Lord Grenville has been employed this morning in making a note of a

very long conversation which the King held with him yesterday,

having sent for him to his Cottage. Lord G---- had intended to have

added a few words to you upon this subject, but he has such a

violent headache that he has been obliged to desire me to enclose

to you his memorandum of what passed yesterday. He desires that you

would return it by his servant as soon as you have read it, and

strongly urges me to dwell upon the indispensable necessity of no

part of that memorandum being _either copied or quoted by you_. You

will see that he desired the K---- to mention to Lord L---- that

such a conversation had taken place; and as it occupied five hours,

it will probably be very generally known that Lord G---- was at the

Cottage. The way in which Lord G---- means to speak of it when it

is mentioned in his presence is, that "everybody knows his absolute

determination not to embark in any official business, or in any

possible Administration; but that the public danger appears to be

so great, that it is very natural for the K---- to wish to converse

with anybody on whose integrity and experience he places any

reliance; and that, instead of being surprised that the K----

should wish to discuss these dangers with Lord G----, it is only

surprising that he does not extend the same discussion to many

others whom he may believe equally attached with Lord G---- to the

constitution of our limited monarchy."

This general observation seems quite sufficient, and is, in truth,

a very fair picture of all that is fit to be said in public on such

a topic. My brother thought that the K---- looked thin and worn,

but said that he spoke with feeling and good sense throughout the

whole conversation.

My own speculation is, that C---- means to oppose the Cabinet in

their exclusion from the Liturgy, and that he will quit on that

ground; but we shall see whether any middle course will be adopted.

I think Lord G---- did all that became him in declining to advise

between the two parties of Government and Opposition; and that he

will have done some good if, at his suggestion, the K---- forces

his Ministers to look into their situation and to ascertain it,

instead of going a-shooting and revelling.

Lady L---- has broken a bloodvessel. Lord Kirkwall is dead. Lord

G----'s servant returns early to-morrow.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 23, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

I found Lord Shaftesbury at Lord Verulam's, and I think I never saw

anybody so sore or so depressed as he appeared to be. I found from

him that there is a considerable difference between Lord Liverpool

and the Chancellor; and the history of the protestors, I am quite

sure, arises from a wish of the latter to wound the former. Lords

Bridgewater and Verulam have been persuaded by Lord Shaftesbury

into it, and fancy they are acting a very independent and manly

part by so doing.--The King has been urging the Government to go on

with the business _now_ without adjournment, and was most eager

that the question of Income, Palace, and Liturgy should be

immediately discussed; and in this he has again been advised by

L----. He is very angry with his Ministers for not complying with

his orders, and has abused both Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh.

Notwithstanding all this, however, they are determined to try the

game as they stand, and will meet Parliament without change. The

Whigs and Radicals are both fearful of the Grenville party joining

the Government; and Cobbett has been attacking you violently in his

last number, which I do not think will lessen you in public

opinion.--I did not go up to-day, for Lord Shaftesbury told me it

was determined, if possible, to prevent any discussion.--I hope you

continue to mend. You shall have whatever I pick up.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Of course, before you get this, you will have heard that the King

sent for Lord Grenville. Bloomfield went on Friday to Dropmore, and

yesterday Lord G---- came to the Cottage at eleven, and stayed till

three.--It happened that I dined with the King afterwards, at the

Princess Augusta's, at Frogmore, who called me aside to tell me of

the conference, saying how much satisfied he had been with Lord

Grenville.--Of course he said nothing further to me, excepting that

he had told Lord G---- all that was intended to be done; by which I

implied that the interview was more for the purpose of consulting

and asking his advice, than for any object of change.--Previous to

dinner, I thought his Majesty looked dreadfully dejected and

thoughtful; but when he had dined (professing to have no appetite),

and ate as much as would serve me for three days, of fish--but no

meat--together with a bottle of strong punch, he was in much better

spirits, and vastly agreeable. There were only six people, four of

which were ladies. He did not sit a quarter of an hour after they

left us; and excepting talking a little on the indecent behaviour

of the _Mountain_ in the House of Commons, and telling an anecdote

or two of the women who went up with addresses to the Queen, not a

word was said of politics. He remained till twelve o'clock, and he

and Princess Augusta and myself sang glees.--He leaves the Cottage

to-morrow.--You may suppose how very anxious I am to learn

generally what has been the object of the interview at the Cottage.

If for a change, I am persuaded Lord G---- would recommend in the

first place Lord Lansdowne; but if I were to judge of what the King

said of Tierney's conduct on the day of the meeting, this would not

suit his present feelings.--What a game has Lord Grenville now in

his hands! and what an influence he might possess in the country,

could he be tempted to take a lead, which I am sure he will

not!--Pray let me hear from you, as I am dying to know something

about it.--Possibly this may reach you at Dropmore, if it leads to

negotiation.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--The King spoke kindly of you, and about Wootton.

The Queen immediately tried to make the most of her "triumph," as it

was called, and wrote to Lord Liverpool, demanding a palace. This was

refused, though a handsome allowance was offered. She then agitated for

a restoration of her name to the Liturgy, which was also firmly

opposed.

The result of the withdrawal of the Bill was remarkable. A delirium of

triumph appeared to have seized the entire country, and more

particularly the populations of the large cities; but singularly true

was Lord Castlereagh's prophecy, that in six months the King would be

the most popular person in his dominions. The madness of the multitude

necessarily brought about a reaction. "When the struggle was over and

the victory gained," observes an historian of these events, "the King

and his Ministers defeated, and the Queen secured in her rank and

fortune, they began to reflect on what they had done, and the qualities

of the exalted personage of whom they had proved themselves such

doughty champions. They called to mind the evidence in the case, which

they had little considered while the contest lasted; and they observed,

not without secret misgivings, the effect it produced on the different

classes of society. They saw that the experienced hesitated at it, the

serious shunned it, the licentious gloated over it. The reaction, so

usual in such cases when the struggle is over, ensued; and, satisfied

with having won the victory, they began to regret that it had not been

gained in a less questionable cause."[52]

[52] Alison's "Europe," vol. ii. p. 467.

The last entry in Plumer Ward's "Diary" of this date is very

characteristic of the Duke of Wellington:--"Met the Duke just come to

town. He took me under the arm, and walked me to Lord Bathurst's. He

was in excellent humour, and asked what news--having, as he said, been

a country gentleman for two days. I said, I thought the heat a little,

and but a little, subsiding. He observed, he thought so too; and that

it would more after to-morrow--the prorogation. He was more convinced

than ever of the wisdom of that measure, and of withdrawing the

Bill."[53]

[53] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 101.

As may be exemplified by a familiar hygrometer, this change of

atmosphere sent the lady out of notice, and brought the gentleman again

before the public gaze.

The Government have been much censured for their proceedings in the

Queen's case, but it was quite an exceptional one; and their treatment

of it, however open to objections it may be, is equally open to

justification. Their task, from the first, was an up-hill one, which

nothing but their devotion to their master's service made them

continue; but when a thousand unmistakeable signs foretold a rebellion

if they persevered, they had no alternative but to put an end to the

thing with all convenient despatch. The value of this movement soon

became apparent. It possessed advantages which a victory could not have

secured.

Notwithstanding the opinions expressed by the heads of the great Whig

families in favour of the Queen, they could scarcely have desired her

to be at the head of the female aristocracy of the kingdom--their

example, guardian, and liege mistress. The stout lady in the

magnificent hat and feathers was very well as a source of Ministerial

embarrassment; but much as some of them pretended to decry the evidence

against her that was elicited during her trial, they took especial care

not to allow her anything resembling an intimacy with their wives and

daughters.

Plumer Ward describes in his "Diary" one of the Opposition peers who

had been very active for the Queen during the discussion of the Bill,

though acknowledging that he entertained no doubt of her guilt. "I

suppose," observed Ward, "you mean to present Lady ---- at Brandenburg

House? He, with a sudden change to solemnity, and with great emphasis,

exclaimed, '_Never!_'"[54]

[54] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 95.

The Queen soon began to discover that her victory was a sensible

defeat. "She is striving to keep the flame alive," we are told, "and

blow it to fury."[55] But the mob, having nothing to clamour about,

nothing to break windows for, ceased to shout and to throw stones. The

better educated became influenced quite as strongly from a different

source. The cause of the Queen had enjoyed every assistance which a

considerable portion of the press could afford it; and Thomas Moore and

George Cruikshank manufactured the most stinging satires and the most

ludicrous caricatures upon every person of distinction who opposed her;

but a writer had entered the field on the other side, whose caustic

humour told more damagingly on the popular idol and her chief

supporters than the pen of the poet or the pencil of the artist; and

Theodore Hook, in the columns of the _John Bull_, made the respectable

portion of the Queenites heartily ashamed of their cause.

[55] "Wilberforce," vol. v. p. 81.

The Queen went in state to St. Paul's, to offer her thanks for the

signal advantage over her enemies Providence had afforded her,[56] and

omitted nothing likely to maintain her _prestige_; but the careful

observer might easily have seen that the tide was turning. Brandenburg

House was losing its attraction, while Carlton Palace again became the

main channel of loyal interest. Addresses from several of the most

influential communities in the kingdom were received by the Sovereign

in quick succession; and in one from the University of Oxford, the

deputation was headed by Lord Grenville, who was honoured with a most

gracious reception.

[56] This exhibition the Bishop of Llandaff stigmatizes as "a

mockery of religious solemnity, at which every serious Christian

must shudder."--Pellew's "Life of Sidmouth," vol. iii p. 336.

"I shall be very glad to hear of your loyal addresses coming up,"

writes Sir William Scott. "We want to be reinforced in our spirits

by friendly declarations from respectable bodies and individuals.

The Whigs appear too much disposed to a coalition with the

Radicals, in order to compel the King to dismiss the Ministers, and

that coalition is of itself a sufficient reason for a firm

resistance to their admission into power; for they will be

compelled to make very unpleasant concessions to their new allies,

at the expense of the constitution."[57]

[57] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 36.

The following correspondence will further illustrate the transactions

of this period:--

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 17, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I wrote to you last, I have been manufacturing an address

from this neighbourhood, which has been carried with great success,

and has pleased, _particularly_ in the quarter where I was anxious

it should. I received a communication from the King through

Princess Augusta, who was commanded to deliver it to me, that he

should make an exception for his neighbours, and receive it in

person, and that he should afterwards invite the principal persons

to dine with him, directing me to make a proper selection for him

to invite. This has placed me in great awkwardness, for I dare not

avow this permission for fear of offending all my neighbours, and

it is difficult to make a selection where all are perfectly unfit.

However, I have endeavoured to get rid of it, by recommending it to

be confined to those only who have been presented, or to noblemen

and men of rank. Though highly flattering all this, I think you

will agree with me it is highly absurd and _infra dignitate_. My

own opinion is, that he will not come to the neighbourhood this

week, as he proposed; for you may rest assured he is extremely

unwell--I _think_, seriously so. He has been bled twice or three

times; the greatest pains are taken to keep this illness from the

public; but my authority is _good_, and what I can depend upon. He

looked very ill when I last saw him, and I think Lord Grenville

must have found his appearance much altered. The impression of my

mind is that the complaint is in the _head_. He has been agitated

to a degree by the birth of this Clarence child, and by all the

difficulties surrounding him; and not less from finding that he has

no resource, but must submit to whatever his Ministers may decide

as to the Queen. He still presses further resistance, and fancies

the public will open their eyes to all the history which you know

regarding the Princess Charlotte, which they will not believe one

word about, but will only consider a further proof of conspiracy.

On this point, however, he is uncontrollable, and nothing will

convince him. What confirms me in his illness is, that Bloomfield

was to have written to me two days ago to settle about our

reception, &c. &c; he has not done so, and I am persuaded the King

cannot leave town, and he don't like to acknowledge this.

I heard a story--I don't vouch for the truth of it--that the Duke

of Gloucester and Lord Craven had had some very high words at

Coombe Abbey, where the former was on a visit. It began from strong

opinions expressed by the former regarding the Queen, which the

latter attacked; and it ended in the Royal personage going from his

visit under great displeasure, and the visited declaring that he

should never come to his house again. There may be no truth in

this; but I rather believe it, because I _know_ Lord Craven

informed the King that he was to have this visit; that he regretted

it, but it was an old invitation, and he could not put it off;

otherwise, the behaviour of the Duke of Gloucester regarding the

Queen was such that he never should have invited him. The King is

outrageous with the Duke of Gloucester for not attending the

University Address. I take it for granted Lord G---- goes with his,

which will mark the neglect still stronger.

I hope you observed our personal allusions to the King's conduct in

our Address; I doubt if he will receive such another from any part

of the kingdom.

If I hear anything further, you shall immediately know it; and I

probably shall in a few days.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Dec. 19, 1820.

I hear that Canning has given way to the continued omission of the

Queen from the Liturgy, as conceiving it preferable to an omission

in the payment of his salary, and will continue the same cordial

support to Castlereagh which he has hitherto afforded.

I suppose that the Opposition will be compelled to move an

amendment to the Address, though they are fully aware how

disadvantageous and injudicious a mode of attack that is.

The next question, and that on which they will get the best

division, will be the omission in the Liturgy. I have not yet heard

what the sum to be proposed for her establishment is. I think that

she is in equity, under her marriage settlement, entitled to

L50,000, which has been, in a great degree, recognised by the vote

of the House of Commons in 1814, though, on a _quantum meruit_,

pence might be a fitter allowance than pounds. I hope, therefore,

that that will be the sum proposed; and cannot conceive that she

will have a dozen to vote for putting her on the same footing as

the late Queen, agreeable to the notice which has been given. As

far as I can judge, I believe the _reaction_ now going on in the

public mind to be very strong against her, and that the parlour,

and even the shop, are becoming nearly as unanimous that way, as

the servants'-hall and alehouse the other.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

On the 20th December Mr. Canning resigned the Presidentship of the

Board of Control and his place in Council, as was alleged, in

consequence of dissatisfaction with the recent proceedings of the

Government in reference to the Queen.

It has been surmised that an instinct, of which he had already given

some examples, prompted him to desert what many considered a sinking

ship. The affair is thus described by one of his colleagues:--"The

interval since I last wrote to you has been an unpleasant one.

Liverpool went to Walmer in a very uneasy state of mind and spirits,

and during his absence I had some painful communications at C---- H----

[Carlton House]. C---- [Canning] followed him to Walmer, where he

stayed three or four days, and on Saturday he returned. On Tuesday,

C---- circulated a draft of a letter from himself to the King,

containing his resignation, and on Wednesday the letter was laid before

his Majesty. I was immediately sent for to C---- H----. The King,

however, I know, was taken by surprise. * * * It is a most unfortunate

circumstance, and involves us in very serious difficulties. He means to

go abroad. It appears to me to be very doubtful, from the irritability

of one great house, and the restlessness of a greater, whether the

Government will hold together."[58]

[58] Dean Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 337.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I wrote to you last, I have dined with the K----, who was all

gracious and civil; but nothing passed on the subject of politics.

I thought him infinitely better in health and spirits for the few

days' quiet he had enjoyed in this neighbourhood. The party did not

break up till past twelve o'clock. The only persons besides the

Princess's families were, besides Mrs. Fremantle and Miss Hervey,

Lord and Lady Harcourt.--He eat a great quantity--but no meat--and

sang the whole evening, and was in much more cheerful spirits.--He

is gone to Brighton, where there is a little _snug_ party,

consisting only of his own men, Lady Blomfield, and Lord and Lady

Conyngham; and I have no doubt he will remain there as long as he

can. He talked of coming here again, in which case I should

probably see him.

From all I learn, I am quite persuaded his Ministers have now made

up their minds to try the experiment of fighting the question of

the Liturgy. It is certainly right that he should know that the

thing is not totally to be abandoned if they fail--for this was his

impression, I am quite sure, when I last wrote to you. I have no

doubt I shall, somehow or other, have the means of letting him know

this, and your opinions; but it must depend on the accident of

meeting him. A trip to Brighton is quite out of the question; it

would create suspicion; and ten to one I should not see him.

I doubt if Peel will be prevailed on to take office. They are

trying hard; but I cannot see how it can answer to him, nor in

truth do I think he would be any great gain to them. My own opinion

is, that they will shuffle and cut and make some change of

office--that is, by putting Wellesley Pole or B. Bathurst, or

something of this sort, in the India Board, and bringing Huskisson

or some minor character forward.

I have great fears about your Bucks Address; I think it is better

altogether to let _well alone_, for fear of raising a flame you

cannot subdue. However, you must be the best judge; and if numbers

are wanted for a meeting, I shall not fail to attend.

You may depend on hearing from me if anything occurs.--The Duke of

Gloucester is returned to Bagshot; I shall probably see him in a

day or two. Nothing can _go_ on _so bad_ as this _menage_. I doubt

if it can last, with all the exertions which are making to make it

worse. _She_ will not give up her family, and _he_ will not

associate with them.--The Duke of Sussex is seriously ill. I don't

know his complaint, but I hear something spinal.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dec. 26, 1820.

I return you Fremantle's letter; it tells me no more than I had

already collected from what is passing.

I do believe that there is arising in the country enough of a

Royalist spirit and feeling to have enabled such a man as Pitt,

with his courage and abilities, and with some foundation of natural

personal popularity, to avail himself of it, and by putting a

speedy end, _quoquo modo_, to the discussions about the Queen's

business, to make a good stand for the maintenance of Government.

But it is needless to remark, that these people have neither

decision of mind to view their situation in its true light, nor the

means of acting upon it in such a course as could alone extricate

their master and themselves from all their difficulties.

On the other hand, it is no less evident that _he_ satisfies

himself with talking about his situation, and does not feel

reliance enough upon himself to act upon it in either of the two

ways which are alone open to him--that of making himself the active

partisan and supporter of his present system, and lending himself

fully to every exertion of personal aid which he could still give

them, by appearing in public, holding his levees, opening his

house, &c. &c.; or, on the other hand, of opening immediate

communication for a capitulation, the terms of which, irksome as

they would now be, must daily become more and more so by the

inevitable course of events, independently of those peculiar

circumstances of personal temper which are unhappily so evident

even in this moment, and will certainly not lose their force by the

continuance of the contest.

The Ministers have chosen for their field of battle precisely the

very weakest post in their whole position; and though personally

(if I took any personal part in these things) I should not have an

instant's hesitation in voting against any party interference with

the manner in which the K---- in Council, as head of the Church,

has directed his family to be prayed for, yet I have hardly a

doubt, from what I hear, that the majority of this House of Commons

will think otherwise.

As to Canning, I am certainly no admirer of any part of his

conduct, past, present, or likely to come, on the subject of the

Q----; but I must, after all, in fairness, say that the past having

been such as it has, I do not see how he could at this time

continue in office to advise, conduct, and answer for the K----'s

measures against her.

I know nothing of Peel, nor have any clue to guess his intentions;

but I am clear that it would be little short of an act of direct

insanity for any man not already involved in this mass of

difficulty to go voluntarily and implicate himself in it.

If I had no other ground for this opinion--and, unfortunately,

there are a thousand good reasons for it--I should think it quite

enough to look at the way in which, in such a moment, these

Ministers are up, running about in every direction--the Duke of

Wellington to Chester, Bathurst to Longleat and I know not where

else, Harrowby to Dawlish, and letting the K---- himself go to

Brighton, leaving everything at sixes and sevens, and trusting to

live through the next month as they can, till the meeting of

Parliament brings on the great crisis.

Truly, if they can, or think they can, do anything to prop up their

Government, they ought to be actively employed in the measures for

that purpose; and if they cannot, they owe it to him to tell him so

at once, and plainly.

But as for any idea of their asking others to join them, in the

very moment of their approaching, and, as they themselves seem to

consider it, inevitable defeat, it does seem that they are not

absurd enough to expect it; nor, if they did, could any reasonable

man entertain the notion, without very different ideas of their

personal fitness for taking their part in such a contest than the

past can allow us to entertain.

I am sure you know I say this from no personal indisposition to

them. My early habits and predilections were with them. I have long

since and totally forgotten whatever of personal controversy the

events of political life interposed between us, and I have with

great pleasure resumed with some of them the course of old

friendships. Nor am I indisposed--but quite the contrary--to the

cause which, unhappily for itself and for us all, is now committed

into their hands.

I wish it success; and as far as the conduct of an independent and

disconnected man goes, I think you are bound to contribute to it if

you can. But your worst enemy could wish you nothing worse than

that you should mix yourself up with all the mischief which must, I

fear, inevitably result from their unfitness to contend with such a

storm, though in peace and in calm they might, as others far

inferior to them in qualifications have done, navigate the vessel

safely in a course already tracked and known.

So, here ends my sermon.--God bless you.

I have not read Grey's Durham speech--I have no pleasure in such

reading, and abstain from it all I can. But it is only justice to

say that Grey did in the House of Lords declare that his vote was

given on the ground of _not guilty_--admitting and condemning what

he thought great _improprieties_ in her conduct, but not thinking

the case of _adultery_ sufficiently proved.

I do not agree with him, as you know, in this opinion; but it is

not fair to impute it to him now as an inconsistency.

As for Bucks, I know not who your sheriff is, but I trust he is one

who will refuse, as his Berkshire neighbour has done, to call a

meeting; and if one is called by the four or five gentlemen of that

party in this county, I should most strongly _dissuade_ your giving

it so much countenance as to attend it and make it the scene of a

contest. You would be much stronger in the shape of a

counter-Address in that case.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 29, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I wrote to you last, we have had a great deal of discussion

regarding our presenting the Address. Lord Sidmouth interfered, and

said it would give offence to others if it were received as a body;

and the King then deputed me to select six gentlemen, which was

utterly impossible without giving offence; so that it has ended at

last in its going to the Secretary of State. This negotiation,

however, has brought me in contact with the King, who was

graciously pleased to see me yesterday, and kept me nearly an hour.

After the first two or three sentences about the Address, he

entered upon politics and the Queen and, in short, as you may

suppose, talking the whole time, there was hardly anything he did

not touch upon. It was evident from his language that his Ministry

was undecided up to the moment when he left town; for he said more

than once, "If my Government remain, or if partial changes take

place, which must be the case, it is necessary for them now to meet

the questions manfully. The tide of public opinion has changed, and

they must profit by it. If they surrender, they give up the

monarchy--the constitution--all that we hold sacred; for Lord Grey,

by his speech at Durham, has shown his connexion and his

determination to unite with the Radicals. He has declared (contrary

to his declaration in the Lords) that, if he had had to decide on

the Queen, he should have said Not guilty. This was at once

deciding against him, and against all that ought to be held sacred

and moral." I only give this as a small specimen; but his invective

against Lord Grey was stronger and more violent than I can possibly

repeat. At the same time, I should imagine, though undoubtedly he

did not say anything that approached it, that he was doubtful

whether his Government meant to stand stout. The language of the

Ministers' friends is, that they mean to try the question of the

Liturgy; and if they are beat, then to resign in a body. I believe

this to be the real truth, and I know they have been urged to this

by several county members. It is impossible to describe how full

the King was of the Oxford Address. Pray tell Lord Grenville this,

if he is with you (which the papers state). He described over and

over again all the enthusiasm of loyalty betrayed in the

forgetfulness of all decorum after he had left the throne. He spoke

of their clapping him on the back; of their great numbers; but,

above all, of the dignified and proper manner in which the

Chancellor read the Address, every word of which he praised in the

highest terms. I thought he looked very ill--certainly worse than

when I had before seen him, though a short time since; and

conversing with Bloomfield he said the same thing; but he was

greatly collected, his eyes animated, and full of the subjects he

discussed--unfortunately still harping on all the idle and

miserable intrigues about the Princess Charlotte. What, however,

most struck me, and what I am most anxious to observe to you, was

his increased hostility and indignation against the Opposition, and

more personally against Lord Grey.

I see they are trying hard to manufacture Addresses against the

Government from different counties. Here in Berks they will get a

flaming one; but I doubt their success in many others. I own I have

great fears in your attempting a loyal one in Bucks; I have no

doubt of the northern side, but I am sure you would find a strong

opposition from the southern quarter; and as it must be held--the

meeting--at Aylesbury, this would operate very much against it.

_Any failure would be most unfortunate_--and they would move

heaven and earth to beat you; any amendment, even, would have the

effect of a victory. The Russells, Cavendishes,--everything that

could be mustered would come forward; so that I own I should fear

the attempt. Pray let me know if it should take place, as I would

certainly attend; and should the Radicals attempt an Address on

their part, then I think we should at once muster every strength,

and fight them. I hope, in such a case, we should beat them.

I cannot find out the full extent of Lord S----'s history. I

believe it exaggerated; but I have no doubt, from what I have

heard, that there has been a scene. He is not recalled; but I

believe it is understood he is to come home. I rather expect that

Sir Henry Wellesley, from Madrid, will succeed him, provided this

Government stands.

As to what is to become of the Board of Control, I have not a

guess. I can't believe Peel will, at such a moment, plunge himself

in such a troubled lake, nor can I see to what quarter they can

look, in their present distracted and unsettled state, for a

connexion; it is another thing supporting the measures that may be

brought forward.

I am invited to meet the King at dinner to-morrow; and if I hear

anything worth relating, you shall have a letter.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD CASSILIS TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Culzean Castle, Dec. --.

I received your letter, my dear Lord Buckingham, when writhing

under a fit of the gout, the legacy of the Bill of Pains and

Penalties which you made me vote for. God help us! as the saying

is; for what is to become of us, He only knows. There seems nothing

but chaos and desolation whatever way a man turns himself: the

middle classes of the people waging war upon the higher orders; the

tenantry taking advantage of the times to conspire against their

landlords; and the lower orders existing only from the circumstance

of the produce of land being unmarketable: barley two shillings a

bushel, oats nearly the same, and no sale for wheat at any price.

The weavers are certainly all employed here, but cannot earn more

than from six to eight shillings a week. Such is our state. The

finance of the country is "opportunely" a little improved. Had it

retrograded a little, the King was over with us; and there yet

hangs out insurmountable evil. I think I hear you say, "_What a

gloomy dog!_" _And so I am_, because I cannot see _daylight_ in any

direction. I cannot agree about a reduction of our army: a soldier

less, and we shall have revolution and civil war. Those people

under whose protection we should be put if the army was reduced,

would, as Rollo says, "cover and devour us." It's all really

dreadful. I have not since I saw you heard a reasonable conjecture

even about the Administration's fate or plans. I think that Canning

will stick to Liverpool; Morley told me _he would positively_. I

should not be displeased to see a separation between Liverpool and

Castlereagh. I think it very probable that the Opposition will take

the King by storm, backed as they are and will be by the people, as

they are called. The Addresses to the King as yet are feeble and

poor, nothing like _heart_ appearing. If the Opposition get in,

they will let fly a set of measures calculated to secure popularity

at starting, but which in the end will bring ruin, _absolute_, upon

the country. It does not appear possible to me for the Government

to get on, when Parliament meets, if the present fever in the

public mind does not abate. I will not bore you any more with my

lamentations. Pray do give me some consolation if you can, and at

any rate be kind enough to let me know when anything political is

stirring. What would I not have given to have been _behind the

screen_ at Lord Grenville's audience!--The weather here is nearly

as bad as the times.

Ever, my dear Lord Buckingham,

Your truly faithful

CASSILIS.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Dec. 31, 1820.

MY DEAR B----,

I hear from Phillimore that the successor to Canning still remains

undetermined. If Peel would accept it, or were rather to succeed

Vansittart, my opinion of the probability of the present Government

standing would be more strengthened than by any other event

whatever. My estimate of Peel is, I am aware, higher than yours. I

agree with you that he cannot supply the effect of one of Canning's

glittering, eloquent speeches; still, he combines greater

advantages at this moment than any other man in the House of

Commons.

Talent, independent fortune, official habits and reputation, and,

above all, general character both in and out of Parliament, have, I

am persuaded, disposed more men to follow and more to unite with

him than any person whom you can name among us. I do not deny the

objections arising from want of family and connexion, from the

irritability he has shown of late, and from the drubbing which

Brougham gave him last year; but still you must remember that you

can name no one who has not greater difficulties to encounter, and

fewer advantages to assist him. Phillimore tells me that he hears

that he has refused to connect himself with the Administration,

from disapprobation of their gross mismanagement during the late

business. If this were true, I should have more hope of the

possibility of forming a fresh Government, in the event of the

present falling, than I have yet entertained. I think he is not

ill-inclined to back out of the Catholic question, and that that

was the meaning of his proposed going abroad for a twelvemonth

after his marriage; but I have no personal acquaintance with him to

make my opinion on this subject worth anything.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

"The King is improved in health and spirits," writes the Home Secretary

to Lord Exmouth, "and you may rest assured he will be firmly supported

by his Government, which, however, cannot serve him usefully unless

they are also firmly supported by Parliament. We have taken our

determination. The Queen will neither be harassed nor molested; but to

a palace, and to the insertion of her name in the Liturgy, we shall

never consent; and if Parliament should differ from us on these points,

the Government must fall. But the reports from our friends are

extremely satisfactory."[59]

[59] Dean's Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 340.

CHAPTER IV.

[1821.]

LETTER FROM THE KING TO LORD ELDON ON LIBELLOUS PUBLICATIONS. CLAIMS

OF THE QUEEN. LORD CASTLEREAGH'S ATTACK ON LORD ERSKINE. POSITION OF

THE GOVERNMENT. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. FAMILY QUARRELS. SUGGESTED

JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES WITH THE GOVERNMENT. MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM

PROPOSED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AS LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE CORONATION. NEGOTIATIONS. INFLUENCE OF "THE

LADY". QUEEN CAROLINE AT THE CORONATION.

CHAPTER IV.

During the late discussions respecting the Queen, the freedom of a

certain portion of the press had known no bounds. When the tide of

popular opinion began to turn, it was thought advisable that some

effort should be made to restrain it within the limits of decency, and

punish offenders; and one of the most eager to take advantage of the

change was the illustrious individual who had suffered most from the

abuse.

THE KING TO LORD ELDON.

Brighton, Jan. 9, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

As the Courts of Law will now open within a few days, I am desirous

to know the decision that has been taken by the Attorney-General

upon the mode in which all the vendors of treason, and libellers,

such as Benbow, &c. &c., are to be prosecuted. This is a measure so

vitally indispensable to my feelings, as well as to the country,

that I must _insist_ that no _further_ loss of time should be

suffered to elapse before proceedings be instituted. It is _clear_

beyond dispute, from the improvement of the public mind, and the

loyalty which the country is now everywhere displaying, _if

properly cultivated and turned to the best advantage by Ministers_,

that the Government will thereby be enabled to _repair_ to the

_country_ and to _me_, those evils of the magnitude of which there

can be but one opinion. This I write to you in your double capacity

as a friend and a Minister; and I wish, under the _same_ feelings

to Lord Sidmouth, that you would communicate my opinions and

determination to him.

Always, my dear Lord,

Very sincerely yours,

G. R.

The ferment that had so long agitated society was maintained with much

heat in political circles, and rumours of Ministerial changes were

rife, as had often previously been the case, just before the meeting of

Parliament. At this crisis, the intermediate party of the Grenvilles

were daily gaining importance in the eyes of both Whigs and Tories,

and, as will be shown, its policy became a question of absorbing

interest to its leaders. The Queen still managed to keep herself

prominently before the public, and was using her best exertions among

her supporters in the House of Commons to force the Government to allow

her advantages and privileges claimed by her as belonging to her

rank--her name in the Liturgy, and a palatial residence, with a

corresponding income, being the chief. On these points the

correspondence will be found to be peculiarly illustrative.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, Jan. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am naturally desirous of ascertaining, by the only mode of

communication which seems open to me, your general opinion and

sentiments as to the outline of the course we ought to shape in the

stormy debates we shall probably have so speedily to encounter. Our

situation as a party appears to be more critical than it has ever

been. The Ministers have conducted themselves with great imbecility

and indecision, and the Opposition have distinguished themselves by

their violence and intemperance; and under these circumstances we

are looked upon as a rallying point between the two extremes, and

our opinion is very anxiously looked for by many persons who wish,

if they can, to make it the guide of their conduct. It seems to me,

therefore, very desirable to consider, as much as we can

before-hand, any of the questions on which we may be called upon to

give an opinion. The two first points expected to be brought

forward are the Liturgy and the Palace. With respect to the

Liturgy, I am strongly inclined to think, upon an examination of

the subject (for at first I had considerable doubt upon it), that

the King has the right to do as he has done; and though I do not

think his exercise of the right discreet or advisable under the

circumstances, still if he had the right, I should not be disposed

to hold that the Queen's name ought _now_ to be placed in the

Liturgy. The general opinion of lawyers is, I think, unfavourable

to the King's claim; but then, perhaps, that opinion is frequently

given without any examination of the subject.

On the Palace, I feel no difficulties. If we are to allow her--as I

understand it is to be proposed that we shall--L50,000 per annum,

she may well afford to pay rent for her habitation.

Questions may be expected to be raised also as to the policy of

Government in bringing forward any measure against the Queen, and

as to their mode of conducting it when brought forward. On both of

these points it appears to me that much blame is imputable to the

Ministers; but these are questions which cannot be brought forward

substantively for some days at least, and therefore I trust I shall

have an opportunity of discussing them with you before any occasion

can arise on which we may be called upon to give any opinion

respecting them.

The Address, I suppose, will be such as not necessarily to

compromise those who vote for it to any opinion as to the wisdom of

Ministers; but I think, however bad, in point of tactics in

general, it may be to propose an amendment, that, under existing

circumstances, an amendment must be moved. The query then is,

whether we should explain our vote? and if we do, what should be

the nature of that explanation?

The Government people either are, or pretend to be, in better

spirits than they were three weeks ago; but I have great doubts

whether they will be able to withstand the storm;--at all events,

if they do, they will be severely shattered; all will depend on

whether they can get their friends to vote. They very much

encourage the idea that we are to support them, and to take office

at or about Easter; but this is a _ruse de guerre_ resorted to at

the opening of every session.--I never witnessed more dismay than

was excited by a rumour very much circulated last week, that

Plunket was to take an active part against the Government.

Another report set on foot is, that the King is very desirous that

the Government may be beaten on the Address, as it will give him a

good excuse to get rid of them.

I fear there is little chance of Wynn's coming to London till the

last moment; but I have not heard anything from him on this point.

Believe me, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful servant,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Jan. 24, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I waited till now to write to you, to give you my opinion on the

first appearance of things. The House of Commons is evidently

determined to support the Ministers, and I see the Opposition think

so, for they are not near so triumphant as I should have expected;

and there are strong symptoms already of dissension between the

Mountain and Whigs; the former are turbulent to a degree, and tried

once or twice yesterday to stop debate by noise and clamour; and

the few words I had with your brother[60] showed me _he_ was

discontented. He said the Opposition were destroying their own

game, and that there was no hope; that they were milk-and-water,

and did not seize the advantages they possessed. From this it is

clear their meeting at Burlington House was not quite satisfactory,

and I am persuaded the violent ones wished for an amendment.--The

Liturgy question is to be argued on the point of law, which is the

best thing that could happen to Ministers; and the Opposition are

to object to the sum of L50,000 (which is the proposed amount of

the allowance), as not being enough. This will throw the odium of

the burthen, and even of the proposition, on the Opposition, which

is also advantageous to Government.--Never was anything, however,

so low and wretched as the Treasury Bench. It is quite disgraceful

and contemptible, and not even upheld by its adherents and

followers. They all say it cannot go on; but, nevertheless, _I

think_ it will, for there is a determination not to take the Whigs.

This more and more confirms the propriety of our line of moderate

but quiet support, and disconnecting ourselves with the

responsibility of all their measures. I took an opportunity before

I left the country of saying to _the sister_ fully all you wished.

I had two hours' private communication with her.--I spent two

days--Friday and Saturday last--at Dropmore. I found Lord G----

thoroughly convinced these people could not stand, and that the

Whigs must come in, but equally decided as to our not joining

either. So far, he need be under no apprehension of the latter; for

until necessity demands it, I don't think the application will be

made. He fancies a Whig Government could not last six months,

reasoning from the conduct of George III.; but in this I am

persuaded he would find himself deceived, for the same decision and

steadiness of mind does not belong to his successor. And should the

change once take place, new attachments and habits would prevail,

and obliterate all former anger.--The Government say their majority

on Friday will be seventy. I think more, by the symptoms of

yesterday.

Nothing could be so wretched as the mover and seconder, or so tame

as Tierney.--I shall finish this at the House.

Half-past Five o'clock.

Nothing material has occurred. Petitions are presenting by

hundreds, and much violent language accompanying them; but

Castlereagh keeping very cool, and refusing all discussion--the

Opposition manifesting great impetuosity and violence, and, I

think, hurting themselves. Lord Tavistock has given a notice for

Monday se'nnight of a motion of general condemnation of the

Ministers for their proceedings regarding the Queen. I cannot give

you the exact words.

W. H. F.

[60] Lord Nugent.

As might have been expected, soon after the meeting of Parliament, two

or three of the Opposition members began an active agitation in favour

of the Queen; but the majority of the members were opposed to much

discussion on the subject, and it became evident that her cause was

daily losing ground in that assembly. On the 26th of January, during a

debate on a motion respecting the omission of the Queen's name in the

Liturgy, Lord Castlereagh made a forcible reply to the attacks upon his

colleagues, in which he vindicated the conduct of the Government, and

taunted the Opposition with their proceedings against the Queen on

former occasions. His argument was directed against Lord Erskine, who

had recently, in the House of Lords, while referring to the Queen,

expressed himself offensively towards Ministers; but Lord Grenville's

friends considered that he was attacked, and were warm in their

indignation. Lord Grenville and Mr. Thomas Grenville, however, were

more tolerant.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Jan. 31, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

After I received your letter, I called at Lord Liverpool's, but

could not gain admittance; since that, I have been considering more

fully the subject, and think that any explanation now, after the

lapse of so many days, and when the whole debate is gone by, could

lead to no one advantage; and I fear also that Lord Grenville might

fancy I improperly interfered on a question so personally

concerning himself. I have no doubt Lord Liverpool would ask me if

I were authorized by him to express his anger, or to call for an

explanation; and he would probably write to Lord Grenville upon the

subject. The offence was undoubtedly great, and such as you were

justified in resenting; but I am thoroughly persuaded it was one of

Lord Castlereagh's bothering Irish arguments which led him on, and

that it was no premeditated attack on your friends. His object was

to lay it on Lord Erskine; and in the conversations I have since

had with his friends, they have told me he was extremely sorry that

your friends should have felt hurt, that he never meant it, and

that his only object was to expose the conduct of Lord Erskine. All

this, you will say, may be very true, but is no excuse to you; but

again I must say, what could you have done? Lord Liverpool could

not give up Lord Castlereagh, and you could not resent it so as to

vote with the Whigs. The Government are already apprized of your

feeling and that of your friends on this subject, and I have no

doubt--at least, I should think--it would put them more on their

guard. I really think it might be considered by Lord Grenville as

very officious in me to call on the Prime Minister to take up his

battle without any previous communication or authority from him. I

could undoubtedly say it was your feelings I was expressing; but

the answer would naturally be, that Lord Grenville personally was

concerned. However, the lapse of time is at present the additional

objection, and no apology could answer to you or your friends but a

public explanation from Castlereagh, which could not be made. I

assure you I have been very much disturbed by your letter, being

always anxious to obey your wishes and forward your objects, and in

the first place called on Lord L---- for that purpose.

The debate yesterday was much more violent and personal than the

first--at least, previous to the Speaker's leaving the chair. I

left the House after that, and know not what was done. The evident

disposition of the House is to stifle all further proceedings

regarding the Queen, but it is equally the intention of the

Opposition to pursue it; but the latter must ultimately give way,

for the House will not hear them. The saints--Butterworth,

Wilberforce, &c. &c.--are favourable for her restoration to the

Liturgy, and this question is to be brought forward again, but of

course will be rejected by a still larger majority.

I see that Charles Wynn and Phillimore are so decidedly disposed to

the Opposition, that their minds are at all times on the alert to

catch an opportunity of attacking the Government. I certainly do

not support or think well of the Government, but I am _quite

satisfied_ that nothing short of a total overthrow of everything

would induce the Whigs to unite with you; and I am equally

satisfied that the only and best prospect of office is to keep

terms with the present Government, not with a view of joining them,

but of keeping them unfettered and unexasperated for any future

arrangements.

That some change must soon take place cannot be doubted, and be

assured that Parliament _will not_ have the Whigs. Canning, it is

said, will not return to the Board of Control; and the Ministers'

followers all hold the language of change after these questions are

got over. I give you these opinions of my own, and what I hear, and

be assured there is no being more eager or more watchful of your

interests and objects than I am. I shall keep this open till I go

down to the House, in case there should be anything new.--The Duke

of Devonshire is come to town a thorough Reformist: this is a

conversion; as also Lord Fitzwilliam. It is hardly possible to

conceive that their anger should have led them to such a thorough

departure from all their old feelings and principles.

There is nothing new. Lushington was most violent last night; and

nobody believes Admiral Wood's assertion that the Queen has no

bills or debts.

Ever most truly,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

We cannot argue the question of the expediency of the original

omission, without consuming more paper and time than I can afford;

but it still appears to me--1st. That at that time Ministers had

not decided to bring the business forward, or to publish the

Queen's infamy; 2ndly. That though I am myself perfectly satisfied

of the King's prerogative, it was so far disputable as to render

such an exercise of it very unwise; 3rdly. That there could have

been no greater difficulty or impropriety in proceeding, if it

should afterwards be rendered necessary by her coming to England,

against "our gracious Queen Caroline," than against "the Princess

of Wales," prayed for the preceding Sunday. As to the phrase of

"gracious," it is a mere title of honour attached to the station,

and far less objectionable than "most religious," which _Charles

II._ was the first sovereign who assumed, and which produces little

sensation even when used as an epithet to _some_ of his successors.

Still, if they were mealy-mouthed, they might have inserted "Her

Majesty Queen Caroline." I should also have wished to have sent

a yacht, or suitable conveyance, to bring her over to her

trial,--just as, if she had been found guilty on an impeachment,

and sentenced to transportation, I would not have despatched her to

Portsmouth in the caravan, or to Botany Bay in a transport. To

neither of these, however, did I attach as much blame as to the not

notifying the death of the Princess Charlotte, which I think the

most brutal omission I ever remember, and one which would attach

disgrace in private life, even in a case where a divorce was

pending, or had actually taken place.

My great objection is to the spirit of irritation and provocation

which dictated the whole, as if they wished to goad her into the

course she has since pursued, instead of endeavouring by all means

in their power to avert what every other man in the kingdom felt to

be a most hazardous and perilous crisis.

I am much inclined to think that you are quite right as to the key

which explains Peel's conduct. Still, I hear from all sides how

_we_ are to come in after Easter. This may proceed either from

a desire to strengthen themselves by really combining us with Peel

in a new arrangement, or (which I think more probable) from a

design of cajoling us into present support.

An apology was transmitted to me from Castlereagh, through Lewis,

for his attack on the Commission of 1806, professing it to have

been quite _inadvertent_, and merely levelled at Erskine, without

_recollecting_ that Lord Grenville was equally implicated.

I certainly hear from many quarters that the country gentlemen are

loud in their representations to Ministers of the necessity of

their strengthening themselves, if they wish for a continuance of

support. Probably this will be answered by Canning's return, and

the accession of Peel.

I have just heard, on the authority of a man who told me that he

had seen Lady O----'s letter, that H---- A---- having eloped from

Florence with her second daughter, she followed them, and when she

found them, he had taken poison. Now, why they should take the

trouble of eloping, and, still more, why he should take poison, is

not easy to conceive.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.

My brother has just shown me your letter, and I trust I need not

assure you that I am, as always, most deeply sensible of your

affectionate kindness; but I am perfectly _horrified_ at the

notion which it has suggested to you, on an occasion which surely

does not call for the smallest manifestation of any resentment or

dissatisfaction whatever.

If you support Government on these questions about the Queen, it is

not at all from any particular attachment to Lord C----, or any of

his colleagues, but from what you think due both to the King and to

the country, to contribute, as far as you can, to resist the

degradation which the Radicals and their allies would bring on the

first, and the ruin which must, if they succeed in that attempt,

ensue to the country.

It would be most unjust to require Lord C----, in this warfare, to

abstain from a natural and obvious ground of defence. I am not so

unreasonable as to expect this, if I cared one farthing about

anything that can be said of that inquiry, in which, if I cared at

all, it was in being too easily satisfied. Nor am I so thin-skinned

as to have any feeling on the subject; and the only thing that

could have made it at all unpleasant to me would be the appearance

(which such a step as you speak of must have) of my being angered

on the occasion, and having used any influence I might have with

you to the effect of inducing you to act contrary certainly to all

my opinions and wishes, and, I believe, contrary to your own.

Pray--pray, therefore, let all your friends, if they and you agree

with me in thinking Lord Tavistock's motion fit to be negatived,

cry "No!" as stoutly as I would if I had anything to say or do on

the occasion.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

The two brothers here are quite astounded at the importance which

you and Charles attach to Lord Castlereagh's attack upon the

Government of 1806-7, and still more at the influence which both of

you seem disposed to give to it in your conduct on the impending

motions in Parliament. In the first place, it is to be observed

that it is not fair dealing to expect Castlereagh to forbear from

attacking Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, and Mr. Tierney, on their

hostility to the Queen fourteen years ago, because he cannot do so

without including Lord Grenville, as well as Lord Spencer and Lord

Erskine, as members of that Government. I think Lord C---- fully

entitled to reproach that inconsistency of conduct to Lord Grey and

his colleagues--an inconsistency which in no degree applies to Lord

Grenville; but even if it did, surely Lord C---- is not to be

deprived of his legitimate warfare upon those to whom he is

opposed, because Lord Grenville was in those days politically

connected with them. But even supposing that you had reason in this

respect to complain of Lord C---- (which I utterly deny), still it

would be a most unjustifiable, and unbecoming, and culpable course,

to suffer any such personal considerations to influence your

conduct upon the great public questions which are impending. Those

questions are to decide whether the Opposition is to be suffered,

from its base alliance with the Radicals and with the Q----, to

take violent possession of the Government, in order to overturn the

whole system of our constitution; to bring in annual or triennial

Parliaments; to do little short of introducing universal suffrage;

to disband the army, which now holds the Radicals in check; and,

very probably, to let loose Bonaparte, under pretence of mitigating

his confinement. These are some of the first fruits of what is to

be expected from Lord Tavistock's motion, if, by its success, it

removes the present Government; and can you look at any part of

this picture, and yet suffer any personal considerations to weigh

for one moment in your mind, while such superior considerations are

at stake? I could have added much upon the disgrace you would throw

on Lord Grenville, if he could be suspected, as he would, of being

a party to so much personal irritation in questions of the very

vital existence of the constitution of the country. But he writes

himself.

The next letter commences with a reference to the judgment passed by

Judge Bailey on that popular leader, Sir Francis Burdett. It was merely

a fine of L2000, and imprisonment for three months in the King's

Bench:--

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Feb. 10, 1821.

I agree with you in considering the sentence on Burdett--a sentence

so unexpected as to call for the plaudits of all the Radicals who

surrounded the Court, and the congratulations of his friends--as

most calamitous; and, unfortunately, it is not the first instance

in which the Court of King's Bench, or rather the present judges

who preside in it, have shown that they are not proof against

popular clamour and the apprehension of personal danger. On the

reduction of the army, I am by no means so sure that I agree with

you. I have not the means of estimating the exact quantum of troops

which may be requisite for preserving the internal tranquillity of

the country, but am inclined to believe that the salutary operation

of the Bills of 1819, and the increase which has taken place in the

Yeomanry, do afford a reasonable expectation that a less number of

regulars will now be sufficient than were before required--and

unless I was quite satisfied to the contrary, I am not prepared to

complain of any measure which tends to alleviate the financial

pressure.

It is quite true that there are symptoms of some understanding

between Castlereagh and Peel, though the speech of the latter

plainly stated his disapprobation on several points of the conduct

of Government. The most decisive is his abandonment of Pitt's old

Hill Fort, which he had occupied, and returning to his former

position in the rear of the Treasury Bench.

The debate last night was much more decidedly in favour of

Government than either of the former--at least, so it appeared to

me; but perhaps I may be prejudiced, from having taken a part in

it. Wilberforce made a remarkably feeble, vacillating speech, and

at last turning the scale in favour of the motion by the

make-weight of popular opinion, which he allowed to be formed on

false and mistaken principles. Lamb spoke most strongly against the

motion, but concluded by voting in its favour, because the question

had so much disturbed the country, that the true honour would

belong to the party which first conceded it. Acland's was one of

the most impressive and efficient speeches I ever heard. And on

this state of the debate, Castlereagh most wisely, and to the great

satisfaction of the House, allowed us to go to a division at a

quarter before one, instead of keeping us till six or seven, which

would have been the inevitable consequence of his speaking. To our

great amusement, Creevey, Fergusson, Wilson, Lambton, and Sefton

were shut out, and afterwards received the inquiries of their

friends whether it was not from scruples of conscience, and being

unable to make up their minds, that they had abstained from voting.

The party is certainly unlucky; for on a preceding night, Lord

Carhampton and Luke White paired off and went comfortably to bed,

without finding out that they were on the same side. We now, I

trust, are rid of the Queen's business, though I still fear we must

have one night on the Milan Commission; but nobody has yet given

notice of a motion on the subject.

I was rather surprised on Monday night to find Ministers so weak as

to be totally unable to risk a division on Davie Gilbert's proposal

of throwing Grampound into the Hundreds, and that afterwards, when

joined by us and by several members from the Opposition, they were

beaten two to one; much, I think, owing to Ward's speech. I have

now, I think, sent you gossip enough for one day.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

Have you heard that a match is declared between Lord Dartmouth and

Lady Frances Talbot? To see them together will be somewhat like

Lord Bulkeley and Lord Abingdon at the Encoenia.

One of the principal subjects of political interest was the Catholic

question, brought forward in the House of Commons on the 2nd of March

by Mr. Plunket, in a Committee of the whole House; and a Bill for the

Emancipation of the Catholics was introduced by him on the 7th of the

same month, the second reading of which was debated on the 16th, and

carried by a majority of 11.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Hanover Place, March 5, 1821.

It is extremely difficult, I believe, even for those most

intimately acquainted with the present composition of the House of

Commons, to anticipate the final result of the Catholic question.

Many things that one hears would lead one to be very sanguine in

one's hopes; but then, the difficulties are so great of steering

between groundless fears on one side and groundless jealousies on

the other, and the means are so great which are possessed by the

enemies of conciliation on both sides, that every step taken in the

business is surrounded with danger of failure.

Plunket talks of dividing the measure into two Bills, if he can get

Castlereagh to consent to it--one of concession, the other of

security; a most wise project, if it can be accomplished. His

exertions have been beyond all praise, and the tone of moderation

which he has given to the discussion must do great good, whatever

be the result.

I am sorry there was a necessity for giving so much time; but I

trust, after the second reading, it will proceed, if at all, with

better expedition.

In the House of Lords, the Chancellor and the Bishops will

certainly persevere in their resistance; but if there really is

that change of course on this subject in higher quarters, which

common prudence so loudly calls for, I should not at all fear their

opposition.

All will depend on that. But indeed I do not see why Liverpool

himself should (on the grounds on which he has always argued the

question) be debarred from taking the wiser resolution to acquiesce

in such a measure if it comes up from the House of Commons, rather

than to set the House of Lords singly to stand in the breach

against the claims and wishes of five-sixths of the population of

Ireland.

Whether he will be clear-sighted enough to see this course, which I

think lies plain before him, or whether he has stoutness enough to

adopt it, I know not; but sure I am of what he _ought_ to do.

The King must certainly, if he means to go to Ireland in May, mean

to carry this boon with him; and if he does, his visit will be

productive of more good than one could easily describe. If

not,--then, for _good_, read _mischief_.

I send you back your Neapolitan news. My only wish is that the

matter was settled, and had been so long ago.

"Lord Lansdowne writes word to a correspondent here," says a

contemporary letter-writer, "that everything in England has fallen in

price, except the Grenvilles. They certainly have made an excellent

bargain, in proportion to their talents, reputation, and numerical

strength. Were Lord G---- still in the full vigour of life and

exertion, one should not be surprised at any sacrifice made to obtain

so powerful a support; but by his retirement from public affairs, one

would have thought that the value of the family was reduced near to

that of the half-dozen votes they can bring into a division."[61]

[61] Lord Dudley's "Letters," p. 301.

The first of the next series refers to a private quarrel that at the

period excited a great deal of notoriety:--

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, March 13, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B----,

Nobody can be more sensible to your kindness in what you have done

respecting Henry, than Charles is; neither do I find in him more

reluctance respecting his beginning a communication with Lord C----

than is quite natural, and than I think you would yourself approve.

The real truth is, that Charles's opinions certainly do not tend as

decidedly and as professedly as yours have done to intercourse with

the present Ministers, and least of all, perhaps, with Lord C----.

It was very kind in you, therefore, to take upon yourself the

communication by which you intended to do a service to Henry; and

when you had so determined, I think you took the least objectionable

course in applying yourself to _Lord L----_. By so doing, you

effected the very amiable and kind purpose which you had in view,

of assisting Henry's wishes without breaking in upon Charles's

reluctance to pledge himself farther than he could conscientiously

bring himself to do. Having, therefore, yourself taken the step of

applying to _Lord L----_, whenever a renewed application becomes

necessary by a new opening in the diplomatic line, or by the

expectation of one, the easy and natural course of your kindness

will be to renew that application yourself to _Lord L----_. If, on

the other hand, Charles was to apply himself personally to _Lord

C----_ in the present stage of the business, he will be as much and

as entirely committed as if he himself had made the original

application; and your kindness will not have spared him the

embarrassment of becoming a suitor, and of incurring an obligation,

where he wishes to stand free of any, except to you. In truth, as

far as I understand the present position of the business, it does

not seem to me that, after so recent a promise to you from Lord

L---- and Lord C----, any renewed application from you or from any

of Henry's friends is likely to produce anything except a renewal

of the same favourable disposition, whenever occasion should arise.

If any circumstances should produce, or even render probable, any

new opening in the missions, then will be the natural moment, not

for Charles's application to Lord C----, but for the renewal of

yours to _Lord L----_. At the same time, I am sure Charles will not

be unnecessarily reluctant or adverse to any communication with

Lord C---- that may become necessary, or may naturally arise out of

your request to Lord L----, and out of such circumstances as may

require discussion; but though the present state of things seems to

promise no advantage in any renewed application from you, whenever

it does, I am sure you will find Charles heartily and sincerely

grateful to you for your warm and disinterested kindness to his

brother.--I should distrust, as you do, the result of the Catholic

Bill, if every day did not furnish some new evidence which, if

correct, seems to promise a more favourable result. Yesterday, I

heard of Lord Fife having said that the K---- had told him he did

not wish to influence his opinions; and to-day I hear from good

authority that Bloomfield has written within these four days, that

the K---- will go to Ireland with the certainty of greater and more

general popularity than could _have been_ conceived.

The language of the opponents, too, is colder and flatter than it

has ever been; rumours--I know not how true--of the Duke of Rutland

hesitating on the question, and daily talk of other unexpected

votes. Perhaps these rumours are exaggerated; but still they add to

the general tide and current of opinion as to the probable success,

and that opinion may go far to procure the result that is so much

to be wished.

My own notions are, that there should be no exclusion in the Bill

except that of the Lord-Lieutenant, who ought to be as much

excluded there as the K---- is here. I would not exclude the

Chancellor, because I think first it is a breach of the great

principle of the measure; and secondly, because it will be an

irritating bar to and exclusion of the whole legal profession in

Ireland, who are the most influencing and formidable body in that

whole country, in all times, and on all questions of public

agitation. I would, therefore, leave the Seals open to them, and

satisfy the Protestants, as to all ecclesiastical dangers, by

special commissions and clauses for the objects of their

apprehensions. But for all practical good, one must learn to be

satisfied with what can be reached, when what we desire is out of

our reach. Till this measure passes, neither England nor Ireland

can be safe.

Yours ever most affectionately,

T. G.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, March 14, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I feel, indeed, much indebted to your Lordship for your letter of

the 11th inst., and we are all grateful to you for your criticisms

on the Bills; and this I should have told you before, but that I

was entirely occupied by professional business throughout yesterday

morning, and, besides, I wished to consult with Lord Grenville

(with whom I was engaged to dine yesterday) as to the policy of

some of the amendments you have suggested. Some are obviously

improvements on the face of them. The difficulty, as I foresaw,

arises as to the insertion of the additional words to express,

"That no one shall exercise the function of a bishop who shall not

have been approved by the King." We discussed this point fully last

night, and Lord Grenville is decidedly of opinion (and this he

desired me to mention to you, as from him) that if we venture upon

it we shall _shipwreck_ the whole measure. By having the negative

of the King to the nomination of any person whose loyalty and good

conduct may be suspected, we surely have, in substance and effect,

all the security which can be necessary for the protection of the

Protestant establishment; and it would be a sad pity to hazard a

measure which, to a certain extent, at least, is happily advanced,

for the sake of expressions, preferable certainly, but not

essential for our security. I have been with Plunket on the subject

this morning, and his view coincides with Lord Grenville's

entirely. He says it would be laid hold of immediately by the

enemies to the measure amongst the Catholics, and made the source

of much discontent and irritation, and that the rather because the

Bill has been transmitted to them in its present shape, as the

measure to be proposed on this branch of the subject. I should add,

that Plunket expressed the greatest anxiety to concur in any

suggestion which came from you.

You suggest the exclusion of Roman Catholics from the office of

Lord Chancellor of Ireland; but it does not seem to me--and, what

is of more consequence, it does not seem to Lord Grenville--that

the same reasons exist to exclude them from this office which may

be urged against their filling the office of Lord High Chancellor.

The Irish Chancellor has not, _virtute officii_, the disposal

of Church patronage, nor is he called upon to advise the King in

any way respecting it; and the same principle, therefore, which

might be applied to exclude them from this function, might be put

forward as a ground for their exclusion from the functions of any

judge. To say the truth, Lord Grenville is so great an enemy to the

principle of exclusion, that he suggested, instead of the clause as

it now stands, that no Lord Chancellor should dispose of any Church

preferment till he had subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles; but

upon suggesting this alteration, we found it would raise such a

storm from the Dissenters (who are already moving in all directions

against the measure), that there was no option but to abandon it.

It will be a satisfaction to you to know that Lord Grenville has

been consulted throughout, and has himself revised and corrected

the Bills. He appears exceedingly anxious for the success of them;

and certainly, when we reflect how much his public life has been

connected and mixed up, as it were, with the Catholic question, we

cannot be surprised at the exultation he would naturally feel at

witnessing the complete triumph of opinions he has so long and so

uniformly held.

The anti-Catholic country gentlemen complain of the apathy of the

country; and the King has told Lord Fife he hopes he will vote

according to his fancy on the question. These are favourable

symptoms.

Believe me, your faithful and obliged,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 15, 1821.

I am most sensible, my dear B----, of the kindness of your

continued and active interest for Henry, and, if I saw anything

like an opening, should not hesitate to follow up the overture

which you have made in his behalf; but unless some new circumstance

had occurred since your letter to Lord Liverpool, which presented a

mode of effecting its object, I really should think it too early to

make a second application; besides which, I quite agree with my

uncle, that, in the present situation of affairs, it is preferable

that any application of this nature should, as you have yourself

determined, proceed through Lord Liverpool rather than Lord

Castlereagh; but if I can get an opportunity of reminding

Castlereagh, I certainly will not neglect it.

Everything I see and everything I hear contribute to make me more

and more sanguine respecting the Catholic question. The tide

clearly sets at present in its favour, and the King's good

inclinations are every day more and more surmised. The principal

defalcation of strength which we have to apprehend arises from the

present disjointed and divided state of the Opposition, the members

of which are outrageous against each other, and, according to

Macdonald's report, may be expected by the next Session to split

into three or more distinct parties. He did not specify either the

persons likely to form these, or the points in dispute. At present

one can only see the Mountain and their lukewarm coadjutors; but

what the third is to be, remains to be shown. The amendments which

you suggest to the Catholic Bills appear to me, in general,

improvements, with the exception of the addition of the

Chancellorship of Ireland to the excepted offices, and the

requiring that the King should signify his _approbation_ to the

Bishops before the exercise of episcopal functions. Both of these

would have the effect of extremely diminishing the _effect_ of the

measure in Ireland.

Lord Grenville strongly objected to the exception even of the

English Chancellor, as justifiable upon no principle, when the

exercise of ecclesiastical patronage had been provided for in the

other part of the Bill; and it is difficult to discover what

principle can justify the exclusion of the Chancellor of Ireland,

which would not also extend to every other judicial situation. We

must recollect that the Irish Catholic barristers are just the body

who have, after the priests, the greatest influence, and whom it is

most desirable not to leave a perpetual badge of degradation and

inferiority upon. With respect to the necessity of signifying the

King's express approbation, it is one of the points which the Irish

clergy most objected to, and the omission of which has most

reconciled them to the measure; and if the efficient control is

attained, it surely is desirable that we should not be nice as to

the exact mode in which it shall be exerted. In my own view--and,

what is far more important, in that of my uncle--the question of

securities is, from the great alteration in the situation of Europe

since 1813, become of comparatively small importance, and rather to

be conceded to satisfy the scruples of others, and facilitate the

final success of this great measure, than to be insisted upon by

ourselves.

Dawson's speech against the army estimates last night occasioned

surprise, and looks as if the Catholic question had occasioned some

hitch in his _beau-pere_ Peel's negotiations.

Ever most faithfully yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Pall Mall, March 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am hurried to death by the time, and therefore must make my

relation short I endeavoured to meet the Duke yesterday morning;

but failing in this, I enclosed your note to me, saying I owed it

to him not to withhold such information for his _private ear_,

and desiring him to send me back your note. He sent it back in half

an hour, with the enclosed note from himself. This morning he

begged to see me; and being on a Committee, and not released till

four o'clock, I have only at this moment come from him at his

office.

He entered into a very full discussion of the whole business; and,

first and foremost, declared in most positive and unequivocal

terms, that he was perfectly innocent of the charge imputed to him,

and that, fortunately, he had been so guarded in his whole

proceedings throughout this disagreeable quarrel between Lord W----

and his wife, that he should be enabled most fully and clearly to

rebut and destroy any charge ... that might be brought against him.

But feeling this, however, very strongly, he had been to Lord C----

this morning; had consulted with him upon it; and, for the sake of

the family, he thought it most essential, and most highly

desirable, if possible, to prevent Lord W---- from bringing the

charge forward. He considered Lord W----'s object to be founded

exclusively on a wish to blacken her character, and to enable him

to come forward with more effect in his defence (which he must

make) in the case in which he is involved with Mr. W----; that

however much he might blacken her in the first instance, it would

ultimately recoil on himself, and therefore it was a real object to

stop the further proceedings, if possible; that he (the Duke) had

done everything in his power to reconcile the differences

throughout, and that such must appear if Lord W---- persisted.

These were the grounds on which, as a gentleman (without adverting

to a personal consideration), he thinks he ought to advise that a

stop should be put to W----'s further prosecution of this charge

against his wife. The _habeas corpus_ has been demanded, and must

be discussed to-morrow, at _three_ o'clock, in the Chancellor's

private chamber; but in this discussion, if Lord W---- persists,

this business must be gone into. The great object, therefore, that

the Duke would recommend is, that you should, if you think proper,

before that time communicate by a special messenger to W----, or to

the individual through whom you gained your information, and

endeavour to persuade him (the Duke being so completely armed

against such a charge, and so prepared to refute it ultimately),

that it could only for a moment serve his purpose, but in the end

would damage his case. Indeed, I am persuaded, from what he said,

that if W---- abandoned this attack on his wife, there would be

little doubt that Mr. W---- would ultimately give way, and not call

him up for his defence. In the many communications which W---- has

had with the Duke, he has, at various times, not only personally,

but by letter, absolved the Duke from all suspicion on his part of

criminality ... and the Duke, throughout all these transactions and

communications which he has had with Lady W----, has uniformly and

constantly consulted and advised with her brother, Lord C----, upon

them.

I have written to you, therefore, as I assured the Duke I would do,

and at his desire, and have ventured to say that I was quite sure

you would view the circumstance on the same liberal and gentlemanly

grounds he had put it, and endeavour to use your influence (if you

have any) to stay the further proceedings on this charge, by

sending up a servant to the party or parties, as you might think

most advisable, before three o'clock to-morrow--it is now nearly

six.

Ever yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

The whole of the third volume of the "Notice des Manuscrits de la

Bibliotheque du Roi" is occupied with an account of the MSS.

relative to the proceedings against Joan of Arc. There is an

account of one which appears to be a duplicate of yours, though I

think the number of pages is less, and every page is mentioned to

be verified by the signatures of the notaries, who are called

Terrebone and Dionysius Comitis, and which is mentioned to be

lettered "Processus Justificationis Joannae d'Arc." Probably this

with the date may be the best for your book. I take for granted you

have the "Notice des Manuscrits" at Stowe; and as the account is a

very detailed one, it will be very desirable to compare your MS.

with it. Perhaps, however, this may be best done in town.

We only go into the Committee to-day _pro forma_, in order to

reprint and then recommit for discussion on Wednesday. The oath is

now to be a new one, embodying the explanation, which is thought

better than adhering to the old one, for which I am rather sorry.

Everything looks favourably. Walter Burrell, Sir Hussey Vivian,

Curteis of Sussex, Fox Lane, have all declared their intentions of

not voting in the Committee, and we hope others may follow the

example; but it is a period of nervous suspense. The debate on

Friday was one of great forbearance, and it is difficult to say

whether Peel most spared Mackintosh--or Canning, Peel. Canning

stated that there was as great a community of sentiment between

Peel and himself as could well subsist between public men. His

speech and Wilberforce's were both uncommonly good.

I had some conversation with Plunket on Saturday about his views,

and I am sorry to find him most disinclined--indeed, I might say

almost resolved--against taking any office which would fix him in

England, and looking only to the Attorney-Generalship and Great

Seal of Ireland, but thinking that he could, while in the former

office, give considerable attendance in the House of Commons.

He appeared to feel that there was no longer any obstacle to his

taking office under the present Government, as now constituted, and

to be well disposed to accept the offer of the Attorney-Generalship

of Ireland whenever they can make room for him, though he would

much prefer coming in with us.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 20, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I have seen the Duke, who desired me to express to you his very

sincere thanks for the trouble you have taken in the subject of

this detestable quarrel of the W----s. He assured me he would never

mention your name to any human being; and you may rest assured that

no letter to me shall ever go out of my hands.

With regard to leaving the whole matter in dispute to the

arbitration of mutual friends, the Duke says there is no difficulty

whatever in procuring Lady W----'s consent to it; she has repeatedly

offered it, and is now ready to abide by such a reference. With

regard to the child, this is a subject that must be decided by the

Court, and cannot, and ought not, to form a part of the reference.

If the father is entitled to take his child, he will, of course,

have it; and there seems to be no doubt on this point. The real

question of reference would be the litigation which is now carrying

on between Lord W---- and Mr. W----, and the pecuniary arrangements

and formal separation of the parties.

The Duke says, that, with regard to the dispute between Lord W----

and Mr. W----, it stands independent of all other subjects; and as

Lord W---- is now compelled to put in his answer (the rule being

made absolute), and as the case must ultimately be most injurious

and disgraceful in all its bearings to Lord W---- (as it affects

his conduct to Mr. W----), he thinks the best advice to be given to

Lord W----, and the best course for him to follow, would be for him

to write a letter to Mr. W----, saying that though he still

condemns, and shall never cease to condemn, the injurious manner in

which Mr. W----'s counsel had thought proper and been advised to

treat him in his pleadings, yet he was sorry for the conduct he had

adopted to Mr. W---- in consequence thereof, and was ready to offer

his apology. This would satisfy W----, and stop his further

proceedings, and thus end this part of the business. The second

consideration--namely, the separation and allowance--this must now,

of course, be decided, and under some strict and clear covenant;

and which, undoubtedly, could best be done by arbitration of mutual

friends. Lord C---- would guarantee any pledge or engagement on the

part of his sister, and the same could be done on the part of Lord

W----. Indeed, if she were disposed to make difficulties, her

family would urge her to it. The Duke is quite satisfied that she

would now most willingly do what she has repeatedly offered--namely,

to decide the question by a reference to friends; and to show how

far he has before effected this object, he put into my hands the

enclosed, which was the terms agreed to in 1819 by both parties,

and which the Duke is convinced, if they had been acted upon, Lord

W---- would now have been in his wife's bed. Of course, that part

which relates to their residence in the same house is now gone by,

and it must be separation; but the great object is, if possible, to

separate, by a distinct arrangement, the dispute with W----. This

is the part that affects Lord W---- the most; and it is in order to

lessen the heavy censure that would fall on him by the exposure of

_all his conduct_ towards Mr. W----, that he now seeks to ... to

mingle the Duke in the history. Lady W---- cannot proceed in this

cause if W---- is satisfied, for she cannot plead or maintain his

case for him.

Nothing of importance occurred in Court on Saturday. The Lord

Chancellor has got rid of it, and turned it over to Judge Dallas,

who requires more time; so there is now time for friends to

interfere, if it can be done with effect.

You will understand the possession of the child. The Duke has

nothing to do with it. Lord W---- has her now with him. A _habeas

corpus_ has been moved, and the law must, of course, decide this.

You will be so good as to return the Duke's letter, as he desired

me to let him have it again. He really seems much obliged to you

for the interest you have taken about it, and I think is much more

at ease on the subject than he appeared to be on Friday. He knows

for _certain_ that Lord N---- did advise Lord W---- on the question

of Mr. W----.

Believe me, ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

The Catholic Belief Bill continued to be warmly discussed in

Parliament, and for a time almost excluded all other subjects of

interest from public attention.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Four o'clock.

I saw the Duke yesterday, who is truly thankful to you for the

interest and concern you take in the business. He is fully sensible

of the advantage on every ground to arbitrate in this matter,

though he treats with indignation the attempt to fix a guilt on

him. He states, in the most solemn manner, to me--and really in

such a manner as I cannot for a moment disbelieve--that he is

utterly innocent of the imputed charge; that it is a diabolical and

infamous conspiracy, which any man may be liable to; and that if it

proceeds, it will be necessary to expose and punish; that it is

utterly impossible, without fraud and falsehood of the grossest

kind, to bring home to him such a crime. Saying all this, he,

however, admits with you the effect of such a charge on his

character, until it is fully confuted and exposed.

With regard to the first proposition coming from Lady W----, it

would be impossible for him or any one to recommend her in the

first instance to stay proceedings, or to recommend Mr. W---- to do

so: it would be admitting her guilt, which no one could advise her

to do. The Duke is satisfied that she is ready to leave the whole

matter to reference, and I have no doubt I shall have a

communication from Lord C---- to that effect to-morrow; and if a

reference is made on the whole subject--namely, the separation, and

the income to be allowed--such reference and arrangement would

naturally have the ultimate effect of putting an end to all other

proceedings. But it is impossible for her, in the first instance,

to make this a preliminary engagement, or for him to recommend such

a step; it would be admitting a ground for the charge, which he

knows to be most foul and false as it concerns him; and it would be

a confession on her part of her guilt. It strikes me in the same

point of view; and on this ground, also, the Duke cannot be one of

the referees. You would be the best person, and the one most

desirable to all parties connected with her, on the part of Lord

W----; and she would be to name one equally approved by you and

Lord W----. As soon as I have seen Lord C----, who comes to town

to-day, I will let you know his decision and authority.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

We are in the greatest anxiety about the division to-night. The

best calculators say we shall gain it by four: this is too close.

No fresh news from Naples. The repulse of the 7th, with great

confusion, is fully believed. Canning certainly goes back to Paris

after Lambton's motion; he gives this out everywhere. The rumour

rather gains ground of your going to Ireland; but I don't know from

any authority.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Four o'clock.

MY DEAR LORD,

I got your letter this morning, and had previously received one

yesterday evening from the Duke ... which I enclose you. It is

unnecessary, therefore, for me to stir on the subject, or to make a

further observation, till you have read the enclosed, and have

given me your opinion upon it, and what is the determination of

Lord W---- regarding the arbitration. I can only, however, add my

opinion, that it will be utterly impossible to make a previous

engagement to withdraw the proceedings now pending. They are, in

fact, deferred; and the result of an arbitration amicably concluded

would be the withdrawing of all questions now before the Courts of

Law.

Nothing can have been more successful than the whole proceedings on

the Catholic Bill; and there is no doubt but that the Security Bill

will also pass rapidly through the House. This will naturally bring

you to town, to share in the support of it through the House of

Lords.--I have just heard from Mr. Holmes (who said he knew the

fact), that a counter-revolution had taken place at Naples: the mob

had risen--disarmed the troops--spiked the guns--turned the

Parliament out of doors--proclaimed the Regent, Viceroy--and called

for the King's return. General Pepe had not been found, and most of

his army had abandoned him. The person left in command of the

troops at Naples was the first to turn tail. The cry was now, the

old Constitution!

I don't know anything further to tell you. The _old Court_ is

terribly dismayed by the success of the Catholic Bill, and I

believe put very little trust in the King's determination to resist

it. The whole thing in the Lords depends on _his_ decision, and

upon the conduct of Lord Liverpool; if he does not make a

_Ministerial_ business of it, there are great hopes it will be

carried.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, March 24.

MY DEAR LORD,

Plunket received by yesterday's post intelligence that his wife was

dying, and consequently set out immediately for Ireland. In spite

of this great disadvantage, we got through the first clause of the

Bill (that relative to the Oath of Supremacy), and gained three

upon the division more than we had on the second reading, the

numbers being 230 to 216. I think they will hardly make a fight

about Transubstantiation; but they will push all their strength on

the exclusion from Parliament, which Bankes will move on Monday. I

think the Bill will pass the House of Commons. I believe Lord

Duncannon and Mr. Holmes are agreed that we should have a majority

of 38, if the whole House were to attend. The notion is that Lord

Sidmouth, Vansittart, and B. Bathurst are to go out if the Bill is

carried. Peel is clearly paving the way for a junction with

Government, even though the Bill should pass; and Canning as

clearly holding out that there can be no obstacle in the way of his

sitting in the same Cabinet with Peel. Peel has not gained ground

by his conduct in the business; I should say he has lost rather in

the estimation of the House.

I sent your Lordship a copy of the Bill on the day it was

reprinted; the alteration was made because it appeared that

doubtful persons were less dissatisfied with it than with the

explanation.

Believe me,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Saturday.

MY DEAR B----,

Notwithstanding the great loss which we sustained last night from

the absence of poor Plunket, who set off for Ireland with little

hope of finding his wife alive, we made a very good figure last

night. Castlereagh spoke better than I ever heard him. You will see

that your suggestion of adding some words to exclude all mental

reservation is adopted--that is to say, both Phillimore and

Castlereagh last night stated the willingness of the promoters of

the Bill to admit them, if any person thought it desirable to move

their insertion. Burrell, notwithstanding what he had said, came

and voted against us; but Curteis and Fox Lane, instead of only

staying away, voted with us. Davies Gilbert did not vote, but is so

completely turned that I have strong hopes of his vote on Monday.

We are also to have Denman, and I believe Abraham Moore, from the

Circuits; W. Pole, who was ill; Dennis Browne, and Sir Gerard Noel,

who were absent. Castlereagh has also promised to insist on

checking the activity of Holmes, who has been quite indefatigable

in the use of every means, fair and foul, to induce members to vote

against us. Lord Fife has been dismissed from the Bedchamber, in

consequence of his vote on the Malt Tax, and Lord Lovaine is to

succeed him.

What passed on that occasion is only a confirmation of the truth of

the Duke of Wellington's view of the state of administration, and

of the hollowness of their support on any question which is not

vital. I suppose they now look to replace the Doctor and Van. by

Peel and Canning, who are evidently extremely disposed to return

together.

I agree with you in thinking the Bill, as it originally stood, with

the explanation of the oath, was preferable to its present form;

but _on fait ce qu'on peut_ and _non ce qu'on veut_. The best way

of all would be to make the oath now proposed general for

Protestants and Catholics, but this, I fear, is impossible.

I fear that we shall be all Monday on the question of admissibility

to Parliament, and must reserve the Privy Council and the Judges

for Tuesday.

It is intended to add the second Bill in the shape of clauses to

the first. I suppose we can hardly hope to carry it up to your

House till Monday, the 2nd. As to the affairs of the South, my view

very closely concurs with yours.

I will make some inquiry about the office of Lord Chancellor of

Ireland before I again write; but I do not myself feel any alarm at

the exercise of visitatorial or any other power _in curia_ by a

Catholic, and think, indeed, it might more safely be lodged in his

hands than in those of an Unitarian or bigoted Presbyterian, who

might both now hold it.

Believe me, ever most truly yours,

C. WILLIAMS WYNN.

More than one communication printed in this volume has indicated that

the Government were anxious to secure the services of the leading

members of the Grenville party. It will be seen that the former became

more and more conscious of the desirableness of such a junction.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 27, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

I have received your letter; and you may rely upon it, that there

is no man more desirous than I am of strengthening the connexion

between your family and the Government. I think that the services

which you have, upon principle, rendered to them are of a nature to

give you every claim to their consideration; and I am very much

mistaken if this feeling is not common to all those at present

forming the Administration.

I shall be very happy in being instrumental in forwarding any wish

of yours; and I will so conduct myself as not to involve you in

anything.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, March 29, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I should have sent your Lordship yesterday the result of Tuesday's

debate, but that I was shut up all the morning with Sir John

Newport _and Co._, on the subject of the clauses relating to the

securities. You will perceive that several inaccuracies are

corrected; and amongst other amendments, I believe most of the

alterations you suggested have been introduced--all, at least, that

we considered, under existing circumstances, to be advisable.

We got through all the clauses last night, upon the whole, very

triumphantly; but Mr. Hutchinson opened a broadside upon us, which

in the earlier stages of the Bill might have sunk the whole

concern--inasmuch as he characterized the second Bill (now

consolidated with the first) as a Bill of pains, penalties,

degradation, &c., imposed on the Roman Catholic clergy. The attack,

however, recoiled upon the promoter of it, and the discussion was

so conducted as to assist the Bill. The debate is exceedingly ill

given in all the papers I have seen, more especially as it omits

the speeches of three Irish county members, who rose in succession,

and said they had every reason to believe the measure was very

agreeable to the Roman Catholics in the counties they

represented--Butler, the member for the county of Kilkenny (which,

I believe, is intensely Catholic), being one. None of the

Opposition ultras would attend last night.

The Report is to be brought up to-day, and the Bill to be read a

third time on Monday. They have abandoned all idea of opposing the

bringing up of the Report; but Croker, I understand, in spite of

all that can be said to deter him, persists in his intention of

moving that a provision shall be inserted in the Bill for the Roman

Catholic clergy. A great exertion is to be made against us for the

division on the third reading, but I think we shall succeed; we had

seven votes shut out on the clause relating to Parliament, which

was most unfortunate.

I am now going to meet Sir John Newport, at Lord Castlereagh's, to

consider of the propriety of some alterations which have been

suggested as expedient to be made on bringing up the Report. Lord

Castlereagh _now_ seems quite in earnest, and I think his having

this meeting at his house is a proof of it; he was very pressing

with me to attend it.

The Bill will be reprinted; and as soon as it is distributed I will

send a copy to Avington, where I shall presume you continue till I

hear to the contrary.

Believe me, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 30, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

Fremantle has just come in to me, and has informed me that you

understood that part of a late letter I had written to him,

referred to you. I assure you that you are quite mistaken. It could

not refer to you.

I think I have reason to believe that Lord W---- himself does not

believe in the truth of the charges he thinks proper to make

against me. I may be mistaken; but that is my opinion, and that was

the opinion which, as well as I recollect, I intended to convey,

and no other; and even this opinion I intended to convey in terms

as polite, guarded, and little offensive to anybody as possible.

Pray don't think that I could mean to refer to you in any manner.

And believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 30, 1821.

You will see, by the enclosed, how totally you mistook the Duke's

meaning in the last paragraph of his letter to me of the 27th. He

was much surprised at it, and extremely distressed; and after

having conversed for some time on the subject, and desired me to

explain the matter to you, he ended in saying--"I think it would be

more satisfactory to Lord B---- that I should write him a note,

which I will do, and give to you to enclose to him." This he

accordingly did. With regard to the mode of referring it, he is to

see Lord C----, who will write to me, stating distinctly the

grounds and extent to which arbitration shall go. I need say no

more, therefore, on this subject, particularly as we shall meet so

soon, and probably before I hear from Lord C----.

A confirmation is arrived of the counter-revolution both at Naples

and Turin. At the former, the Prince Regent, the army, and the

people are united; they have dissolved the Parliament, pronounced a

declaration in favour of the old Constitution, and sent a

deputation with a submission to the King, and a supplication for

his resumption of his dominion. At Turin, Prince Carignan has put

himself at the head of some troops, has resigned the Regency, and

marched to join a corps which had been assembled in favour of the

King; and the cry at Turin and throughout Piedmont was for the

return of the King, and the resumption of the old order of things.

Thus ends, I hope, and as it is believed, the whole of these

revolutionary attempts, which might have embroiled all Europe.

The impression gains ground in favour of the Catholic question in

the House of Lords. I asked the Duke of W---- what he thought would

be the result; and he said, "We think it will be carried." I said

it would depend much on the King; he replied, "We hear he is for

it." I added, "Much also must depend on Lord Liverpool's conduct;

if he acts as an individual, it will have little effect, compared

to any canvass as a Minister." He answered, "The latter is

impossible; our Cabinet could not allow such a thing; his

influence, as a private [individual], considering his character,

situation, &c., must have great weight, but no further; perhaps

those who oppose it will not be heard, as in the House of Commons."

I give you nearly word for word as he said it; and I should judge,

from the tenor of his words and manner, that he really thinks it

would be carried. By-the-bye, he added, "I hear Lady Conyngham

supports it, which is a great thing."

I am hurried for time, so I wont add more. We have no fear for the

division on Monday; I will see you in the evening, in my way from

the House.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 30, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

Since I wrote to you last, I have had some conversation with those

likely to carry into execution the object you have in view; and I

have found them exactly in the disposition in which I told you in

my last I expected to find them. Of course, in the existing state

of the measure in Parliament, and particularly as no design for

carrying it into execution can yet be in discussion, or in the

contemplation of more than a few, no decision can have been taken.

But I am certain that the disposition to which I have above

referred exists; and I think it might be desirable that you should

let me know whether you have any, and what, views for your family,

or any of the friends attached to you.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Saturday.

MY DEAR B----,

Lord Donoughmore, participating in his brother's objections, has

to-day declined the conduct of the Bill in the House of Lords, and

recommended that an attempt should be made to prevail upon Lord

Grenville to undertake to move the second reading. Anticipating

this, I had, by Castlereagh's desire, yesterday sounded Lord G----,

who, to my great satisfaction, said that, if applied to under these

circumstances, he did not think himself at liberty to refuse. It is

intended to fix the second reading for Tuesday se'nnight, the 10th.

You will see that the resolutions of the Dublin clergy are

extremely moderate, and I understand that their petition is still

more so. In Limerick, the clergy have come to violent resolutions,

and there has been an aggregate meeting to the same effect. There

is a strong protest against them, very numerously and respectably

signed by what Rice, the member for the city, describes to be the

principal Catholics there. Altogether, it is supposed that the tide

runs strongly in favour of the measure.

I have been looking over the lists of the House of Lords, by which

the majority against the Bill cannot be rated less than twelve; and

when one looks at the names of which it consists, I fear that it

displays such an array of bigotry and stupidity that one can

scarcely hope to make material impression upon it. The only hope is

that some of them may stay away. I trust that you will not now

delay coming up.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, April 2, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

You are quite right respecting the subject of your taking office. I

have suggested from myself the propriety and expediency of making

you the offer of the Lord Lieutenancy in Ireland, in case the

Catholic Bill should pass; and that suggestion was well received.

It occurred to me that the arrangement, if occasion for it should

offer, might be facilitated by my knowing your wishes, or whether

you had any, respecting others, and for that reason I asked the

question.

It certainly referred only to the particular object in question, if

occasion should offer--that is, if the Catholic Bill should

pass--as you did not go farther with me. But if you feel disposed

to talk with me upon your situation, and that of your friends, in

relation to the Government in general, you will find me well

disposed to enter into the subject, and to do anything in which you

may think I can be of service to forward your views, in the same

mode as I have upon the object first mentioned. I shall be at the

office today till five o'clock, and to-morrow from two. I can go in

to you at any hour; and I think I had better go to you, as your

visit to me there might be observed.

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The Catholic Relief Bill was brought before the House of Lords on the

3rd of April, and a very animated debate on the question took place on

the 17th, when the Duke of York made an emphatic declaration in

opposition; and, although Lord Grenville delivered an able speech in

its support, the motion was negatived on a second reading.