written. I don't know whether you have heard any of the

details from Ireland, but the conduct of the Irish is beyond all

conception of loyalty and adulation, and I fear will serve to

strengthen those feelings of self-will and personal authority which

are at all times uppermost in The Mind. The passage to Dublin was

occupied in eating goose-pie and drinking whiskey, in which his

Majesty partook most abundantly, singing many joyous songs, and

being in a state, on his arrival, to double in sight even the

numbers of his gracious subjects assembled on the pier to receive

him. The fact was, that they were in the last stage of intoxication.

However, they got him to the Park. Lady C---- has been almost

constantly at the Phoenix Park, but has not appeared much in

public. He was greatly satisfied at the time with the conduct of

Lord Liverpool, &c., on the death of the Queen, and it had

reconciled him to them. Whether these sentiments will remain is

more than I can say. I think her death a great gain to the Whigs;

it relieves them from great embarrassment. The officers of the

Guards have sent in to the Duke of York a remonstrance against the

conduct of Sir Robert Wilson[70] on the day of the funeral. He has

been called upon to give in his answer, which I understand he has

done. I have no doubt, on the King's return, he will be dismissed

the army, which he ought to be. His conduct was most atrocious,

leading and directing the mob.

The King is determined to go to Hanover, and has engaged to be

there on the 16th. If this holds good, which I have no doubt it

will, nothing will take place till after his return from thence. He

wrote to the Duchess of Gloucester from Dublin, full of joy and

happiness and spirits. Not a soul in Ireland in mourning. The

person most talked of to succeed Lord Hertford is Lord Wellesley.

Lord Stewart does not return to Vienna.[71] Heber gains his

election, which I am delighted at, for it was an attempt to shake

the interest and strength of Lord Grenville in the University.

Ever, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

P.S.--I hear the Whigs at present disclaim the conduct of

Lushington.

[70] This officer took a prominent part in the disturbances

created by the populace of London on the passage of the Queen's

remains through the metropolis, to be embarked for the Continent.

[71] This is incorrect. His lordship subsequently succeeded his

brother as Marquis of Londonderry, when he threw up his

appointment as ambassador at the Court of Austria rather than

serve under Mr. Canning.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Bagshot Park, Sept. 5, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I send you a few lines from hence, where I have been staying a few

days. The Duke of G---- is full of the idea of changes in the

Government, but is fully convinced it will not be to take in the

Whigs. He thinks Lord Liverpool is to go, and Lord Londonderry to

be at the head of the Government; and the latter, you may be

assured, from all I have heard, has replaced himself in the King's

good opinion, and has equal influence to what he has ever had. The

Irish journey has done this. The Duke has not the least idea of the

real state of things; but I find from him the Whigs are aware of

some change before the meeting. I cannot at all guess whether the

steps which were proposed are intended previous to the King's

departure for Hanover. He will be in town to-morrow if the wind

permits, or perhaps he may be delayed a few days. He proposed to

leave town for Hanover the 16th or 17th. He appoints Lords Justices

(not a Regency), to consist of all his Ministers, together with the

Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Steward and Master of the Horse,

and the Lord Chamberlain. These are to do nothing but the common

routine of business. Lord Londonderry accompanies the King abroad;

and all correspondence is to be kept up through him, and no

appointments of any sort to take place but such as absolutely

demand immediate filling up. He goes to Vienna, and Paris, and

Homburg, Munich, &c., &c.: such is his present intention. He cannot

be back till the end of November or December, and I can hardly

conceive it possible they will defer all changes till that time,

when any new members of a Government must be so ignorant of

measures just as the meeting of Parliament is about to take place.

The Duke of Wellington will be back from Paris time enough to meet

the King. _I do not believe_ one word of Lord Liverpool's going

out. He certainly has not done the thing well as to the funeral;

but the great blame is in that booby, Sir R. Baker. Lady C---- has

been living with the King at the Phoenix Park, and he has never

slept out but at Slane Castle. The Royal yacht went to Holyhead to

take her over to Dublin; the Admiralty yacht took the Princess

Augusta to Ostend. The latter does not go to Hanover; it is said

the former does. Lord Grosvenor loses upwards of 80,000_l._ by his

agent More's failure. He has two vacancies for Shaftesbury, and

brings in Mr. Ralph Leicester, of Toft, in Cheshire, and offers the

other seat to Lord Normanby. I see Canning is waiting in England

(having intended to return to France), which looks very like an

immediate arrangement. I suppose you heard that a Board of General

Officers is examining into the conduct of Sir Robert Wilson on the

14th. I think I told you this in my last.

The story abroad is, that they are trying to cook up a match for

the King with a Princess of Tour and Taxis (I believe a sister of

the Duchess of Cumberland), and a sister of the Princess Esterhazy.

Metternich is at the bottom of it. Query, whether Lady C---- will

oppose or promote a match? If her lord would go, other objects

might occur to her; indeed, it is hinted that she is trying to push

her daughter for the prize. The Duchess of G---- had a long letter

from the King a few days ago, full of the highest spirits.

I think I have told you all I have picked up.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Sept. 9, 1821.

MY DEAR B----,

The enclosed letter came to-day from Wheatley. I send it you,

though I certainly do not attach much credit to the virtuous

refusal of the Whigs to come in under Lady Conyngham's auspices,

forasmuch as I should rather believe that if the daughter of the

Devil would engage to bring them in, they would even conform to the

condition of admitting old Nicholas (not Vansittart) as their

colleague and patron. The opinion of the breach between the King

and his Ministers being past all mending, seems every day to gain

ground, for I hear of it from different quarters. If the King goes

to Hanover, it seems almost impossible that he should return in

time to make any new arrangement before the meeting of Parliament.

My uncle has, I find, returned from Bowood, strongly impressed in

his own mind with the wish of Lord Lansdowne, to form an

Administration in conjunction with us, if he can effect it.

Certainly this is what I should individually prefer to any other

arrangement, but it is impossible not to see the extreme difficulty

which must arise in drawing a line between the less violent and

more furious of the Opposition, since no man can say where that

line should run, or who should be included in each division.

It hardly can be desirable that we should select that moment for

connecting ourselves with those whom we have so long opposed, when

they are on the point of being kicked out, when they have lost both

the favour of the Crown and the confidence of the House of Commons.

Yet that is the present appearance, and I think you will agree that

our union with them could not of itself be sufficient to save them,

unless Canning were also included, and unless we could see some

reasonable probability of an arrangement of the Catholic question,

which I am inclined to fear the King's visit to Ireland, by raising

the hopes and the tone of the Irish Catholics, will place at a

greater distance than ever. If the King has really made up his mind

to part with his present Ministers, it is not unlikely that instead

of taking upon himself the responsibility of turning them out, he

may only negative any minor change, and so either drive them to

resign, or instigate the House of Commons to turn them out in the

first month of the next Session. The miscarriage of all the Irish

Peerages must of course manifest still more publicly than before

the bad understanding between master and servants. Pray send me

word what you have heard on that subject, as well as on the general

posture of things. Your host is lucky that the dispute did not

arise on the English instead of the Irish Peerages.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Sept. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I went to town with the express object of seeing the Duke, but did

not succeed; I called twice on him, but he was from home, and I did

not think it was advisable to write to ask to see him, as it would

have looked so very like impatience, and I am quite sure that until

the King's arrival he would have been able to say nothing. I find

the King arrived yesterday evening, but my full belief is, that

nothing will be done till his return; I differ with you, however,

completely in thinking that this fever of loyalty in Ireland will

induce them to try to tide on; I am quite convinced the thing is

impossible, the state of the public mind in this country is so

agitated, the unpopularity of the King so great, the weakness of

Government so apparent, and the general resistance to the

reductions, both civil and military, so strongly demonstrated in

the supporters of Government, that I am quite satisfied a change

must take place, and I have quite altered my opinion with regard to

his taking the Opposition. He may try Lord Lansdowne (which will

fail), but my speculation is, that your friends and Canning will be

and must be in office, previous to the opening of Parliament. You

see by all the papers that Lord Talbot is to remain another year,

and I think if it were not true, it would have been contradicted.

The change I contemplate is--Canning, Home Secretary (Sidmouth

retiring, who wants to do so), and you Admiralty, Melville the

India Board, and B. Bathurst making way for Wynn. I consider the

_boutique_ of Sidmouth as going altogether; how it will be arranged

I won't pretend to say, but this is the quarter that is to make the

opening.

I never in my life heard of anything equal to the K----'s

infatuation and conduct towards Lady C----. She lived exclusively

with him during the whole time he was in Ireland at the Phoenix

Park. When he went to Slane, she received him dressed out as for a

drawing-room. He saluted her, and they then retired alone to her

apartments. A yacht is left to bring her over, and she and the

whole family go to Hanover. I hear the Irish are outrageously

jealous of her, and though courting her to the greatest degree, are

loud in their indignation at Lord C----. This is just like them. I

agree in all you say about Ireland. As there is no chance of the

boon being granted, no Lord Lieutenant could have a chance of

ingratiating himself, or of fair justice done him, with the King's

promises and flattery. I cannot see how he can be so long absent as

his journey must necessarily make him. I have heard it thus

calculated:--Supposing he sets off the 24th or 26th; a fortnight to

Hanover, as he goes through the Low Countries and visits the King

of the Netherlands; this would make it the 10th October. A month

there, 10th November. A fortnight's journey and stay at Vienna,

24th November. A fortnight more from Vienna to Hamburg, Wurtemberg,

and to Paris, 10th December. Four days at Paris, about the 15th or

16th December return. And all this with the present state of the

country. I do not think it possible for him to be allowed to do it.

I have not touched upon expense, for although it is said Hanover is

to pay for his stay there, the presents and remainder of the

journey must be paid by England.

Whatever I hear, you shall have forwarded to you as quickly as I

can. I shall direct always to Pall Mall. I think of going to

Brighton for some warm baths next week.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--I hear Lord Lauderdale is _seriously_ ill.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Sept. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

The arrangements for the foreign tour are all changed since the

King's return from Ireland. Vienna, Hamburg, Wurtemberg, and Paris

are given up, and he goes only to Hanover, sails from Ramsgate to

Ostend, visits the King of the Netherlands, and passes on

immediately. His promises are that he will return in six weeks; and

there has been a great exertion to induce him to give up the

foreign tour altogether, but this could not be carried.

No appointments whatever have been made--not the Chamberlainship--and

you see his name omitted in the Lords Justices. With regard to

these appointments and changes, I am thoroughly convinced they will

take place before the meeting, but I really think on every account

it would be unwise, and too much beneath your dignity, and indeed

injurious to your objects, was I to see the D---- of W----, to know

more upon it at present. It would place him, perhaps, in a very

awkward predicament, and after his solemn assurances and written

communications to you personally and through me, he must write to

you or send to me should the arrangements be relinquished.

Be assured the state of the public mind is such that they cannot

attempt to tide over another session. The King in his journey home

overtook Lord and Lady Harcourt (now the bosom friends of Lady

C----), stopped them, got out of his carriage, and sat with them

for a quarter of an hour in the public road, recounting all his

perilous adventures at sea and flattering reception in Ireland.

Lady Harcourt told me his _pious acknowledgment_ for his great

escape of being shipwrecked was quite edifying, and the very great

change in his moral habits and religious feelings was quite

astonishing, and all owing to Lady C----.

The Duchess of Gloucester went to see him yesterday. He was in

particular good health and spirits, but not so much enraptured with

Ireland as she expected to see him. I believe he is a little

alarmed at the advances and favour he has shown to the Catholics.

Lord Londonderry is in the highest possible favour, which certainly

don't look like the Whigs coming in, although many circumstances

give reason to think Lord Liverpool will go, which, however, I

shall never believe till I see. It was not intended to have named

the Duke of York in the Lords Justices, but for some reason which I

can't tell you, his name was inserted. They are to execute nothing

but absolute necessary measures, and to fill up no appointments

without communication with the King. Lord Londonderry accompanies

him to Hanover--all the family of the C----s also, which the

Duchess of Cambridge does not very much relish. I shall leave this

place on Saturday; therefore, if you write to me, direct to

Stanhope Street. I think of being at Brighton about Tuesday or

Wednesday.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

The particulars, as I understand, of Sir Robert Wilson, are what is

stated in the papers; but they have the additional proof of his

having paid individuals for breaking up the road and intercepting

the hearse; I believe he has not even a feather to stand upon, the

facts are so strong against him. The King is to go to Waterloo, Sir

Andrew Barnard, Lord Francis Conyngham, Sir William Knighton, and

Sir B. Bloomfield are all that are at present appointed to

accompany him.

Adieu, my dear Lord,

Ever sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

The King quitted England to visit Hanover, embarking from Ramsgate, and

disembarking at Calais, whence the royal party proceeded by way of

Lisle to Brussels; then, attended by Prince Frederick of Holland, the

Duke of Wellington, and Lord Clancarty, he rode to the field of

Waterloo. It was a locality full of the deepest interest to the King,

increased by his Majesty having for his _cicerone_ the victor who had

made it so celebrated. The weather was bad, but it did not in the least

damp his Majesty's ardour, or make him abate his curiosity. He went

"into the little church of the village, examined all the tablets of

inscriptions upon the walls, then visited the willow-tree under which

was buried the shattered limb of Lord Anglesea, and seemed greatly

impressed with all around him." Nothing escaped him, he carefully

examined every position, and did not leave the field till he was master

of all the details of the battle.

The party then proceeded to Namur, thence to Aix-la-Chapelle, which

they reached on the 2nd of October, and entered the dominions of the

King of Prussia on the 4th; the royal suite consisting of forty horses,

besides the escort. Though the King's reception by the Prussians was

very satisfactory, no time was lost in getting into his own

territories, which he reached on the 6th, resting at the palace of

Osnabruck.

An incident occurred during the King's sojourn in his German dominions

which has thus been recorded. "Early in the morning a poor woman, with

a countenance apparently much worn with sorrow, on her knees presented

a paper to the King's Hanoverian Chamberlain, which was rejected. I saw

this from the saloon, from which I was looking down on the many

thousand persons assembled in the court-yard, and I observed the

expression of despair which followed. I hastened down, fearing to lose

sight of her, got her petition, and presented it to the King. It craved

his mercy for her husband, who was doomed to five years' hard labour in

a fortress. She was the mother of eight little children, and, it need

not be added, in great poverty and want. The crime was of a nature to

be pardoned, and this was done by the King, with his pen, instantly,

for here his authority is absolute. We had the poor woman in the

saloon, and you may imagine the rest."[72]

[72] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 106.

The visit excited a great deal of Hanoverian enthusiasm, the whole

population of Osnabruck coming out to greet their King, and all the

streets through which the royal cavalcade passed were strewed with

flowers and evergreens. "Every village, too," adds the same authority,

"had triumphal arches erected, with appropriate inscriptions, all

bearing evident marks of real religion."[73] The pastor in his robes is

described as standing by the whole parish on either side, and the women

carrying their Bibles under their arms.

[73] Ibid., p. 107.

The King's reception at Hanover was equally gratifying. His Majesty

made his entry on horseback, and the occasion produced a grand

spectacle. His Majesty held a levee and a drawing-room in the capital,

which was brilliantly attended; and everything was proceeding in the

most gratifying way, when a severe fit of the gout, brought on by

spraining his knee when getting on horseback, put a stop to all

festivities. This occurred about the middle of October, and he did not

commence his return till the end of the month, when the same

enthusiastic spirit accompanied his progress. "Every town and village

was crowded. The sacred emblem of the arch, with flowers and branches

of trees, with happy devices, prevailed everywhere. The peasantry all

well dressed." Subsequently, a curious incident occurred. "Some

hundreds of miners from the mountains came to serenade their king. They

are a particular race of Saxon origin, and for centuries have preserved

their customs, language, and manners. Their countenance is interesting;

I saw five or six in a room. They have a resigned silent melancholy,

arising, I believe, from being so much underground; they are very

religious. They sang with a band of music, two of the most beautiful

hymns I ever heard. These miners had walked thirty miles for the

purpose of paying their devotion to their sovereign."[74]

[74] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 114.

A tournament was got up for his entertainment at Goettingen, which is

described as having been beautiful and magnificent. At this famous

university an address was presented by the authorities, that affected

the King to tears. He had felt warmly the loyal affection his

continental subjects had so earnestly displayed; and of the visits he

had paid to different portions of his dominions, he appears to have

enjoyed this the most thoroughly. His return journey was rendered

gratifying by the fine weather with which it was accompanied, and the

beautiful scenery through which he passed. Everything seemed to favour

him, and he reached England without being sensibly affected by the

fatigue, and with his general health very much improved.

The impression his Majesty made was not always favourable. "I cannot

help suspecting," observes an intelligent cotemporary "that his

Majesty's late journeys to see his kingdoms of Ireland and Hanover will

not on the whole redound much to his honour or advantage. His manners

no doubt are, when he pleases, very graceful and captivating. No man

knows better how to add to an obligation by the way of conferring it.

But on the whole he wants dignity, not only in the seclusion and

familiarity of his more private life, but on public occasions. The

secret of popularity in very high stations seems to consist in a

somewhat reserved and lofty, but courteous and uniform behaviour.

Drinking toasts, shaking people by the hand, and calling them Jack and

Tom, gets more applause at the moment, but fails entirely in the long

run. He seems to have behaved not like a sovereign coming in pomp and

state to visit a part of his dominions, but like a popular candidate

come down upon an electioneering trip. If the day before he left

Ireland he had stood for Dublin, he would, I dare say, have turned out

Shaw or Grattan. Henry IV. is a dangerous example for sovereigns that

are not, like him, splendid chevaliers and consummate captains. Louis

XIV., who was never seen but in a full-bottomed wig, even by his

valet-de-chambre, is a much safer model."[75]

[75] Lord Dudley's "Letters," p. 295.

The rumours of changes in the Government had taken every possible

shape; but, like the long-talked of negotiation to include the

Grenvilles, though often imminent, had never been accomplished. The

probable reason of this may be traced to the King's varying

disposition--possibly to his insincerity. It appears that two

arrangements were going on at the same time, totally opposite in their

intentions; one, a coalition of the Marquis of Buckingham and his

friends, was negotiated by the Duke of Wellington, with the express

authority of the King; the other, the introduction of a Whig Ministry,

with the Marquis of Lansdowne at their head, was evidently brought

forward under less creditable auspices, but could scarcely have gone on

without the King's cognizance. We are much afraid that it was but a

repetition of the old "Comedy of Errors," performed during the Regency,

where the principal character trifled with both parties, till he had

made more advantageous terms with the servants in his employ. The

comedy, however, still proceeded, for the last act had yet to be played

out.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Oct. 4, 1821.

I am very much obliged to you, my dear B----, for your letter. I

scarcely know what to wish as the final result of the arrangement.

If I had entirely my own way, I should desire that Lord Londonderry

should unite the offices of First Lord of the Treasury and

Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Liverpool take some other

office; but this is not to be hoped for, and the question resolves

itself into that whether the increased strength which the

Government would derive from placing its chief in the House of

Commons, would counterbalance the general loss of character and

influence which would result from the retirement of Lord Liverpool.

On the whole, I am disposed to think it would; added to which is

the advantage which would result from the whole strength, if not

the whole of the Cabinet, being unanimous on the Catholic question.

You are perfectly right, in my opinion, in determining not to go to

Ireland unless you can carry concession to the Catholics with you.

It is true that the King's language to them is perfectly

undecisive, and cannot be construed into anything like a pledge or

assurance of support, but still the complexion of his general

conduct has been such as to convey, not to them only, an impression

of his favourable disposition, and unless he makes some marked

demonstration the other way, I am convinced you will perceive the

effect in the next divisions in both Houses. Many hold the language

of disapprobation of concession, but at the same time express the

opinion that it must be carried, and if so, the sooner the better.

These will never support the measure, but will be well disposed to

stay away.

Lady C---- seems to hazard a good deal in letting her husband and

two sons perform the parts of deputy guardian angels while she

remains behind, especially if Lord Londonderry be in favour again,

since he may contrive to bring some rival charmer in view.

I quite agree with you that there is no difference of principle

which opposes our union with Lord Londonderry. The whole resolves

itself into a question of expediency. Is there a prospect of his

being able to form with us an administration strong enough to carry

on the public business advantageously and creditably? And this we

have not the means of answering till we know more fully what the

plan and what the further intentions are. If there appeared any

reasonable chance of our carrying the Catholic question, I should

myself feel that a paramount motive to accede to the Government,

even if I were certain that the King's aversion to the individual

Ministers joined to the general feebleness of the administration,

were sure to break it up the next day after that object had been

effected.

Vansittart's retirement from the Exchequer is indispensable, and if

Castlereagh does not himself take the office, Huskisson is the only

candidate for it whom I should think likely. Canning would be

objected to by Lord L----, and Robinson is wholly unequal.

All this, however, is premature, and till we have more data to

reason upon, a mere useless consumption of ink and paper.

Meanwhile, the state of Ireland seems to show that the blessed

conciliation effected by H. M.'s visit is confined to those

districts which have been illuminated by his countenance, and

doubts may be entertained whether the reduction of the army may not

have proceeded somewhat too far. It is not likely that as the

nights lengthen they will become more tranquil.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Welshpool, Oct. 12, 1821.

MY DEAR B----,

Henry's _beau frere_, Bob Smith, came down to Llanvorda last week

with the story of a violent quarrel about the appointment of Lord

Conyngham to be Master of the Horse, which the K----, when last in

town, insisted on. That Ministers positively refused, and on the

Sunday night tendered their resignations. That the K---- would not

give a final answer, but postponed his decision till after his

return, and so set out with Lord C---- in his carriage and his two

sons in his suite. He also, I understand, told Henry that Canning

had refused office unless we were included, which piece of

intelligence makes me incredulous as to the rest, though most

positively asserted, since from what you have told me, the persons

in the latter story ought to be nearly reversed.

The Opposition seem to think the result to be that the ball is at

Lord Lansdowne's feet, which may be true, and yet he unable to take

it up.

There was a grand Whig dinner at Chester on Tuesday, and by calling

in Wales, Lancashire, Staffordshire, and Shropshire, they mustered

a hundred.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Oct. 12, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I have been here I have seen a great deal of Sir Mathew

Tierney, who accompanied the King to Ireland, and who is of course

pompous of his station, and glad to communicate all he knows. I

am quite astonished to hear the language he holds, so highly

favourable to the Catholics, and he does not scruple to say that

their demands _must_ be granted; that it is _injustice to the

King_ that they should be withheld; that they are the most loyal

and attached subjects he has; and the manner in which they behaved

to the King, and he to them, rendered it necessary for the

Government to bring forward the measure. Now, as I am convinced he

would not hold this language if it were not the one he hears, I

leave you to judge of what may be the result of it. I hear, also,

from Lady Gwydyr, who is here, that this is the style of Lady

Conyngham's language.

The yachts are ordered to be off Calais the beginning of next

month, and the King is under engagement to be back by the 9th. I am

pretty sure this is true. He goes nowhere; but has written to his

sisters, &c., to meet him at Hanover; and Mrs. Fremantle had a

letter from the Landgravine of Hesse Homburg, saying she should be

there as to-day.

Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Oct. 24, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just returned here after paying a visit for a day or two to

Lord Arran, at Bognor. I did not answer your last because I had

nothing to tell you; and now I have only to say, that Lady G. Monk,

who is mother to Charles Paget's wife, told me he had orders to be

at Calais to receive the King on board on the 4th, and up to this

day he has received no counter order; so that, in my opinion, the

King will not remain beyond the time he had promised to return. But

I see by the papers he has got a touch of the gout: one can never

say to what extent this may go, or whether it is really gout.

While I was at Brighton, or rather the last day I was there, which

was Saturday, I met Croker, with whom I had a good deal of

conversation. He said the _thing_ could not go on as it is; "that

all parties were agreed upon that;" and so soon as the King came

back, it must be brought to a decision, either for him to

strengthen his Government by the admission of your party and

Canning, or to change his Government altogether. These were his

words. He also said that Ireland was going to the devil, in

consequence of Grant's indolence. I said, "Surely he is a Catholic,

and that suits our views." His answer was, "Yes, that's true; but

he thinks of nothing but devotion; he is a saint, and can and will

do no business whatever. The government of Ireland must be changed,

or the country will go to the devil." This, I think, corresponds

something with Sir M. Tierney's language, but it shows, from such a

man as Croker, that the Government is dissatisfied with the state

of affairs there, and the suspension of all the Irish Peerage

promotions confirms this. I believe every part of your history

about the King's intention about the Mastership of the Horse. From

a variety of causes I think it is correct; but I believe, at the

same time, that a powerful interest is making abroad to lead him to

encourage a wife. How far this will be successful must be seen; the

attack of the gout is against it.

Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,

W. H. F.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Oct. 26, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

My brother came up to town for a day of Exchequer business. He told

me that he sees (by a letter of invitation to belong to a new club)

that T---- is one of the committee.

I have also received a similar letter of invitation, but neither of

us has sent an answer. In conversing together yesterday upon this

subject, it occurred to us that if you and your son took some lead

in the forming such a new club, and endeavoured to get your friends

to belong to it, it might be made, perhaps, a source of some

advantage as well as convenience to you. It would not be at all

necessary that any exclusive rule should be adopted in the election

of the new members; all that would be desirable would be that the

leading persons in it should not be those of Brooks's or of

White's, and that it should be seen as a sort of neutral ground, in

which the violent party leaders on both sides would not be found to

predominate. If Lewis and Plunket, and Charles Williams and

Fremantle, and some others, would belong to it; and if you and

T----, upon consideration, should think the thing practicable and

desirable, and would set about it in earnest, perhaps such a shape

might be given to it as would appear to you to be worth your while

to pursue. At all events, I thought it best to make the suggestion

to you. I am too old to go much to clubs, and belong now only to

the Literary Club; but if T---- and you think there is any

advantage in having my name as belonging to it, pray tell T----

that he is authorised, if he wishes it, to give in my name as a

subscriber. Lord G---- told me he would write to you to offer his

name likewise, if it strikes you that the object I allude to is

worth pursuing, and if our names are likely to be of any use to you

for the purposes above mentioned. Town is thin; few people, and

less news; but an increasing report among Sidmouth's friends that

he is in too bad health to continue, and that he must resign.

The Radicals, as you see, are all trying to make out a mob case for

Sir R. Wilson, but the army, I am told, is well pleased at his

dismissal.

Ireland is, from the account of a very intelligent friend of mine,

in a worse state than ever; and unless vigorous measures are soon

adopted there, no authority will remain in the country.

Yours affectionately,

T. G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Oct. 29, 1821.

My brother is not here, but I have sent him your letter. It is not

easy to advise you on a matter so much depending on feelings into

which you alone can thoroughly enter. But, as a mere question of

interest and convenience, I should think, on your statement, that

delay was advisable.

I got, some time since, a circular notice of a new club, and a

proposal to include my name amongst its members. I disregarded it,

as I have long done all such offers, having as long ago as when I

married, discontinued all attendance on clubs.

But I had another letter some days since, by which I see that

T----'s name is on the committee, and this has revived a notion

which I had at first, of suggesting to you the very great political

advantage which you and Charles might derive from the formation of

some new establishment of this sort, which might relieve those who,

with you, might hold a middle course, from the necessity of a

society in either of the extremes of Brooks's or White's.

I well remember the very great advantage that Pitt derived from

Goosetree's, previously to the time when we took possession of

White's. If you like any notion of that sort, and think you can

make anything of it, or if it would in any way be at all gratifying

to T----, I will most willingly send in my name; if not, I shall

decline as before. Pray, therefore, let me know what you wish.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Nov. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I received last night, with a letter from Dr. O'Connor, the

"Mysterious Mother," and I have this morning ordered Coutts to

transfer to your account there 5_l._, which is the price that you

have been so good as to pay. There is a general stagnation of all

news, though London begins to have a sprinkling of visitors. It is

supposed that Lord Liverpool put a final stop to the Paris visit by

declaring that no drafts could be answered except for the direct

return home; if the 29th has been again changed for the departure,

it is probable that it is occasioned only by gout.

I agree with you that there is no possibility of preventing the

Opposition from making motions about Sir R---- W---- (as they did

in Lord Cobham's case); but the apprehension which I feel is, that

Government will not answer as they ought by claiming and asserting

the prerogative, but by _evidence_ of _facts_, &c. &c., and if they

do they will, in my opinion, do an unconquerable evil. A very

intelligent field-officer the other day said very truly, in

speaking of the subscribers, "what are all these _brown_ coats

about? if it is a grievance, it is a grievance to the _army_,

and I verily believe that there is not a single officer in it

who is disposed to make any other complaint than that the

Commander-in-Chief ought to have dismissed him three years ago."

The subscription has utterly failed, no names being procurable

except the Opposition party names that you have seen.

Yours most affectionately,

T. G.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Nov. 5, 1821.

MY DEAR B----,

Another week will, I suppose, bring the King back, and with him

intelligence of more interest. Lord Grey and his friends appear to

be most kindly exerting themselves to the utmost to defeat Lord

C----'s efforts in their favour. It looks as if there was a schism

in Opposition on the subject of this subscription, and I am told

that several of them hold strong language against it. Government

have, I think, fallen into the same mistake which they did in the

Manchester business, of keeping back their justification, while

they allow their adversaries to preoccupy the ground in public

opinion. I know enough of the folly and mischievous disposition of

W----, to give them full credit for the sufficiency of their

reasons; but in the present temper of the country, and in the

absence of all confidence in the Administration, I do not conceive

it wise to have acted on those reasons, unless they could be

publicly and explicitly, though not perhaps officially, avowed. All

that is known is that it has reference to the Queen's funeral, but

whether it be for the improper language said to be addressed to the

officer on duty, or for planning and organizing or encouraging the

riot, we at a distance do not know. Among the names of the wise men

who have subscribed on this occasion, I am most surprised to see

that of my old friend the Duke of Somerset: first, because I

thought he had computed too often the number of pence, half-pence,

and farthings in a hundred pounds to give so much away on any

occasion; and secondly, because, if a liberal fit did come across

him, I thought he had more sense and moderation than to let his

name appear on this. I am very glad not to see N----'s on the list.

Have you yet heard the reason of the frost which blighted the Irish

Peerages in their bud. Phillimore writes me word that Lord

Grenville is very anxious that the Catholic question should be

brought forward as early as possible in the next session. While

Lord Liverpool and Lord Eldon retain their present offices, I feel

convinced that nothing but the active influence of the King (which

I think is not likely to be so exerted) can carry the Bill through

the Lords, and unless some favourable circumstances should seem to

open fresh hopes of their passing it, we shall, I am sure, have

great difficulty in procuring the attendance of its friends in the

Commons, many of whom feel that they support it at the imminent

hazard of their seats, and will highly disapprove of its being so

soon agitated again without an increased chance of final success.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 6, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

You may depend upon it there is no truth whatever in the supposed

difference between the chief and his love. I know it has been said,

but the attachment is as strong as ever, and the influence as

great. He is expected in the course of a few days, and I have no

doubt _still_ that the arrangement will take place soon, and that

he will not have courage to change his Government. He is to come to

the Cottage here for a few days, and it is said is then to go to

Brighton. Lord St. Helens is now passing a few days with me, and

his language is, the necessity of strengthening the Government, and

the impossibility of changing it, and if one could believe him, the

impossibility of the latter. I see, however, Lord Lansdowne is just

arrived from Paris, and none of his friends or anything but the

actual Mountains have subscribed to Wilson.

What a horrid circumstance the death of Lady Elz. Stanhope: she was

walking in the garden with Mrs. Arthur Stanhope, and dropped

down--never spoke afterwards. They were going the next day to

Fawsley.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

CHAPTER VI.

[1821.]

THE GOVERNMENT. RUMOURED CHANGES. PROPOSALS. MR. CANNING. NEGOTIATIONS

COMMENCED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON FOR THE JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES

WITH THE MINISTRY. REPORT OF CONVERSATION WITH LORD LIVERPOOL ON THE

SUBJECT. PROPOSAL OF THE GOVERNMENT TO RAISE LORD BUCKINGHAM TO A

DUKE. MARQUIS WELLESLEY AS LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. HIS OPINIONS

ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. MR. W. C. PLUNKET ON IRISH AFFAIRS. LORD

GRENVILLE ON THE PROPOSED ARRANGEMENTS. NEGOTIATIONS RESPECTING THE

CATHOLIC QUESTION. THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS.

CHAPTER VI.

The King returned from his Continental dominions about the middle of

November. On the 16th his Majesty held a Court at Carlton Palace, to

receive addresses from the Lord Mayor of London, the Court of

Aldermen, and the Common Council. With his return recommenced the

usual round of rumours affecting the stability of the Government; but,

although there is no doubt it might have claimed the merit of being

the best abused one in the world, the principal members of it, at

least, held a perfectly secure position. Their conduct, particularly

with respect to Sir Robert Wilson, excited Mr. Grenville's severe

animadversions.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Nov. 7, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

Your appropriation of the 5_l._ to the purchase of Strutt's

"Engravers" was too late, as I had already paid the money to your

account at Coutts's; moreover, that book can only be had by the

chance of some sale, and I believe is worth about eight guineas

when it is a tolerable good copy; mine, which is large paper, and

therefore most commodious for illustrating, cost me sixteen

guineas. I see you suppose me to carry my objections to the

apologetic language of the _Courier_ to a greater extent than is

in my contemplation. Undoubtedly, the abstract right of Parliament

to call upon Ministers as responsible for their advice in the

exercise of the Royal prerogative, cannot be denied; but the more

or less apologetic tone taken by them upon such questions is often

of the highest importance. Their wretched fears for

themselves--their unworthy submission to insult and indignity of

every kind put upon them by the highest as well as the

lowest--their abandonment of all that is due to the dignity and

authority of the Executive Government, provided they are allowed to

continue in the offices of it; all these circumstances have so

lowered and degraded the Executive power that it would be

difficult, even for a new administration of the most vigorous

character, to restore all that is lost; and instead of any present

effort to recover it, every day is a day of some new disgrace and

indignity, and every topic of debate where Ministers should hold a

high tone, and challenge the responsibility of their situations as

advisers of the Crown, exhibits them crouching under the feet of

the Radicals, and shrinking from the eminence on which they are

placed, in the mean endeavour of interposing the authority of

Parliament to shelter them from dangers which it is incumbent upon

them to meet manfully; and this question of Sir R. W----, if

timidly and apologetically met by them as it will be, may prove to

be of the most dangerous importance, if it shall teach the officers

and the privates of the army to look up to Sir F. B---- and to Sir

R. W----, instead of looking up to the military authorities by

which the army of a limited monarchy must be governed.

No news of the K---- had arrived yesterday of later date than the

24th, and therefore all sort of reports were circulated of illness

of every description, &c. &c.; but I have no reason to believe

these reports have any foundation, as I have seen three or four

persons who must, I think, have been informed if there had been any

foundation for these strange rumours.

MR. HENRY W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llanwnda, Nov. 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

I take joy on the King's safe return, and I trust that he will now

give himself time to settle something respecting his

Administration. If report be true, he was not in the best of

humours when he started from Hanover, and this is not likely to

have been improved by German schwagers and roads, unless, indeed,

he spent the whole of it on his cousin of Hesse Cassel. I fear that

there was not time for his Majesty to find a German countess with

more patient ears and sounder form than the Marchioness, and till

then I cannot conceive that her influence is on the decline,

particularly as no quarrel or coldness is likely to have taken

place by letter. Her folly and rapacity will sooner or later have

their effect.

If Ministers are sincere in their professions to you, they cannot

allow any further delay on the part of the King, and a fortnight

will show what his determination is.

Ever yours, most affectionately,

H. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I must preach patience to you, and be assured it is no indisposition

to you, or intentional affront or slight, that the thing rests at

present as it is. I know that they cannot yet bring the King to any

determination, and they are yet firmly resolved to adhere to their

decision of resisting the nomination of Lord Conyngham, and of

strengthening their Government. You must give them credit for doing

the thing eventually, but they are obliged to judge the best

manner. He will resist to the last moment, but I am fully persuaded

he will and must ultimately give way. You have no right to feel

indignant as long as you are not exclusively neglected; and my own

opinion is, that Canning will not be recommended without you and

your friends. I see he is in town, and sees Lord Liverpool

constantly.

The Verulams are here, and have been so some days. Her [Lady V----]

language is, that Lord Liverpool will not remain in office if Lord

Conyngham is appointed Chamberlain, or if his other arrangements

are resisted; and she is loud in her abuse of the King's

flirtations with the Opposition.