I have stated to you very shortly my view of this question, which I

believe is the true one. I believe, then, that however painful it

may be to us, and I declare most sincerely that it is so to me, it

is our duty to remain where we are as long as we can; and at all

events endeavour to overcome the difficulties of this most critical

of all moments.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The Government was for the hundredth time menaced with immediate

dissolution; but the familiar proverb that pronounces the longevity of

ordinary men when threatened, appeared to be equally applicable to

Cabinet Ministers. It will be seen from the following communications

that they were likely to lose the support of one of their most

influential friends at Court. Sir Benjamin Bloomfield, however, was not

so completely disgraced as the writer tries to make it appear, for, on

the 1st of April he was gazetted as a Knight Grand Cross of the Bath,

and lived to enjoy several other honours and advantages.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, March 10, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You can have no idea how much advantage we derive from the division

of the other night, being of much greater importance to the

Government than to us, and it is so felt by the Opposition. Nothing

could be more absurd than Tierney's conduct, speaking entirely

against Creevey, and by his vote identifying himself with the

Opposition upon it. Lord N---- was really the height of folly, to

call it by no other name, for the division was so miserable a one,

and so completely confined to the Opposition, that there was no one

reason why he should have come up for it.

I am rather surprised at your saying that you think Ireland is

looking worse; it is not thought so here. I asked both Peel and

Plunket on Saturday, and their accounts from Ireland and their

private opinion on the subject were much more favourable. Plunket

told me he was satisfied that as yet nothing had emanated from

Dublin, that whatever were the steps of insurrection either at

Limerick or Cork, they proceeded without communication or

combination with Dublin. I am quite persuaded the only thing for

the Government to establish and confirm their strength would be to

force Canning into the Cabinet. It is the height of madness to let

him go abroad in the present state of the House of Commons.

As to the conduct of the K----, it is inexplicable. He is praising

Lord Liverpool on all occasions, but sending invitations to nothing

but the Opposition. The communications on the subject of Bloomfield

are now carried on by the Duke of Wellington. How this is to end no

one guesses, as to the provision that is to be made for him. With

regard to Ireland I am quite satisfied the great man is holding the

most conciliating language to both parties; holding out success to

the Catholics, and a determination to resist them to the

Protestants.

Ever yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, March 11, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You may depend upon it nothing can be more precarious than the

situation of the Government at the present moment. My own opinion

is that it will stand, but the difficulties are great, and we shall

only be extricated from them by the fear of the country gentlemen

bringing in the Opposition. The defence for the Post-office will be

most arduous; it can only be taken on the ground of influence,

which must be maintained. If it is lost, which seems to be

apprehended, it cannot alone form a sufficient ground for the

breaking-up the Government. It is undoubtedly (coupled with other

measures which have taken place) a good ground for Government to

hold a language of retirement, but they must rest such a step on

some more important proof of want of confidence--I mean the loss of

any taxes--as, indeed, a small division against the repeal of a

tax, which would be almost as discreditable to them as the repeal

itself. You will observe by the papers that notice has been given

for the repeal of almost all--indeed, I may say all--the taxes

which bear on agriculture. This therefore must be the touchstone,

and upon this they must rest their determination. If I were to

speculate on the question of the Postmaster-General, I should think

it would not be carried; but such is not the general opinion, and

if we are to believe the common report, Lord Normanby will carry

his motion.

I don't know whether you have heard the particulars of Bloomfield's

dismissal. He received on Thursday last in town a notification from

Brighton of what was intended, and he got at the same time a note

from Lord Liverpool, desiring him to call upon him at ten o'clock

the next morning. This he accordingly did, when the Minister

formally announced the King's order of dismissal from all his

employments and offices, together with the order to quit his

residence at Carlton Palace and the Stud House (Lady Bloomfield

retaining the Rangership of Hampton Court Park, which she holds for

life); an offer was at the same time made to him to retain his

salaries, which he rejected. No ground was given for the dismissal.

Sir Benjamin claimed a Peerage which had been promised by the King

under his hand within the last month. This was rejected on the part

of Lord Liverpool, but the person who communicated this to me, and

who had it from Bloomfield himself immediately on his leaving Lord

Liverpool, told me that on this point Bloomfield said he should

make his stand. No private secretary is to be appointed with the

rank of Privy Councillor; Mr. Watson is to remain to arrange the

King's papers, and to lay them before his Majesty. The Privy Purse

not named. Thus far I tell you as knowing distinctly, and from the

very best authority, the facts. On what ground the dismissal has

taken place I cannot tell you more than common report, which varies

and invents ten thousand different reasons--one that there was a

large sum to be accounted for in the expenses of the Coronation,

incurred for diamonds. The whole of these expenses were referred to

an auditor, and Bloomfield was summoned to give an account of these

diamonds; his answer was that they had been furnished by order of

the King, and his directions were to place them on the Coronation

account. Whether they were so applied he could not say, but took it

for granted they were. It was not, however, so proved; and the

King, considering such a disclosure, or rather explanation, on the

part of Bloomfield as a breach of confidence, made it the ground of

his dismissal. There may or may not be some truth in this report;

but depend upon it, the measure has arisen from an intrigue in the

party now governing at the Pavilion. For my own part, I think

nothing can augur worse for the Government than this very bout. I

am quite confident Bloomfield was devoted to this Government, and I

am also sure that no new nomination of private secretary takes

place, because in such an event the Ministers must have a voice,

and no one could be appointed but under the sanction of Government.

There is a large party of Opposition gone down to Brighton this

week--Duke of Devonshire, Lord Lansdowne, &c. &c.

I will endeavour to communicate with Parnell, but he evidently

avoids me, and depend upon it he will not commit himself until he

finds which party prevails. Plunket is arrived, and is actually at

this moment in the next room with Wynn. We have not much fear in

our quarter of the Board of Control on Thursday, which I suppose

will end in an abusive speech from Creevey. Vansittart's

Superannuation Bill will create a great deal of discussion, and

which he will not mend by his explanations. I have nothing to add;

you shall hear from me as things occur. The next ten days will

decide upon the question. I had a note yesterday from Lord

Grenville on other matters, but he adds a few sentences expressive

of his apprehensions for the Government, which can only be

maintained by a sudden alarm and consequent support from the

independent part of the House of Commons.

Ever, my dear Duke, sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, March 22, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

Canning has at length swallowed his scruples and difficulties, and

will next week be appointed Governor-General. I regret this

extremely, for the reasons mentioned in my last, but it cannot I

fear be prevented. I was mistaken in telling you that Newport went

away, as he voted with us.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 30, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The King has been in town and went this morning back to Brighton. I

hear from the _best_ accounts that he is ill, thinks ill of

himself, and is low, but Wynn told me he thought he looked very

well and was particularly civil to him, and inquired most kindly

after you. Bloomfield is to have a pension of 1200_l._ per annum,

Lady Bloomfield the Park at Hampton Court (not the Stud House); he

is also to retain the Privy Purse, but to do no duty for it (how

this is to be I know not). This is calculated altogether to afford

an income of 2800_l._ per annum. He is to go to Brighton on Monday

to be invested with the blue ribbon, and the second Irish Peerage

is held out to him. All this you may rely upon, as it comes from

the King's own lips. The only ground of complaint urged, is

Bloomfield's temper, which was all of a sudden found to be so bad

that he could not longer go on with him. He also said, "He had

engaged not to renew the appointment of Private Secretary, but that

he did not know how he could possibly go on without one." This

looks as if he meant to fight the battle again, and the Ministers

will be mad if they give way.

You will see what occurred yesterday respecting the Catholic

question; they will bully Plunket into moving it, which for one I

shall be sorry for.

I am just interrupted, therefore am compelled to finish this.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

India Board, March 30, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I had an audience on Thursday after the Council, and was very

graciously received, with very particular and really kind inquiries

about your health.

You know that my bile is not easily stirred, nor am I, for a

Welshman, particularly irritable on anything connected with

politics; but really in the course of twenty-five years'

parliamentary life, I do not believe I have ever felt so much as on

Lord King's coarse and personal attack on Henry. If he chose to

question the propriety of the Swiss mission, it was perhaps bad

taste in him, but after all fair political game; but to speak of

one so nearly connected with him, and whom he had affected always

to maintain intimacy with, as a person wholly unknown, to rake into

his diplomatic life, and by implication accuse him of overstating

his losses in his claim for compensation fifteen years ago, shows

such a total absence of all feeling that I cannot trust myself ever

again to exchange a word with him.

On public affairs I have little new to say. We tide on and shall do

neither good nor evil without being compelled to it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

CHAPTER VIII.

[1822.]

SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON. MR. CANNING BRINGS FORWARD THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.

OPINIONS RESPECTING CATHOLIC RELIEF. STATE OF THE KING'S HEALTH.

POLITICAL MEETING TO CONSIDER A NEW CATHOLIC MEASURE. MARQUIS WELLESLEY

AT THE PHOENIX PARK. COMPLAINTS OF HIS INATTENTION TO HIS DUTIES AS

LORD-LIEUTENANT. SPEECH OF DR. PHILLIMORE ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.

MOTION ON THE APPOINTMENT OF MR. HENRY W. WYNN. CONDUCT OF MR. ROBERT

PEEL. LIBELS. ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN WALES. BALL FOR THE RELIEF OF THE

IRISH. PROJECTED VISIT OF THE KING TO SCOTLAND.

CHAPTER VIII.

The statement hazarded in the next letter, of Sir W. Knighton's

literary incapacity, is, we believe, unfounded. The memoir of this

gentleman, edited by his widow, affords ample evidence to the contrary,

and he enjoyed a large share of the King's confidence at this date, and

subsequently. Lord King's motion for a further reduction of the Civil

List, animadverted on in the same communication, was made on the 26th

of March, and Mr. Canning's notice of motion for the admission of the

Catholic Peers into the Imperial Legislature was given on the 29th; the

motion was brought forward on the following day, and carried by a

majority of five; on May the 10th, the second reading was carried by an

increased majority of fourteen. The interest taken by the Duke of

Buckingham in the question may be seen in some of the following

letters:--

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, April 1, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Depend upon it there must be some mistake or fumble about your

application for the _entree_. The fact is, there is no distinct

person at present to whom the reference is had at Brighton, and I

have heard that the King complains bitterly of the inability of

Knighton, who is quite incapable of writing a letter; whether this

is true or not I cannot absolutely say, but I believe it from the

quarter it came; it seems impossible that the King should have

received the letter, or it must have escaped his memory on Thursday

when Wynn was with him, otherwise he would have made some

observation to him upon it. But pray don't hurry any further step:

I will desire Mrs. F. to mention the thing to the Duchess and see

what is said upon it; I doubt if she is in correspondence with the

King.

I did not mention all the jobs for Bloomfield; he is to have a

Governorship of Fort Charles, which Lord Stewart gives up to him,

and the promise of a foreign mission, in addition to what I before

enumerated to you. Lord King's conduct is worse than your

brother's, who was not at the moment aware of "his honourable

friend's" intention, and really does not know the details of your

father's conduct as teller. I find from Charles W---- that Lord

Grenville is equally outrageous with Lord King. It is evident that

the Mountain are moving heaven and earth to lower you and your

friends, but it will not do. I dread all the discussions arising

from the Catholic question; Canning consulted no one, and I really

believe not a soul was aware of his intention previous to his

giving the notice. It will place Plunket in a very awkward

predicament, for it must bring on the argument on the general

question; you have no reason, however, as far as I can understand

it, to complain of a want of communication, for it was Canning's

_move_, and his alone. James Stanhope told me this morning he was

coming into Parliament immediately; I think he said it was

Houldsworth's seat, but am not quite sure. The Agricultural Report

is to be made to-day, and Lord Londonderry gives notice for a

motion upon it, I suppose to bring in a Bill after the holidays. We

shall get through the Miscellaneous Estimates to-day, and shall

have advanced altogether most extremely in Parliamentary business,

much beyond the usual proceedings, so as to secure the House being

up in time, provided no unforeseen events occur.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

April 3, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

If I felt that any one vote was likely to be lost to the general

Catholic question in the event of the success of Canning's motion,

I should be very much disposed to agree in your view of the

impolicy of agitating it. But if there be a reasonable probability

(as we have been told) that there are those who, adverse to a

measure of general concession, would accede to this, I should

anticipate a directly opposite result to what you expect. Supposing

the Bill to be carried, or even to meet with an increased support

in the House of Lords, upon neither of which points am I myself

very sanguine, it could not fail to be a stepping-stone to further

success. Independent of the immediate gain of six votes when they

are most wanted, there are many who, having once voted for a motion

of concession, though not intending to proceed further, would feel

themselves drawn in, and perceive that they cannot maintain that if

it be safe for a Roman Catholic to exercise the functions of the

Peerage, he must necessarily overturn the Constitution if elected

to the House of Commons or appointed a justice of the peace. Our

adversaries are perfectly right when they say that no breach can be

made in the present system without necessarily entailing the fall

of the whole of it.

I have, however, already told you that in my own opinion, this is

so generally felt that there will be scarcely any difference in the

division upon the particular and the general question. That it will

be thought, as it is in fact, merely a new road to attain the same

object. At the same time it is perfectly true, that by this means

we get rid, or rather postpone, many of the difficult details which

we have to encounter; and that the case of the Peers, who are

deprived of a vested interest which they possessed without the

slightest inconvenience to the public, long after the other

Catholics were disabled from exercising their civil functions, is

infinitely the strongest which exists.

Altogether, though the motion is brought forward not only without

consultation, but even without the previous knowledge of most of

the friends of the Catholics, still, my impression of its justice

is such that even if I had a much stronger opinion of its impolicy

than I had, I would earnestly support it; and I cannot but feel the

utmost anxiety that under the particular circumstances in which you

stand, the line which Lord C---- has taken upon the subject, and

the disposition which exists to represent your conduct in the most

unfavourable light, that you would reconsider the matter before you

resolve to separate yourself from the rest of those who have so

long advocated this measure. Upon questions of _right_ and _wrong_

every man must judge for himself, but on those of policy and

expediency it seems to me that the opinion of the great body and

the most eminent of those who contend for the same object ought to

prevail.

I have just heard that Plunket has returned, and is desirous to see

me. If I can have any conversation with him before the post goes

out I will write again, if not, to-morrow. I hear that he has no

apprehension of any jealousy on the part of the Irish of the claims

of the Peers being brought forward separately. He is extremely

distressed between the strong wish of Lord Londonderry to keep

back, and of the Opposition to force forward the question.

My own opinion is, as I have already told you, that the

conversation which passed on Friday in the House when reported in

Ireland will produce so strong a feeling in favour of the latter

course that he cannot resist it.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, April 4, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I dined yesterday at the Duke of Gloucester's, and, sitting by the

Duchess, I had an opportunity of talking to her, and find she has

no correspondence at all with the King, and is evidently not in

communication with him but when he comes to town; and as I knew she

tells every thing on earth to the Duke, and that he gossips again

to his friends in Opposition, I thought it better not to say

another word on the subject of your application to the King.

I am quite satisfied of the proper way of recurring to the subject,

which is that Wynn should mention it to Lord Liverpool as a private

hint, and it would be immediately settled; for be assured the King

does not object, but that it is owing to some mistake, or loss of

letter, and requiring an explanation--through Wynn would be much

the easiest mode, and not make it of too much importance; for I

think you should consider the thing as a matter almost of course,

and not place more importance upon it than that which of course

belongs to the incivility of not answering your letter, and this

really I cannot but think is unintentional.

Lady J---- is come back from Paris, abusing the K---- most

violently, and regretting she ever was such an idiot as to suffer

her boys to go to the Coronation. In short, there is nothing she

does not say against him--and what do you think for? Because he has

conferred the Dukedom of Buckingham on you, when Lord J---- was the

proper representative of the title. This is very good, but I am not

sorry the King should find these Opposition ladies not quite so

disposed towards him.

Plunket still undecided as to his motion, which, for my own part, I

hope he will not bring on, for be assured neither his nor Canning's

has the chance of succeeding in the House of Lords, and the

Lansdownes are only urging it because they see, or flatter

themselves they see, the prospect of discussion thereby in the

Cabinet.

The Report, as was expected, from the Agricultural Committee, is a

miserable performance, concocted by Bankes, and affording no one

benefit of any sort or kind, saving this, which in my opinion is

valuable--an acknowledgment that Parliament can do nothing for the

relief of the farmer.

I think Lord King looks foolish and awkward, as well he ought. His

conduct is universally blamed.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--The King comes to town on the 18th to remain for some little

time. Does not return to Brighton, but, on his leaving town, goes

to the Cottage at Windsor.

The Catholic question as introduced this session by Mr. Canning,

created more than its customary amount of political excitement,

because, though one in which the Duke of Buckingham, his family and

friends, had long taken a consistent interest, it was pressed forward

by the Opposition to embarrass the recent coalition and the Government.

The reader will shortly see the result.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 4, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I called to-day upon Plunket, and found him still in great doubt as

to the course which it might be expedient for him to pursue on the

Catholic question during the present session.

The bias of his own mind is evidently to defer the agitation of it

till the next session, and he dwelt much on the disadvantage which

might arise if Lord Londonderry, though supporting the measure,

should cool in the active personal exertion to influence votes and

to fix the wavering which he exhibited last session. Altogether, he

considered the question as too important for him to decide upon

singly, and therefore was disposed to request a meeting of its

principal Parliamentary friends on Tuesday, the 16th, the day

before the Houses re-assemble. In the interim he hoped to hear

again from Ireland, and to see Lord Grenville. He would also be

very anxious to communicate with you on the subject. It is obvious

that if it is to be brought forward, it must be before Canning's,

as it would be absurd to carry up the general measure after the

Lords have rejected the more limited one.

My uncle Tom is very favourably inclined to Canning's proposition,

as he thinks that the admission of the general proposition is too

great a change to expect at once from the House of Lords, while the

proposition of the strongest of the detailed points, one by one,

might be more likely to succeed. With this view, he told me that he

had himself more than once suggested trying a personal Bill to

enable the present Duke of Norfolk to sit and vote, and afterwards

for the other peers, leaving the laws as they stand. This, I

confess, I should not be so well inclined to. It will be an

advantage, if we are to fight it in the proposed shape, that we are

at once rid of all the details of oaths, securities, &c., for I

conclude the consciences of the Roman Catholic Peers will, if the

declaration be omitted, be disposed to swallow the Oath of

Supremacy without a single wry face, which will be a most useful

example to the other Catholics, and will of itself go far to bring

the priests into order. Plunket does not apprehend any jealousy of

the limited measure from Ireland, as he thinks that they will

consider it as a stepping-stone, and will be much alive to the gain

of six votes.

Plunket mentioned confidentially the opinion of Lord Wellesley in

favour of deferring the general Bill till next year, for which

likewise Lord Londonderry and Lord Melville seemed very anxious.

How far what has passed in Parliament, and the eagerness of the

Opposition, may drive the Catholics in Ireland forward, he could

not calculate, but otherwise conceived them to be content to

acquiesce in its postponement. At all events, I am most desirous

that, whether you entirely approve of the manner in which the

question is brought forward or not, you would acquiesce in the

course to be determined upon, which I am sure is of the greatest

importance to the public character of us all.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, April 8, 1822.

You know I have quite done with political speculations, and

discussions of every kind. If Canning's motion succeeds (as I

conclude it will) in the House of Commons, and comes up to the

House of Lords, I can have no doubt of supporting it, as far as my

vote, or more probably, my proxy, may extend, because it is one of

the points that I have always most strongly urged, and particularly

in my speech, even, of last year; and also because it really does

seem to me that such a motion follows as a natural and undeniable

consequence from any opinion entertained by the friends of the

general measure, that next year would be more favourable than this

for the discussion of the main question, in so far as it concerns

the great body of the Irish Catholics.

The conduct of that body has certainly been often such as to show

the utmost blindness as to what was likely to advance or obstruct

their cause. But I cannot think them so ignorant as not to see the

infinite advantage which the success of such a motion would give

their friends in any future discussion.

My own opinion, indeed, is that it is in something of this

piecemeal way that their object will ultimately be obtained; and I

should not be without considerable hope of seeing Canning's measure

carried, even in this year, if I felt quite sure that it would have

fair play given it.

As to the prudence of postponing or bringing forward the main

question this year I have formed no opinion, and I mean to form

none. I have done with such speculations; I have entire confidence

in Plunket's judgment and uprightness; and my greatest fear is that

of seeing the measure taken out of his hands, to fall into worse,

and worse I am sure they will be into whatever hands other than his

it can fall. He is coming here on Friday, and if you wish to say

anything to him on the subject, you cannot do better than meet him.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, April 10, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The note you have enclosed me makes the thing more embarrassing,

and I have been puzzling my brain how I can possibly promote the

object; but I really know not in what way I could move. I could

write a _private and confidential letter_ to Lord Conyngham (whom I

know intimately), stating the case, and expressing your

embarrassment about it; but I don't know whether you would approve

of this, and I cannot think of any other means. Let me know by

return of post, and I will act accordingly. Perhaps you would write

yourself to him, quite as a private friend (if you know him well

enough), but if you had rather I should, only say so. I am quite

sure, from Bloomfield's letter, it is meant to be done; but the

_chief_ is so strange and inconsistent, and I suppose so perfectly

incapable of going through with his business, that unless he has a

man at his elbow constantly to jog him on, he is not to be depended

on for one moment.

I shall remain here till the day before the meeting. I dread any

confusion that may arise from the jumble of the Catholic question.

Be assured, whatever one may think of this question, it is not one

that the public will go with you upon, in any measure of hostility

to the Government, much less of separation, and as to our carrying

it, or preventing its being carried, the question rests so entirely

on the House of Lords, that it is there and there only that it will

be decided; and as long as we have the present Chancellor and Lord

Liverpool, it is out of the question, unless the King were to take

a part, which he certainly will not. Why, then, what would be the

result? We should separate, the Government would go on, and we

should have another sixteen years of opposition. I am arguing only

on the idea of our taking a line different or more violent than the

other best supporters of the measure. I mean Plunket, Londonderry,

Canning, &c. &c. My idea is that the latter does not mean mischief

so much as the regaining some little character and importance which

he has so justly lost.--The King comes to the Cottage here as early

as he possibly can after Easter. I believe him to be _decidedly_

ill; his legs swell, and when they are reduced, he has violent

attacks in his chest and head. His appetite is bad, and he is very

low about himself.

Faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--In looking at Bloomfield's letter again, I see he says _the

King said he had given the necessary orders_. Surely this would

justify you in writing to the Duke of Montrose to ask the question.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, April 12, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I yesterday communicated your sentiments on the proposed manner of

bringing forward the Catholic question to Plunket, who expressed

himself highly flattered by the confidence which you placed in his

opinion. He has to-day gone down to Dropmore, and returns

to-morrow. The outline of the plan which he is disposed to

recommend to remedy the most pressing grievances on the subjects of

the tithe, is to enable incumbents to agree for a composition for

twenty-one years with the _landlords_, and the tithes then to

be collected as county rates, and the receipts to be good in

payment of rent. This is the outline; but the detail must be matter

of great difficulty, since, though this may apply to future

contracts, I fear that as the majority of the peasantry are for

election purposes life tenants, it will not be easy to increase

their rent to the landlords by the amount of what will be payable

for tithes. As yet this has only been discussed by him with Lord

Liverpool and Goulburn, so of course you will feel the necessity of

not communicating upon it with any one.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, April 16, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

The proposed meeting on the course which it might be expedient to

adopt respecting the Catholic question, took place this morning. As

the persons invited to it were only those members of the House of

Commons who had last year been named to bring in the Bill, I

advised Fremantle not to come, since it would only excite jealousy

to see us endeavouring to secure a majority by introducing any one

who had not on former occasions been called into council on the

subject.

The persons present were Tierney, Newport, Parnell, Canning, Grant,

Phillimore, Plunket, and myself.

Tierney expressed a very strong opinion as to the detriment the

general question had received from not having been taken up

immediately upon the meeting of Parliament, from Lord Londonderry's

declaration on the first day against any discussion of it, and from

Plunket's language on Canning's notice, but declined giving any

advice as to the course to be pursued under existing circumstances

at so late a period of the session, and after Canning's notice of

the limited motion.

Newport, though agreeing in regretting that earlier measures had

not been taken, yet distinctly admitted that the question had so

much varied by what had taken place, that it could not now be

agitated with advantage.

Grant thought that in the first instance the general motion had

better have been brought forward, but that Lord Londonderry's

declaration and Plunket's opinion, to which he was disposed

implicitly to defer, were sufficient reasons for delaying it till

next year. Altogether the result will be that Plunket will declare

his decided intention of postponing it till next year.

Canning is sanguine in his expectation of increased support or

rather neutrality of former adversaries, but Tierney doubts whether

members of the House of Commons will be as ready to come to town on

the limited as the general measure. He admitted, however, that the

call which has been ordered for the 24th may go far to remove this

objection.

I find the Orange party are loud in their abuse of Lord Wellesley

for shutting himself up at the Phoenix Park, lying in bed all day,

seeing nobody, and only communicating with Secretary Gregory by

letter. Indeed, I believe that the latter is more than he often

favours Secretaries Peel and Goulburn with.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Your account of the King's health rather surprises me, as we all

thought him, when last in town, to be looking decidedly better than

he had been, for some time.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Five o'clock, April 18, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I should have sent your note to Canning, but I have just seen him

and put it into his hands, saying that I had been prevented from

attending the meeting of Mr. Plunket, or I should have taken that

opportunity of explaining to him by your desire your views on his

proposed question: that I could not do it better now than by

putting into his hands a note which you had written to me on the

subject, and which you had since desired me to show him. He

immediately read your note, thanked me, and thus the matter ended.

He was interrupted by persons coming to speak to him, and sitting

behind him (which I did at the time), he could not well have

entered into any discussion had he been so disposed, indeed there

was not much to be said to me upon it.

I came to town purposely at your desire to attend Plunket's

meeting, and had no conception it was a select party till I got a

note from Wynn, describing it as such to me.

The King is come to town in bad humour at breaking up his Brighton

party, and determined to stay as short a time, and to do as little

in the way of public _appearances_, as possible, and which his

Ministers are strongly urging him to do. I suppose you will come up

for the Drawing-room if you don't for the Levee. We are in much

better spirits, in general appearances and prospects in the House,

and though Ireland will create much discussion, and also

Londonderry's agriculture propositions, still there is no doubt we

shall get the Session much sooner closed than usual. You shall hear

from me, if anything occurs, from day to day, before you come up.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 25, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

It would give me the greatest pleasure to deliver your message to

the King, if I could find the opportunity of any other business to

desire an audience, but I think, upon consideration, you will think

that it might more properly be made the subject of a letter from

yourself to Sir Andrew Barnard, as Gentleman-in-Waiting, or

directly to the King, than of a note from me.

I am myself such a mere novice in matters of etiquette, that I

should not place the least confidence in my own judgment on such a

point, but should readily submit to yours, if I had not this

morning consulted my uncle Tom, who gave the same opinion which I

had previously formed. I have not yet had an opportunity of any

conversation with C----, having only seen him last night while I

was in labour of a speech, but I shall be very glad to see the

paper which you mention.

Grant's speech was excellent, better than I ever before heard from

him, but I do not believe you or any other Lord-Lieutenant would

like him as a secretary, as his warmest friends admit his

inefficiency and idleness. His total neglect of his correspondence

with this country, after repeated friendly admonition, was really

inexcusable. We are nearly in the same state with respect to Lord

Wellesley, which I trust is only owing to his illness. It is very

well for a Lord-Lieutenant or Secretary to say that they act on

their own responsibility, but during the sitting of Parliament

those upon whom that responsibility really and efficiently falls,

have a _right_ to expect to know their views of the situation

of Ireland and of the course to be pursued. Upon none of the great

points of Tithes, Magistracy, Police, &c., have we yet heard a

syllable, nor any view of the state of the country, for the last

month. Were Lord Wellesley well, I should certainly write to him

myself to tell him confidentially the complaint which arises from

his silence, but under the circumstances of his illness I had

rather that even if you should write to him you should not advert

to what I have mentioned. Adieu. I must go down for Reform in

Parliament, which owing to Lord Londonderry's hoarseness, would

rest on Peel and me, if Canning does not, as I expect, take the

labouring oar, and be the grand reformer of the night.

Ever yours affectionately,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 25, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I have been to the Drawing-room and brought back for a wonder such

a headache that I cannot write to you as fully as I should wish.

The King only asked me how I did, but did not give me an

opportunity of making your excuses. He looks well, I think, but I

certainly have heard reports of dropsy on the chest, which agree

too much with yours. The debate last night was very interesting.

Rice, Grant, and Plunket, full of information and excellent

speeches, the rest very indifferent.

Ellis's furious tirade against the Catholics laid him open to a

severe drubbing from Plunket, yet to say the plain truth, I fear

that he was but too correct, and that the distinctive feature of

the present conspiracy is, that in every part of Ireland it is

exclusively Catholic both in its objects and composition.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 25, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD,

I take the liberty of forwarding to your Grace a copy of the speech

I made on introducing my Bill to amend the Marriage Act, which I

have published at the request of Lord Londonderry and others, who I

presume think that the facts alluded to, and the cases cited, may

essentially assist the Bill when it reaches the Upper House.

We are, I think, upon the whole going on well in the House of

Commons. I confess my mind has been much relieved since the

discussion on Sir John Newport's motion on Monday. Plunket's speech

was everything that could be wished, and set us quite right with

the House as to Ireland; it had also had the effect of indirectly

giving a lift to the general question respecting the Catholics.

On my return to London last week I passed a day at Dropmore. I

found Lord Grenville inclined to criticise most severely the Report

of the Agricultural Committee, but exceedingly anxious on the

subject of Canning's Bill. I must say I think the Agricultural

Report bad in every sense, but as I apprehend Lord Londonderry does

not mean to act in conformity with the spirit in which it is drawn

up, I trust it will be harmless as to effect.

I suppose Canning's Bill will pass our House--it will be a severe

blow to the cause if it does not; it is reported that Lambton and

Co. are anxious to vote against it, because Canning brings it in.

In the House of Lords, perhaps, it will have more votes than the

general question.

I cannot conclude this party communication without expressing the

very sincere regret I feel that your Grace should still be

suffering from indisposition, but I trust that you now only want to

recruit your strength.

Believe me, your obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.--The speech would have been out last week, but the proofs were

unfortunately sent to a wrong address to me in the country, and I

was some days before I could recover them.

Political partisanship at this time sometimes exerted a pernicious

influence over well-meaning men, hurrying them into the avowal of

sentiments which under other circumstances they would long have

hesitated to express. In this way a distinguished member of the peerage

committed himself by some remarks on the conduct of the Duke of

Buckingham, which the latter treated with characteristic spirit.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, April 29, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have just seen the Duke of Bedford's answer to your last letter,

which leaves you no alternative but to come to town. The whole

attack has been a premeditated one, and of the most unjust and

illiberal nature. I think the manner you have taken it up is

honourable to your character, and what every man who has a proper

feeling must commend. The thing does not seem to have been

whispered abroad.

I will come to you the moment you come to town, if you will let me

know. I shall be in the House of Commons upon Canning's motion. Sir

W---- W---- has acted extremely well on the occasion, and really

feels as your kindest and dearest friend ought; solely occupied in

the whole proceeding by a regard to your honour, and character, and

feeling. Nothing, I think, could have been better than the wording

of both your letters.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 3, 1822.

I need not tell you with how deep an interest I received my

brother's letter and yours this morning. I think nothing can

possibly have passed more properly, or more satisfactorily, and I

derive the highest pleasure from it. It is no doubt a painful thing

to be reduced to this course, but whatever be the objections to it,

surely those are alone answerable for them whose wanton

intemperance of abuse places men under the necessity of thus

acting, in self-defence. The Duke of Bedford's disavowal, in the

conclusion of the business, seems to have been manly and

unequivocal, and the only real atonement he could make for the

original most unprovoked insult.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 7, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I am sure it must give you pleasure, as it does me, to hear from

all sides, and all sorts of persons, one uniform expression of

approbation of your conduct. When one is forced to take a step

which places one's character before the public tribunal, it is most

gratifying to feel afterwards that the step has been approved and

sanctioned; that this is the case, I have not the shadow of a

doubt, and I would not say so to you, if I had not received the

most unequivocal proofs of it. I hear that even at Brookes' the

comparison is greatly in your favour. No one can deny that your

adversary has retracted his words, though he has done so in the

only manly and honourable manner he could do it. Yesterday Charles

Long conversed with me a great deal upon it, and said you had not

only done benefit to the general cause of Government, but that you

had served to put down that personal and unjust mode of proceeding

which was gaining ground every day. He attacked the conduct of the

Duke of B----, as being most improper and unjust; he said he had

had an opportunity of repeating the same language the day before to

the Duke of York, who, although a great personal friend of the Duke

of B----, could not but admit that you were compelled to act as you

had done, and that you had done so in the most dignified and

gallant manner.

I wish I could speak as flatteringly of the general conduct of the

Government, but I own every day lessens my confidence in them;

there is such a complete want of steadiness, and of an open manly

uniformity of conduct, that I see no hopes of its going on.

Although I have sealed my letter, I write to tell you a thing I

forgot--namely, that Talbot of Malahide came to me yesterday,

saying he considered the question to be of a personal nature, and

feeling the highest regard, affection, and gratitude to your

family, he could not think of voting upon it. That his party making

it a general question, he could not vote against it, but that he

should go away, which he did. I thought this a very handsome

conduct, and said I should certainly take care to communicate it to

you.

W. H. F.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, May 11, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD DUKE,

Lest Wynn or Fremantle should not write to-day (for it has so

happened that I have seen neither of them), I just send your Grace

a few lines to say that the Catholic cause prospered last night,

the numbers being for the second reading of the Bill, 235; Noes,

223. Lord Duncannon told me that he had _never_ known a greater

exertion made against any measure than against the second reading

of this Bill. There were twenty-seven pairs in the House--_i.e._,

of persons who appeared in the House. My own idea is that all

further opposition to the measure in our House will be abandoned.

It certainly is most satisfactory to find the House of Commons so

steady on this point; but I must own I think the experiment has

been a hazardous one; if the measure had failed, the general

question must have been damaged. However, the result is most

favourable, and I should not be very much astonished if this Bill

was to pass your House. The most remarkable incident of last night

was the declaration of Mr. Skeffington (Lord Oriel's son), that he

had come to the conviction that the Catholic question must be

carried sooner or later.

I hear from all quarters that the Duke of York's canvass against

the Bill has been most active. Peel certainly took a higher tone

than he did last year. You will have heard from Wynn that the Swiss

mission, the general question respecting missions, and the repeal

of the Act which commuted offices for pensions, are to be made

vital questions (as the phrase is). At this I exceeding rejoice.

The post is going out.

Believe me,

Your Grace's most faithfully,

J. PHILLIMORE.

The long threatened inquiry into the diplomatic appointment given to

Mr. Henry W. Wynn came on on the 14th of May, when Mr. Lennard in the

House of Commons moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the

diplomatic expenses of the Government. The result is thus described:--

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Friday.

MY DEAR B----,

It was yesterday determined that the motion respecting Henry's

mission on Tuesday, and the foreign missions in general for the

following day, should both be considered as vital questions,

decisive of the existence of the Administration. The case on the

former is very strong. Londonderry will state that at the Congress

of Vienna it had been decided that each of the great Powers should

keep Ministers of calibre (_quere_, great bores) there. The reason

of this was principally with the design of preventing the Cantons

from falling back into their former dependence on France, in

compliance with which it will be seen that each of them has

Ministers there of the same rank with Henry. The general diplomatic

arrangement was then laid before Parliament by estimate, in 1815

referred to a Committee, and acted upon. When Stratford Canning

came away, the mission was first intended for Foster, then for

Clanwilliam; and if Henry had declined, it would have been given to

another person.

With respect to the general question, it will be found that the

expenditure is reduced 20,000_l._ below the estimate of 1815,

and besides that, there will this year be the 10 per cent. upon all

salaries. Lord Londonderry has to-day a meeting of all men in

office to communicate this resolution to.

It is singular enough that in each of the three first divisions,

upon propositions the most adverse--viz., Webb Hall's, Ricardo, and

Althorpe's--the minority should have been 24, 24, and 25, though

composed of perfectly different persons.

Peel shows, I think, more spirit and good judgment as to the course

which we ought to pursue, than any man in the Cabinet.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 16, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You will probably have heard from others the success of our whip

yesterday. Nothing could be better; and, though probably our

numbers may not be so many to-day, yet I should hope the relative

strength of the division may be equal. The debate was all on our

side, as well as the feeling of the House. Lord Nugent told me he

should not vote to-day, nor should Lord Ebrington. They show their

good taste in this. I understand Neville is very likely to vote

with us.

We are in better spirits, though the money question still hangs a

dead weight. The South Sea have refused the contract, and

Lushington told me last night the Bank would take the contract. I

fear this will commit the Government more and more with the Bank,

which has too much power already.

Ever yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, May 15, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I agree entirely with what you say in your letter to Phillimore as

to the absurdity of the distinction of _vital_ and _indifferent_

points. All ought to be vital.

This is the course which Peel every day recommends. He has lately

taken a much bolder and decided tone both in Parliament and

Cabinet, and I have little doubt means to run for the lead of the

House of Commons. It appears to me very probable that his object is

to break up the Government, in the expectation that it will be

impossible for the Opposition to substitute anything which can

stand three months, and that he may then mould and form it at his

pleasure. He has himself spoken to me of the advantage which would

result from our retiring, and the certainty that we must return to

power within three months. Does he think that that period would be

sufficient for Opposition to pass the Catholic question?

Wilberforce's disclaimer of any intention to reflect on me was _ex

proprio motu_. It is curious that the _Morning Chronicle_, which

not only inserted the misrepresentation, but made it the object of

a leading paragraph, afterwards omitted the contradiction. This I

was told, but on examination find it is not true.

Report states that we are to have large divisions both to-day and

to-morrow, and that all the loose fish come into our net.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I have stated to Lord Londonderry and Peel, the impossibility of my

supporting the Alien Bill, or interfering to persuade my friends to

do it, but have assured them that I shall not dissuade them from

it. I added that my wish would be to stay away, as I had done on

the two last occasions of its renewal, but that I could not

absolutely pledge myself to this, since I might be compelled to

come down to answer comments on my absence.

Pray tell me whether you have procured any clue which may enable us

to _patronize_ a newspaper.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, May 17, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD DUKE,

The debate took a turn last night we had not at all anticipated.

Warre never mentioned Henry Wynn but in terms of civility and

courtesy, and not only disclaimed all personal attack against him,

but also every imputation against the arrangements which had led to

his appointment. Lord Londonderry followed Warre, and explained the

case, &c., &c.; and the only other person who took any part in the

debate was Lord Normanby, who distinctly also declared against all

allusion to the individual who held the appointment; and he had

scarcely proceeded thus far before the House became so impatient

that he was all but coughed down. Under these circumstances there

was no opening for any of us, which for some reasons I regret,

though upon the whole nothing could be more satisfactory than the

tone and temper of the debate. I think the abstinence from personal

attack must have been the result of previous arrangement, probably

the more sober ones refused to concur in the vote on any other

terms. A weaker case was never made out. Newport stayed away.

Calcraft went out just before the division. Talbot, member for the

County of Dublin, sent a message to Wynn by Plunket, to say that he

would not vote against his brother. Carew, member for the County of

Wexford, made a similar communication to me. Neville, I believe,

voted with us; and Ebrington stayed away. Holmes told me that

twenty-four came to the door after it was closed, of whom nineteen

belonged to us.

The most serious business we have now to look forward to is the new

financial arrangement; and I must own that I dread the difficulties

in which Van may involve us.

Believe me, your Grace's very faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.--The whole debate last night did not occupy two hours.

The Catholic Peers' Bill stands for the third reading to-night; it

is not to be opposed, at least not by those who have taken the lead

against it. I hear that Lords Caledon and Gosford, Gosse and Wilton

will vote for the Bill, the two first have hitherto always voted

against the Catholics, the two latter have not voted on the

question; an Irish bishop is also to vote with us. On the other

hand, Lords Camden and Clancarty will not vote, and they have

supported always the general measure. The Archbishop of York told

me he thought several of the opposers of the general measure would

stay away: this, I understand from other quarters, is the course he

intends to adopt. Lord Grenville, I believe, will come to London

for the debate in the House of Lords. I am afraid that the Bill

will not be carried, but I am very sanguine in thinking that the

majority in the Upper House will be very considerably diminished.

Wilberforce made a point of staying to vote with us last night.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, May 17.

MY DEAR B----,

I am on the whole extremely well satisfied with the issue of the

two last debates, as the Opposition have entirely failed in the

establishment of any case whatever, and did not appear to produce

any effect on the House. Talbot of Malahide went away, expressly on

the ground of declining a question which affected any connexion of

yours personally. Newport also was absent, as were Ebrington and

George. Neville, Wilberforce, Banks, and most of the country

gentlemen voted with us. The places of several of those who stayed

away from the Opposition were supplied by the Ponsonby's and

Fitzwilliam's connexions, who had been absent the preceding night

on account of Lord Fitzwilliam's death.

I have already told you how much embarrassment I feel about the

Alien Bill. Read your own speech of the 18th of June, 1816, and

mine of the 20th of May in the same year, and I think that you will

agree that we are a good deal hampered.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

We read the Catholic Bill a third time to-day. I am told that the

second reading in the Lords will be fixed for the 31st of May.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, May 20, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

The Duke of Portland has undertaken the management of Canning's

Bill in the House of Lords. I fear that so long a postponement of

it as you suggest, will hardly be thought expedient for the

interests of the Bill. It had been much wished that it should be

brought forward this week, but on account of Epsom it has been

deferred till the following Friday. I shall be very sorry if you

are prevented from attending, under all the particular

circumstances in which you stand, and should even think that it

might be worth while for you to come up and return next day. Lord

Clare, Lord Gosford, Lord Caledon, and Lord Gage are mentioned

among the new votes expected, but I am told that there are ten of

them. Lord Headfort's proxy has been forgotten, and as he is in

Italy cannot now be obtained. Lord Camden and Lord Clancarty will

not vote. Could not you get Lord Torrington's proxy? I think he

used to give you charge of it. Bulkeley hangs undecided about

coming or staying away. Old St. Vincent is to take his seat and

make a proxy. Lord Buckinghamshire is not yet ascertained.

You do not mention anything on the subject of the Alien Bill,

which, as I told you, I feel considerable difficulty about from the

part which we have both taken. With respect to the Finance plan, I

feel convinced that it must end where it ought to have begun, in an

appropriation of part of the Sinking Fund, and that this will be

done with more or less disguise and humbug, but that no regard for

consistency will be sufficient to prevent a measure so essentially

necessary.

I will try what I can do to obtain a postponement of the Catholic

Bill for you, but have little hope of success.

Ever affectionately your,

C. W. W.

Thirty or forty years ago the public press was managed with much less

talent and principle than the respectable portion of it now possesses.

Personality and scurrility appear to have gone out of fashion, and such

attacks as that from which the Duke of Buckingham suffered in the

columns of a provincial paper, are of very rare occurrence.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 21, 1822.

I learn from my brother that the Duke of Portland is to move the

second reading of Canning's Bill, and that they talk of the 31st

for it; that day being opportunely hitched in between the two

important epochs of Ascot and Epsom. But these arrangements of days

for Parliamentary business are always so uncertain, and so liable

to be varied up to the last moment, that I have never found one got

much previous communication of them; nor do I, to speak fairly,

think that the want of it affords the smallest ground of offence.

As to the yeomanry arrangements, it does not seem to me possible

that the day of this motion could have been fixed in time to enable

you to reconcile those two engagements.

I shall be sorry if you are absent from the discussion of this

Bill, for a thousand reasons that make one wish you present at it,

and I still hope you will contrive to run up for that night only.

But if that really cannot be, I will very willingly hold your

proxy, supposing that I do not in the interval (and it is now

little likely I should) receive some one that I cannot transfer. I

now hold only Lord Carysfort's.

On the other subject on which you write to me it is more difficult

to advise. The least troublesome course no doubt is that which I

have always pursued--to treat, and unaffectedly to consider, the

whole tribe of newspaper libellers as unworthy of the smallest

notice. And this was, on the first impression, the opinion which I

expressed the other day to my brother, who wrote to me on this

matter, in consequence of something your son had said to him. On

reflection I do not feel as sure as at first, that I was right in

this opinion, as applicable to your case and to the Aylesbury

paper. To any idea of a complaint against him in the House of Lords

I feel utterly averse. My recollection does not serve me to

remember any instance since Lord Sandwich and Bishop Warburton in

the beginning of the last reign, in which the House has interfered

in case of general libel. I myself brought a printer before them

for an attack on Bishop Watson, but then that, if I am not

mistaken, was a case of attack for words _spoken in Parliament_,

and not for general political conduct. If you prosecute, the right

course is certainly that of _information_ in the King's Bench; for

it would be most unseemly to allege that your character has really

been _endamaged_ by such ribaldry.

On the question itself, whether to prosecute or not, I really feel

myself incompetent to advise. I have already said that my first

impression was against it, but further consideration of the subject

has so shaken that opinion, that I should be sorry now you laid the

least stress upon it. Every man who goes into a court of law, and

especially every man who attacks a newspaper there, does, under our

blessed system of newspaper government, expose himself to a

lottery, the chances of which no man can foresee, and out of which

it would be much more desirable to keep himself. But, then, in this

as in other cases, one may be driven to the wall, and obliged to do

that which in itself one is far from wishing. That this is the case

in this instance, certainly seems probable, and if it is, the

decision is one which you alone can take for yourself; though if my

own judgment were fully satisfied either way, I would certainly not

hesitate to let you see it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, May 23, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I left your letter at Lord Bulkeley's house, and afterwards meeting

him, urged him as strongly as I could to give his proxy, which, as

he is applying to me for a cadet-ship for a Welsh lad, I could

press further than I otherwise should. I am sorry to say, however,

that I could not boast much of my success. He talked of the

violence and bigotry of Carnarvonshire, which I do not believe

really weigh with him, as they were more violent and bigoted when

he formerly voted for the Catholics; but I believe the real reason

is some promise which he has made to his wife. I cannot learn where

Lord Torrington is in town, as he has no regular town house, but,

as I am told, takes his letters at the House of Lords; so I have

there left it for him. I spoke to Lord Cassilis about your proxy,

which he will willingly attend to hold if necessary, but had

expected you rather to give his.

The new votes mentioned besides Lord Caledon, Lord Gosport, and

Lord Clare, are Lord Gage, Lord Lucan, Lord Glasgow, Lord Wilton,

Lord Maryborough, Lord Ormond, and I think Lord Suffield (but I am

not sure which way the late Lord voted).

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Frankland Lewis had a bad fall yesterday in the park, and was a

good deal bruised, but did not, I hope, suffer materially. Lord

Lonsdale had a worse a short time after, and broke two ribs and his

collar-bone.

LORD BULKELEY TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, May 27, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD DUKE,

It is certainly most true that I promised your Grace to vote in

favour of Mr. Canning's motion whenever it came into the House of

Lords, and being conformable to my former votes and opinions, I

should with pleasure have ranged myself under the standard of the

party with which I had so long acted, had not a storm arisen in

Wales on that question, in consequence of Sir Robert Williams's

vote in the House of Commons, which I own to your Grace staggered

my intention very much. It was plainly told me, that if I did not

put water in my wine, all my popularity there would sink to the

ground, and an opposition declared which would put me to great

expense, and a very doubtful issue; and that it depended on my vote

to allay the storm, especially as Sir Robert had raised it. At the

head of these ultra anti-Catholics stand the Bishop of the diocese

(Magendie), and all the parsons to a man, and Mr. Ashton Smith,

Lord Kenyon, and Sir Robert Vaughan, and hundreds who look up to

Lord Eldon and Mr. Peel, and who think that the King is hostile to

the Catholics. I hope, therefore, I may be permitted to absent

myself as I have few days to live, and those few I can pass with

tolerable goodwill in my own _natale solum_, if I do not provoke

their ardent feelings on a point which they have opinions like

those of the University of Oxford. In my general support of

Government under your standard, my Taffies are rejoiced, but upon

the Catholic question they are raving mad.

Hoping the Duchess is well, and your Grace, I am, my dear Lord

Duke, with Lady B----'s joint best remembrances,

Your ever faithful,

W. B.

This is the last communication the writer addressed to his friend, as

he died suddenly, at the age of sixty-nine, at Englefield Green, on the

3rd of June.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 29, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

My uncle Tom writes to Lord Grenville: "My sister just tells me

that she met Canning last night at Burlington House, who told her

that he should write to you to-day to tell you that the Catholic

question was put off in the House of Lords, in consequence of the

death of Lord Grey's mother. I had heard from several people

yesterday that it was not put off; and so much satisfaction was

expressed at the day not being disturbed, that I am persuaded this

new change will be extremely unpopular."

No letter from Canning has arrived; but this probably proceeds from

his directing to Maidenhead, which was the case with the last

letter he wrote to Lord G----.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

What will my worthy colleagues in the Empire of the East do about

this _fracas_ at Canton? Must they not shut up shop? On this head I

have nothing to say to them. I am for sending out a detachment of

capital convicts from the Old Bailey Sessions, since, provided they

are allowed to hang a sufficient number, it is all the Chinese

Government requires.

Lord Eldon had not recovered his good humour, nor reconciled himself to

the new servants his sovereign had called to his counsels, and when he

could not express his dissatisfaction orally, he rarely failed to do so

in writing to his confidential friends--now and then, however, with

characteristic caution, denying the authorship of the bad jokes he took

pains to circulate.[81] The proceedings of the Legislature he regarded

with real alarm whenever their object was to alter what the public

voice pronounced capable of amendment, or prune what was judged

superfluous. The vote of the House of Commons on the 1st of March, for

discontinuing the services of one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and

that given on the 2nd of May for getting rid of one of the

Postmasters-General, his Lordship called "stripping the Crown naked,"

and represents the King as suffering from severe illness, occasioned by

these attacks, as he considers them, on the Royal prerogative.[82] His

acknowledged talent as a lawyer, however, joined to his earnest

advocacy of the cause of which he was one of the stoutest champions,

ought to suggest allowances for such harmless exaggerations.

[81] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 63.

[82] Ibid., p. 64.

The Catholic question having been put off in the House of Lords till

the 21st of June, other questions of a more popular character,

including Parliamentary Reform, the Importation of Corn, the

amelioration of the Criminal Code, the continuation of the Alien Act,

the state of the Currency, and the Tithe system in Ireland, the

influence of the Crown, and the suppression of the Slave Trade, came

under consideration in this month.

The ball referred to in Mr. Fremantle's note, was given for the benefit

of the suffering poor of Ireland at the King's Theatre, London, on the

30th of May, and produced 3500_l._

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Five o'clock.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You can have no idea of the great impression which has been made on

the public mind by these two last divisions. It has given courage

and unity to our people at the same time, and I trust will enable

us to stem the tide which has been setting against us for the

latter weeks. The great question that still hangs upon us is the

annuity transaction. The South Sea don't take it; the Bank are

negotiating but disinclined; and from what I hear from good

quarters, it will end in its being done by the Government, and

though not actually from the Sinking Fund, still with the means of

applying the Sinking Fund in case of failure. The whole project is

of Vansittart, and therefore to be feared, but I hope ultimately we

shall get over it, and satisfy the country gentlemen by taking off

1,500,000_l._ or 1,600,000_l._ of taxes.

There is nothing material more to say. There has been a fine

tripotage among the higher females about this Irish ball. The

Duchess of Richmond was first applied to to be at the head, and the

Duke of York was patron. All the present ladies were of her list,

and had agreed to be patronesses, when lo and behold! Lady

Conyngham, not having been sent to by the Duchess of Richmond, took

offence, and set up a new list, placing the King at the head, whom

she commanded to go, and all these ladies turned tack directly,

abandoned the Duchess, and are now of the new Government--a pretty

semblance of what might occur in the male political tribe.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

The state of Ireland--between famine and revolution--became every day

more alarming, and the influence of the Marquis Wellesley for good,

appeared more problematical. At this time the Ministers were desirous

that the King should pay a visit to another portion of his dominions,

where a welcome awaited him not less genuine than that which had given

so great a zest to his visit to Ireland; but, as will presently be

seen, they had some difficulty in getting his Majesty to enter into

their views.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons' Committee Room, Thursday morning.

MY DEAR B----,

I explained to Sir Edward East the other day, how the case stood

with respect to his claim to be admitted to the Privy Council.

There have been two instances which have occurred of his

predecessors being so appointed. Upon Sir John Anstruther's return

during Lord Grenville's administration, you must, I am sure,

remember that the greatest inconvenience had arisen from the

secession of Sir William Grant, and I believe Sir William Scott,

from the Privy Council, and that there were no lawyers to attend

the hearing of appeals. To supply this want, and with no reference

whatever to his having been Chief Justice of Calcutta, Anstruther

was sworn in. Sir H. Russell returned in 1813, and three years

afterwards was made a Privy Councillor for the same purpose. It

therefore seems to me, that whether it be or be not thought

desirable that East should hereafter receive the same mark of

favour, when legal members may be wanted at that Board, it is at

all events objectionable to give it at the present moment, which

would establish an absolute _right_ for all future Chief Justices

against whom there had been no particular charge, to claim it

immediately on their return. With this explanation he appeared

perfectly satisfied, and desired that it might be understood to be

his wish that it should not be pressed if there was any objection

to it.

I send you the Irish Constables' Bill, the alterations in which

have, I believe, satisfied almost all the Irishmen.

Newport went out of town yesterday. I do not myself believe in the

existence of any intrigue for keeping Canning in this country. If I

knew of any, I should be much disposed to join in it _openly_.

Why Westmoreland should not make room for Lord Melville, who might

continue to hold the sceptre of Scotland, and so leave the

Admiralty to Canning, I cannot conceive. I think as ill of the

latter as the K---- or you can, but it seems to me to be so much

his interest to do his best, and that the gulf between him and the

Reformers is so impassable, that it would be far better to admit

him, and to take the benefit of service in the House of Commons,

which no other man can render.

Having been bored till five this morning in the House, I can write

no more. Richard Wellesley, who is upon the Committee, tells me

that his accounts of Lord Wellesley are very good, and that he is

_quite well_.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, July 5, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

You will perhaps be surprised at not having heard from me

respecting the late arrests in Ireland, but the truth is, that his

Excellency is too discreet to communicate by his despatches more

intelligence than appears in the Dublin newspapers, except that the

evidence against these persons is so strong, that he is confident

of convicting several of them. In due time he promises to send us

the examinations which have been taken, and on which the men were

apprehended. This, I suppose, will not be till after he has tried

them.

We get on, as you will see, at a snail's pace; still I flatter

myself I see many symptoms of the session drawing to a conclusion.

After next week, we shall have no Irish members left, and most of

the English will also have left town.

The King now again proposes going to Scotland. The visits are to be

to the Duke of Athol, Duke of Montrose, Lord Mansfield, and Lord

Hopetoun; perhaps Lord Breadalbane, but not to Gordon Castle or

Inverary--the first on account of distance, the latter of the

Duke's absence.

He has been extremely reasonable in agreeing to the postponement of

a Bill enabling him to make a will, and to the alteration of one

for regulating the Duchy of Cornwall, though he had got somewhat

like a promise before Christmas that they should be passed in this

session.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 8, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

I had an audience to-day on some business of no importance, but was

very graciously received. He talked to me some time about Canning,

whom he abused extremely for falsehood and treachery, and expressed

his opinion that he was now engaged in some intrigue or another.

The expectation of the Chancellor's retiring seems to be very

general, in consequence of the undisguised irritation which he has

expressed on the decision of the Marriage Bill. There certainly

never has been so strong an instance of revolt among those who for

so many years were the humblest of slaves.

Proxies, as you will see, were not called for. Yours was entered to

Lord Wemyss, who expressed himself much flattered at holding it. I

should have given it to Lord Cassilis, but that he was doubtful as

to his power of attending.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, July 9, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The match that has been so long pending, after a very long

attachment, between the Duke of M----'s daughter and Mr. G----, is

declared off, as is said, by the lady, in consequence of the

insanity _found now_ to prevail in the bridegroom's family. But as

all the world has long known that G----'s father shot himself, and

his uncle (W----) cut his throat, it seems quite incomprehensible

that this should have escaped the lady's observation till now.

A strange report was circulated of the eldest son of Lord Cassilis

(Lord Kennedy) having shot at a boy in a tree and killed him. There

was no boy, and no tree, and no shooting, and no possible account

how such an entire fiction could have been circulated.

I am going to see our bronze Achilles[83] mount this morning upon

his pedestal in the park.

Kind love to your dear wife, and God bless you!

Yours affectionately,

T. G.

[83] The well known figure in Hyde Park, erected in honour of the

Duke of Wellington.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 11, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

We have had a very severe fagging for the last ten days, but I

think we have made great progress, and I have no doubt now that the

House of Commons will be up at the end of this month. The King

certainly does not go to Scotland, though the decision has been

fluctuating for some time past. His Ministers wished him to go, and

he wished not, and has been putting up his doctors to support him

by ordering them to pronounce that he would suffer from the

journey, fatigue, &c. I hear that, in consequence of all this, he

is not quite in such good humour with them as he was. Lord Warwick,

you see, has got the Lieutenancy of Warwickshire, which has

offended Lord Hertford. Lord Liverpool has had a serious attack of

inflammation in the sinew of his thigh (his old complaint); he was

extremely bad for two days, but is now nearly recovered. There

never was anything so strange and absurd as Lord W----'s match; it

was evidently planned and forced by the S----s. After he was gone

he wrote three letters, which have been seen by the person who told

me--one to his mother, the Duchess of B----, saying how sorry he

was to have offended her by this marriage, but he was sure she

would forgive him if she could witness the happiness he then

enjoyed; the second to Lord Fitzroy Somerset, saying he was the

most miserable man breathing, that he had been entrapped to marry,

and he should never feel a moment's happiness again; the third to

Lord Alvanley, saying that he had been obliged to marry; that he

begged he would let him know what was said upon it, particularly by

the girls (he had been making love to Lady Caroline S----). Hoped

they would not quiz him, for he was unhappy enough.

Can you fancy such folly and such profligacy? The fact is, I really

believe he has got ... or that she made him believe it, and

therefore compelled him to marry her. There is nothing but this

sort of gossip stirring in town. The debates are most tedious, and

the Houses very thin. I believe the Opposition as weary of it as we

are. Phillimore will have some plague with his Marriage Bill, but I

have no doubt will carry it, though the Chancellor is outrageous,

making a prodigious noise about it, and sets up the

Attorney-General to oppose it.

W. H. FREMANTLE.

The Lord Chancellor not only continued to set his face strongly against

the Grenville portion of the Government; but there exists evidence

that while doing so he began to look favourably upon Opposition. He

accepted an invitation to dine at Holland House, and there met, as he

acknowledges, Lords Holland, Grey, Lauderdale, and "several of the

Opposition."[84] A step like this from such a man, is extremely

suggestive, and rumours of sweeping changes in the Administration

followed, as a matter of course.

[84] See his letter to Lady Bankes, Twiss, vol. ii. p. 71.

CHAPTER IX.

[1822.]

SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON APPOINTED KEEPER OF THE KING'S PRIVY PURSE.

HIS SENSE OF DUTY SOMETIMES OPPOSED TO THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS.

HIS IMPORTANT SERVICES IN LESSENING THE ROYAL EXPENDITURE. ARRESTS

IN IRELAND. CANNING AND PEEL. LAMENTABLE DEATH OF THE MARQUIS OF

LONDONDERRY. ESTIMATE OF THIS DISTINGUISHED STATESMAN. LETTER FROM

THE KING ON THE SUBJECT. THE ROYAL VISIT TO SCOTLAND. SIR WALTER

SCOTT'S RELIC. PROSPECTS OF THE GOVERNMENT. THEIR NEGOTIATIONS WITH

MR. CANNING. HIS SPEECH AT LIVERPOOL. HE SUCCEEDS THE MARQUIS OF

LONDONDERRY AS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

CHAPTER IX.

Sir William Knighton was appointed Keeper of the King's Privy Purse,

and was employed in the most arduous labour of endeavouring to arrange

the private accounts of his Majesty. While putting these affairs into

a satisfactory state, he was sometimes obliged to oppose the King's

inclinations--on one occasion so as to excite his displeasure. But

George the Fourth was not the less partial to his servant for

maintaining what was right and proper under such circumstances, despite

his master's disapproval; and after one unpleasant scene of this

nature, his Majesty wrote him the following note:

THE KING TO SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON.

Carlton House, July 11, 1822,

Wednesday morning, Eight o'clock.

You may easily imagine, warm and sincere as my affections are

towards you, I have had but little rest since we separated last

night. The feeling that I may possibly and unfortunately, in a

hurried moment, when my mind and my heart were torn in fifty

different ways from fifty different causes, have let an unjust or

hasty expression escape me to any one, but most especially to you,

whom I so truly love, and who are so invaluable to me as my friend,

is to me a sensation much too painful to be endured--therefore let

me implore you to come to me, be it but for a moment, the very

first thing you do this morning, for I shall hate myself until I

have the opportunity of expressing personally to you those pure and

genuine feelings of affection which will never cease to live in my

heart so long as that heart itself continues to beat. I am much too

unhappy to say more, but that I am

Ever your affectionate friend,

G. R.[85]

[85] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 118.

This communication proves that the writer was not so thoroughly selfish

and heartless as he has often been represented. His correspondence with

Sir William Knighton and other persons in his confidence is

characterized by the same tenderness and good feeling. His Majesty

sanctioned all the proceedings of his Privy Purse to put an end to

abuses in his private expenditure, that had long been a source of

embarrassment and vexation, and later in the year issued the following

document:--

Royal Lodge, Oct. 26, 1822.

I hereby authorize and direct Sir William Knighton, Bart., Keeper

of my Privy Purse, to give notice to our several tradesmen that

they are not to receive orders or to furnish any articles of

furniture, &c. &c. &c., or to incur any expense whatsoever from

their different trades, where such expense is to be provided for by

my said Privy Purse, without receiving a specific order in writing

for that purpose from the said Sir William Knighton Bart.; and I do

also give my authority to the said Sir William Knighton, Bart., and

order and direct him, during our will and pleasure, to undertake

the entire management of my private affairs, with a view to the

observance of the most strict and rigid economy, that we may have

the opportunity of relieving ourselves from certain embarrassments

which it is not necessary to mention further in detail. We do

therefore rely with confidence on the said Sir William Knighton for

the strict performance and fulfilment of all our wishes on this

head.[86]

GEORGE R.

[86] "Memoirs of Sir William Knighton, Bart."

It is but justice to add that Sir William's management worked a reform,

the beneficial effects of which were acknowledged and appreciated. "I

see with pleasure," writes the Duke of Clarence, "and hear with equal

satisfaction how well the Privy Purse is carried on under your able

management."[87] The King was not only freed from large accumulations of

pecuniary liabilities, but was enabled considerably to increase his

donations to public and private charities.

[87] Ibid.

The new members of the Board of Control were not quite pleased with

their position on their first taking office, and it is clear from their

representations of the unsatisfactory state of the Government, that

some of them at least were not indisposed to break the tie that

connected them with it. It becomes more and more evident that the

dissatisfaction of the President was leading him into a desire for

change, but it does not appear that the Duke of Buckingham encouraged

such speculations--indeed, the interest taken by the Duke in politics

had so greatly subsided, that he was sailing about the coast

preparatory to quitting the country for an absence of considerable

duration. He followed the advice given by Mr. Fremantle in a subsequent

letter.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 15, 1822.

As far as I can judge from my conversations with Canning, he is

perfectly _in earnest_ with respect to his intended voyage, and

much as I regret it for the country, I think that considering the

great personal disinclination both of the King and (I believe) the

Duke of York towards him, the unstable nature of the Government,

and the state of his own affairs, the course he pursues is far the

best for his own interests. I think I told you that both Liverpool

and Londonderry evidently considered the completion of this

appointment as a great advantage gained, and were in high spirits

on the occasion.

It cannot be doubted that Peel and Lord Bathurst strongly

participate in this feeling, and that the Chancellor carries it a

good deal farther. Under these circumstances, the Duke of

Wellington is the only man of any weight in the Cabinet, of whose

co-operation in a plan for retaining Canning in this country there

could be a hope, and without that, we could not hold out such a

probability of success as alone could justify any communication to

Canning, or expectation that he would listen to it. If it could be

effected, I have no hesitation in saying that it would be a measure

of great benefit to the country.

I have lately heard much general rumour of disinclination on the

part of certain members of the Cabinet who are not cordial towards

as, and of Peel's having said that things would not go on well till

they had got rid of the Grenvilles. This I do not believe, as he is

much too cautious a man to commit himself by such a speech, but I

cannot but admit that the coldness and reserve of his manner to me

make me think that the opinion, though not uttered, is not unlikely

to be entertained by him. He assures me that he still continues in

the same complete ignorance as to the persons lately arrested in

Ireland. The only depositions transmitted are those of persons who

believe them to be engaged in a traitorous conspiracy for the

overthrow of the Government; but what the facts against them are,

whether any papers have been taken, whether any of them have given

information, and even whether they have been examined before the

Privy Council, the Lord Lieutenant has not judged it necessary to

inform him. It is evident things cannot go on in this way, and I do

not think it unlikely that Peel is lying back in order to make as

strong a case as he can, before he attacks Lord W----, after which

he would more easily overturn us.

The last resolution was, I believe, in favour of the visit to

Scotland, but not to stir beyond Edinburgh.

I am very glad that you are satisfied with the alterations in the

Irish Constables Bill. I think you quite right in your plan of

writing a letter to Plunket to explain your general views with

respect to Ireland. He must remember that he is Attorney-General,

and from his character ought to be House of Commons Minister for

that country, besides being representative of that shabby body

called Trinity College. He cannot conceal from himself the

resolution of the Irish members, and indeed of the House, to force

the Tithe question, and that the only thing in his power to

determine is, whether the Government will take the conduct and

management of the business to themselves or leave it to the

Opposition.

I have entered in this letter more fully into our position than I

otherwise should, as you mention that it will reach you in

_safety_. I never know exactly how far the post is to be trusted,

but the time which elapses between putting in the letters and their

dispatch by the mail is so _very short_, that I think, unless under

very particular circumstances indeed, there can be little chance of

private correspondence being violated. I know that it _can_ be

done, but believe it very seldom is.

Arbuthnot spoke to Phillimore of the good disposition of Lord

Liverpool and Londonderry towards us, as in contrast to some other

members of the Cabinet, and Plunket has evidently taken the same

opinion.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, July 20, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

Before Plunket left town, I had a conversation with him on the

subject of the Armagh arrest, mentioned in my last, and found him

very much inclined to fear that it had taken place on insufficient

evidence, particularly of one individual who represents himself as

having become a Protestant three or four years ago, but to have

continued an ostensible Papist for the purpose of penetrating and

betraying the Catholic plots now carrying on. The arrest was made

by a Colonel Blacker, one of the most furious Orange agents, and of

course the trial must take place at Armagh, by a red-hot Orange

jury, which it may be expected will convict, however slight the

case may be, and which will not obtain credit for having done

justice even if the evidence be sufficient.

It is scarcely possible to make any complaint of Peel's manner, as

though it is cold and reserved, I should be told that it is such to

others, and that to notice it would only increase the evil. The

reports which I mentioned of his conversation, are such as I do not

myself believe to be true, though they may be founded upon what the

inventors of them believe and hope to be his ulterior wishes.

The King is to be attended in Scotland by Peel and Lord Melville,

but not to pay any visits; he is to be quartered at Dalkeith, and

his suite in Holyrood House. We are, in consideration of the

reversal of the Scotch attainders, to signalize his visit, but this

is all undecided as yet.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, July 23, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have delayed answering your letter for some days, because I

wished to ascertain the ground, and see how the thing looked before

you ventured to take any steps with regard to communicating with so

slippery and uncertain a man as C----. The fact is, you may be

assured that he has the best disposition to trip these people up,

but I am persuaded he will not be able to do it; and they are fully

aware of his designs. My own opinion is, that no overture or

communication will be had with him--there is no part of the

Government who wish for his connexion. They find the strength and

power of Peel have completely answered their purpose, and with more

popularity and feeling of the House than the other would have done;

and above all, be assured there is a mortal antipathy against C----

in the K----. All these circumstances combined would, in my

judgment, not make it worth your while to attempt any movement

through him, or to have any communication with him.

I cannot but think that Wynn is gaining strength in the Cabinet,

and the best support he has is, in my opinion, Lord Londonderry's,

which would be totally destroyed by any underhand communication

with C----; and your seeing him or corresponding with him would

have that effect. I should, therefore, on the whole, strongly

advise all abstainment from all connexion with him.

Things look a great deal better than they did, though the K----, I

should fear, is not quite in the good humour he was. He dislikes

the journey to Scotland, and I have no idea why they plagued him to

take it (which is said to have been the case). The intention is now

only to stay in Scotland ten days, and visit no one. Peel and Lord

Melville are the Ministers who attend him. He is to make a public

entry into Edinburgh, but to live entirely at Dalkeith House.

I don't know the names of all his retinue in the yacht, but Lord

Fife is invited to be one of his companions, and goes accordingly.

The Marchioness of C---- is going to Ireland, by Scotland,

therefore I should not be surprised if _accident_ brings her to

Edinburgh, about the same time.

We shall not adjourn this House till Friday week. I shall get out

of town on Tuesday, I hope. Everybody but Hume and Bennett are sick

to death of it, and literally every other Opposition man gone out

of town.

I hope your sailing has done you a great deal of good, and that I

shall have the pleasure of hearing you are quite re-established.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, July 26, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

It was yesterday determined that Lord Londonderry should attend the

Congress at Vienna, upon which subject _strict secrecy_ was

recommended; but it was observed that it had on Tuesday night been

communicated by Lord Francis Conyngham to all the ladies at the

opera-house.

We have accounts of the Prince Royal of Portugal having been

addressed to take on him the title of Perpetual Regent of Brazil,

to which he graciously consents, provided it shall appear to be the

will of the people. The probable consequence will be his exclusion

from the throne of Portugal, which there has been already a strong

disposition to pronounce.

The Cortes of Spain, though in possession of full evidence of the

King and French Minister's share in the late attempt of the Guards

to effect a counter-revolution, and even of his having placed each

of his Ministers in separate confinement during the whole of the

night of the attack, seem to think the time not yet ripe to get rid

of him, and therefore conceal everything. If they are obliged to

dispose of him before the country will allow them to proclaim a

republic, they are many of them disposed to propose a union of the

Peninsula under the King of Portugal, as the most inefficient

shadow of royalty that can be set up.

Bobus Smith the other night proposed a caricature of a private

conference between Hume and Vansittart as a dialogue of penny-wise

and pound-foolish.

I see no reason to doubt Canning's going to India. His writ will, I

believe, be moved the last day of the session, and as the K---- is

going for Scotland immediately afterwards, there will be no room

left for intrigue to avert it. The Duke of Wellington is the only

one who has appeared to me at all sensible of the loss we shall

experience in him, and he speaks of him as being nearly useless out

of the walls of the House.

The town was startled in the month of August by a terrible incident.

The Marquis of Londonderry, on the 12th of the month, terminated his

existence by his own hand, at one of his residences, North Cray Farm,

near Bexley, Kent, in the fifty-third year of his age. The elevated

position he had filled for many years in the Government of this great

empire, had made him a prominent mark for the malicious shafts of those

who had, or fancied they had, an interest in opposing his policy.

During his long and most honourable career, no statesman had

accomplished such a series of important services. The Legislative Union

of Great Britain and Ireland, had it been suffered to bear the fruit

which only came to perfection thirty years later, was a measure of such

vital importance to the State, that its successful settlement under the

extraordinary circumstances which attended its discussion, entitled him

to rank with the ablest ministers of his time; but eminently sagacious

and beneficial as was this measure, it was thrown into the shade by the

success of subsequent calculations of Lord Castlereagh, first as

Secretary-at-War, and then as Foreign Secretary, which effected the

overthrow of that brilliant genius by whom his country had so long been

menaced. These services appear to have called into existence hosts of

political enemies, imbued with the vindictive spirit that prevailed at

this period, from whose attacks he was rarely free. They included in

their ranks many of a younger generation of adventurers--quite as

depreciatory in their opinions, if not as malicious--who regarded his

downfall as affording an opening in the direction of place and power.

Nothing could exceed the manliness of his bearing in the unequal

conflict in which every session he found himself engaged, unless it is

to be looked for in the inexhaustible amiability that characterized his

relations with the most implacable of his foes. It is, however, evident

that as his health began to fail from the long course of exhausting

labours which his office imposed upon him, he became more sensitive to

such provocations, and though he carefully concealed it from outward

view, an increasing irritability affected his whole nervous system.

The melancholy result, though unfortunately too easily explained,

excited reports as ingenious as malevolent, to account for its

suddenness, but like the injustice to his memory he has received from

rivals or successors, who sought to raise a reputation by advocating an

adverse policy, they had but a brief existence. As a statesman, as a

gentleman, as a man, the Marquis of Londonderry was the Bayard of

political chivalry, _sans peur et sans reproche_, and it reflects

no slight disgrace on this monument-rearing age, that neither in the

land of his nativity nor in that of his adoption has any memorial been

raised worthy of his fame.

The characters of few public men have been so unfairly treated; his

political opponents, numbering among them many writers of great ability

and influence, have allowed their judgments to be warped by party

animosity, and have descended to misrepresentation to an extent truly

pitiable. Thus his countrymen have received impressions of his policy

and administrative capacity during his long and arduous career, totally

at variance with the truth.[88] One writer of eminence has, however,

recently stepped forward to uphold his fame with emphatic earnestness,

and we make no apology for inserting here his estimate of this

distinguished and much-maligned statesman:

[88] His best advocate will be found in "The Castlereagh

Despatches," in twelve volumes, edited by his brother, the late

Marquis.

"His whole life was a continual struggle with the majority of his own

or foreign lands: he combated to subdue or to bless them. He began his

career by strenuous efforts to effect the Irish Union, and rescue his

native country from the incapable Legislature by which its energies had

so long been repressed. His mature strength was exerted in a long and

desperate conflict with the despotism of revolutionary France, which

his firmness as much as the arm of Wellington brought to a triumphant

issue; his latter days in a ceaseless conflict with the revolutionary

spirit in his own country, and an anxious effort to uphold the dignity

of Great Britain and the independence of lesser States abroad. The

uncompromising antagonist of Radicalism at home, he was at the same

time the resolute opponent of despotism abroad. If Poland retained

after the overthrow of Napoleon any remnant of nationality, it was

owing to his persevering and almost unaided efforts, and at the very

time when the savage wretches who raised a shout at his funeral were

rejoicing at his death, he had been preparing to assert at Verona, as

he had done to the Congresses of Laybach and Troppau, the independent

action of Great Britain, and her non-accordance in the policy of the

Continental sovereigns against the efforts of human freedom.

"His policy in domestic affairs was marked by the same far-seeing

wisdom, the same intrepid resistance to the blindness of present

clamour. He made the most strenuous efforts to uphold the Sinking

Fund--that noble monument of Mr. Pitt's patriotic foresight; had those

efforts been successful, the whole National Debt would have been paid

off by the year 1845, and the nation _for ever_ have been freed from

the payment of thirty millions a-year for its interest. He resisted

with a firm hand, and at the expense of present popularity with the

multitude, the efforts of faction during the seven trying years which

followed the close of the war, and bequeathed the constitution, after a

season of peculiar danger, unshaken to his successors. The firm friend

of freedom, he was on that very account the resolute opponent of

democracy, the insidious enemy which, under the guise of a friend, has

in every age blasted its progress and destroyed its substance.

Discerning the principal cause of the distress which had occasioned

these convulsions, his last act was one that bequeathed to his country

a currency adequate to its necessities, and which he alone of his

Cabinet had the honesty to admit was a departure from former error.

Elegant and courteous in his manners, with a noble figure and finely

chiselled countenance, he was beloved in his family circle and by all

his friends, not less than respected by the wide circle of sovereigns

and statesmen with whom he had so worthily upheld the honour and

dignity of England."[89]

[89] Alison's "History of Europe," vol. ii. p. 526.

Lord Londonderry's colleagues entertained a similar opinion:--"Our own

country and Europe," writes one of the most sagacious of them, "have

suffered a loss, in my opinion irreparable. I had a great affection for

him, and he deserved it from me, for to me he showed an uniform

kindness, of which no other colleague's conduct furnished an

example."[90]

[90] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 73.

The King had proceeded a few days before, on a visit to his Scottish

dominions, and the startling news reached him soon after the _Royal

George_ had dropped her anchor at the termination of the voyage. His

Majesty, fully impressed with the irreparable nature of his loss,

hastily wrote to the most influential members of the Cabinet, to

deprecate any hasty arrangement. We quote the following:--

THE KING TO LORD ELDON.

Royal George Yacht, Leith Roads,

Aug. 15th, half-past eight P.M., 1822.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

I have this moment heard from Liverpool of the melancholy death of

his and my dear friend, poor Londonderry. On Friday was the last

time I saw him; my own mind was then filled with apprehensions

respecting him, and they have, alas! been but too painfully

verified. My great object, my good friend, in writing to you

to-night, is to tell you that I have written to Liverpool, and I do

implore you not _to lend yourself_ to any arrangement _whatever_,

until my return to town. This, indeed, is Lord Liverpool's own

proposal, and as you may suppose, I have joined _most cordially_ in

the proposition. It will require the _most prudent foresight_ on my

part, relative to the new arrangements that must now necessarily

take place. You may easily judge of the state of my mind.

Ever, believe me,

Your sincere Friend,

G. R.

The King's intention to visit the northern portion of his kingdom, made

there as great a stir as had been created by his previous one to

Ireland. Sir Walter Scott was at the time in Edinburgh, and took a

prominent part in the preparations that were making in the Scottish

capital to receive its Sovereign, and on the royal yacht coming to

anchor in Leith Roads, he was the first Scotsman to venture on board,

on a very rainy day (August 15th), to present his Majesty with a St.

Andrew's Cross in silver, from the ladies of "Auld Reekie." The King,

much gratified, invited the novelist to drink his health in a bumper of

whisky, which having done, the latter requested permission to keep the

glass as a relic to hand down to his posterity. This having graciously

been granted, he put it very carefully in his pocket, and took his

leave. On returning home, he found Crabbe the poet, who had just

arrived from his English home, to pay a long promised visit; and Sir

Walter was so earnest in welcoming his guest, that the precious relic

was forgotten, till sitting down suddenly he crushed it to atoms, not

without inflicting on himself a severe scratch from the sharp

fragments.[91]

[91] Lockhart's "Life," vol. v. p. 195.