[1823.]
Important Debates. Expenses of the Coronation. State of the Peninsula.
Mr. Plunket's Disappointment. Condition of Ireland. Despatch from
the Lord-Lieutenant. The King of Spain and the Cortes. Mr. Canning
in the House of Commons. Lord Nugent's Bill for Restoring the
Franchise. Festivities at Carlton House. The Marquis of Hastings.
The French in Spain. Lord Eldon. Canning. Peel and Robinson. The
Press in India. The King at "The Cottage". Irving and the Heavenly
Pavilion. Policy of Austria. The King in Council. Schisms in the
French Cabinet pp. 463-480
MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF GEORGE THE FOURTH.
CHAPTER I.
[1820.]
ALARMING ILLNESS OF THE HEIR APPARENT AT THE DEATH OF GEORGE THE
THIRD. DISTURBED STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION. PROJECTED ASSASSINATION OF
MINISTERS. CATO STREET CONSPIRACY. DEATH OF THE PRINCESS ELIZABETH.
RUMOURED MINISTERIAL CHANGES, AND THREATENED RETURN OF QUEEN CAROLINE.
ELEMENTS OF DISCORD. LIBELS AND LIBELLERS. ORDER OF THE GARTER
CONFERRED ON THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
CHAPTER I.
A little before the decease of George III., the heir apparent was in a
state of health that made his chance of succession problematical--of
long possession of the crown more doubtful still. He was attended by
Sir William Knighton, who was in his chamber when intelligence arrived
from Windsor of his venerable parent's demise; and we are assured that
"The fatal tidings were received by the Prince with a burst of grief
that was very affecting."[1] He was quite unable to be present at the
funeral, and the Duke of York acted as chief mourner.[2]
[1] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 88. Edited by his Widow.
[2] Alison's "History of Europe, from the Fall of Napoleon,"
vol. ii. p. 421.
The skill and solicitude of George IV.'s confidential physician were
rewarded, and the new Sovereign recovered sufficiently to apply himself
to the business of government with his customary attention; but from
that time Sir William so completely fixed himself in the affections of
his patron, that the latter was uneasy if he remained away from the
Palace, and was sure to send pressing messages for his return. A letter
has been preserved,[3] which indicates that services were rendered by
him that were not strictly professional. Indeed, he was often employed
as an adviser in affairs of peculiar delicacy and importance, and his
judgment and tact in their arrangement were invariably acknowledged and
appreciated.
[3] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 86.
This conclusion of the Regency, though for some time anticipated as a
mere matter of course, was accompanied by events of so startling a
nature as to cause considerable disquietude in the minds of many good
citizens and earnest politicians. A feverish excitement existed among
the lower classes, that continually threatened to break out in violent
manifestations against the Government; but though the Ministers of the
Crown were the principal objects of this ill feeling, it was directed
with equal animosity against all wealth and influence; and there can be
no doubt that, had the designs of their more enterprizing leaders been
realized, a complete revolution little less violent than that which had
swept over France more than thirty years before, would have overturned
law, property, and order through the length and breadth of the land.
"The expectation and the fear of change" kept the public mind in a
state of violent agitation; and a great political party was on the
alert to take advantage of any popular movement this effervescence
might create. It was well known to various influential partizans that
events of unusual gravity were "looming in the distance,"[4] by which
they hoped to be able to raise themselves to power. Rumours of a
sinister import were in constant circulation; the more alarmed looked
hourly for some mischievous demonstration, and the more reckless
displayed increasing confidence and audacity. That reports should be
circulated of an immediate change of Government, must have been only
natural under such circumstances; the wide-spread discontent of the
masses of the population, swelling and surging like a storm-driven sea,
had nothing else sufficiently prominent to direct itself against, but
the authorities who appeared to them responsible for the evils under
which they laboured; and those persons who feared, or pretended to
fear, the threatened storm, caught at the idea of removing the
unpopular Ministers as affording the only chance of re-establishing the
public tranquillity. Such, however, had long before been the tactics of
opposition, and such, we are afraid, they are likely to remain.
[4] "The Government," writes a Cabinet Minister to the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, "is in a very strange and, I must
acknowledge, in a precarious state."--Lord Sidmouth to Earl
Talbot, Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 310.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Feb. 15, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
As your Lordship desired me to write if there was any news of any
description in circulation, I take up my pen merely to inform you
that there is a report most generally disseminated both throughout
the West-end of the town and the City, that the Ministers have
resigned. Sir W. Scott [Lord Stowell] yesterday, in expressing his
apprehension (to an acquaintance of mine) that such an event was in
contemplation, said it would not be a partial change, "but a
general sweep." Excuse haste.
Ever your obliged and faithful servant,
JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.
P.S.--The Cabinet sat thirteen hours on Sunday.
The sweeping change so confidently anticipated did not take place; and
probably when it became evident to some of the most daring of the
political speculators of the time, that this was not so imminent as
they desired, they resolved to expedite it in a fashion that should
leave no necessity for a second experiment of the kind.
On the 23rd of February, the loyal citizens of the metropolis were
startled by the intelligence of the timely discovery of a plot to
assassinate his Majesty's Ministers while they were at dinner in the
house of the Earl of Harrowby, Grosvenor Square, and of a sanguinary
conflict of the police and military with the conspirators, when
attempting to seize the latter at their place of rendezvous, in an
obscure thoroughfare near Paddington, called Cato Street. The history
of the Thistlewood Conspiracy,[5] as related in the criminal annals of
the period, illustrates in a remarkable manner the diseased state of
political feeling then existing in England. It was a small copy of the
Irish rebellion,--marked by the same cut-throat policy,--having in view
a similar overwhelming revolution, with the same absurdly inadequate
means. Fortunately for the United Kingdom, the chief actors in both
succeeded only in bringing upon themselves the destruction with which
they had menaced a powerful Government.
[5] A good account of it may be found in Pellew's "Life of Lord
Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 312.
Thistlewood proposed to slaughter the entire Cabinet at once, when
assembled at Lord Harrowby's, which was assented to; "for," said he,
"as there has not been a dinner for so long, there will no doubt be
fourteen or sixteen there; and it will be a rare haul to murder them
all together."[6]
[6] Thistlewood's Trial, p. 37. Alison's "Europe," vol. ii. p.
425.
The next communication refers to the same incident, as well as to the
various rumours then in circulation:--
MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Richmond, Tuesday, Feb. 29, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
Not having received any commands from you, and having nothing to
communicate beyond the rumours of the day, without any authentic
information, I have not lately troubled your Lordship with any
letter.
It was unnecessary to state that the stories of my being summoned
to the King, &c. &c., were all absolutely false. If I had received
any such summons, your Lordship would have been fully acquainted
with the whole transaction by express from me at the earliest
moment.
I believe an attempt was made to confirm the rumours by the
circumstance of his Majesty's gracious kindness in answering my
inquiries at the moment of his greatest danger, by expresses from
Carlton House. My carriage also was in town one day in the highest
paroxysm of the supposed squabble; but I happened not to be in it,
being confined at home by a cold.
I have not been in town, except to collect some account of the late
horrible plot, on the day after the discovery (when I was in the
House of Lords about half an hour), for a considerable time, the
weather and a cold having concurred to keep me at home.
I know nothing authentic of the quarrel, so much the subject of
rumour and noise, nor do I know more of the present designs or
future plans. I am at all times at your Lordship's orders, to wait
on you whenever you please; the weather is now so much improved,
that I can attend you in London any morning that may suit you; but
I really have nothing yet to state beyond the contents of my former
letters.
Always, my dear Lord,
Yours most sincerely,
WELLESLEY.
In the spring of the year 1821, their Royal Highnesses the Duke and
Duchess of Clarence lost their only child, the infant Princess
Elizabeth. Of this long-forgotten branch of the Royal Family, one who
was present at her birth says:--"She is christened by the name of
Elizabeth Georgiana. I hope the bairn will live. It came a little too
early, and is a very small one at present, but the doctors seem to
think it will thrive; and to the ears of your humble servant it appears
to be noisy enough to show it has great strength."[7] Her loss affected
the King, between whom and the Duke the most lively affection existed;
and he wrote to his confidential attendant in the following terms:--
[7] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 37.
THE KING TO SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON.
Brighton, March 4, 1821.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
For God's sake come down to me to-morrow morning. The melancholy
tidings of the almost sudden death of my poor little niece have
just reached me, and have overset me beyond all I can express to
you. Poor William's[8] letter, which is all affection, and
especially towards you, refers me to you for all the particulars;
therefore pray come to me with as little delay as possible. I have
not time to add a word more about myself. You will be a great
consolation to me.
Ever your most affectionate friend,
G. R.[9]
[8] The Duke of Clarence.
[9] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 88.
The first report of the intention of Queen Caroline, as the Princess of
Wales was now styled, to return to England, appears to have taken both
the King and the Government by surprise; but the latter, in the
conviction that they had an overwhelming case against her, would not
believe that she was serious, and took no steps towards putting the
result of the Milan investigations into shape.[10]
[10] "Every one," the Duke of Wellington acknowledged, "had his
secret persuasion and his wish, that with such a case against her
she would never come here."--R. Plumer Ward's "Diary," vol. ii.
p. 65.
That everything did not run smoothly between his Majesty and his
Ministers, may be inferred from a memorandum made (April 26, 1820) by
one of the most influential of them:--
"Our Royal master seems to have got into temper again, as far as I
could judge from his conversation with me this morning. He has been
pretty well disposed to part with us all, because we would not make
additions to his revenue. This we thought conscientiously we could not
do in the present state of the country, and of the distresses of the
middle and lower orders of the people,--to which we might add, too,
that of the higher orders. My own individual opinion was such that I
could not bring myself to oppress the country at present by additional
taxation for that purpose, and I strictly and firmly acted upon that
opinion, when I had every reason to believe that, adhering to it, I
should no longer write the letter C. after the name Eldon. I think now
the speech, in which he will disavow wishing for any increase, will
make him popular, and if times mend, will give him a better chance of
fair increase of income than anything else could give him."[11]
[11] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 3.
The Lord Chancellor, who has not been held in great estimation for
disinterestedness or patriotism, is here represented as very nearly
making himself a martyr to his sense of public duty; but the cause of
Lord Eldon's unusual dissatisfaction with his Sovereign may be gathered
from another cotemporary memorandum, dated the following day:--
"The Vice-Chancellor Leach has been trying to root out the Ministry; he
has been telling the King that his present Ministers are not standing
by him; that he ought to have a divorce. There is a flirtation between
Tierney and the King."[12]
[12] "Wilberforce's Life," by his Sons, vol. v. p. 54.
The Opposition lost no time in endeavouring to take advantage of the
difficulty presented by the apprehended return of the Queen; and the
"flirtation" not proceeding favourably, their hostility became more
earnest. Public opinion, indeed, was showing itself in many curious
ways. "The town here is employed," writes the Lord Chancellor, "in
nothing but speculation whether her Majesty will or will not come.
Great bets are laid about it. Some people have taken fifty guineas,
undertaking in lieu of them to pay a guinea a-day till she comes, so
sure are these that she will come within fifty days; others, again, are
taking less than fifty guineas, undertaking to pay a guinea a-day till
she comes, so sure are they that she will not come; others assert that
they know she will come, and that she will find her way into
Westminster Abbey and Westminster Hall on the Coronation, in spite of
all opposition. I retain my old opinion that she will not come, _unless
she is insane_."[13]
[13] Twiss's "Life of Eldon," vol. ii. p. 5.
A change of Ministry, Lord Dudley[14] assures us, was talked about more
than usual; but, as the Opposition were obliged to confess that they
would find great difficulty in establishing a Government, the existing
Administration held a tolerably secure tenancy.
[14] "Letters," p. 251. Alison states that attempts were made
to form a new Ministry, with Lord Wellesley at the head--"History
of Europe," vol. ii. p. 457. This, however, as has been shown
(_ante_ p. 9), is incorrect.
An Order in Council was issued for omitting the Queen's name from the
Church Service, and other signs appeared, indicating a desire to
withhold from her her queenly title. This made a temper, never
remarkably tractable, not to be controlled by the dictates of prudence;
the old spirit manifested itself in its most spirited form; and she
lost no time in letting the world know that she was returning to
England to obtain justice for her wrongs. Those who thought they knew
her best, considered that vindictive feelings influenced her
resolution, and that, with a full knowledge of the inflammable state of
public opinion in the British Empire, she had determined on some great
work of mischief against the peace of the kingdom and the security of
its ruler.
At this period there were many elements of discord in the social
community that were acting upon a large and dangerous portion of it, to
the prejudice of the Government.[15] Besides the Thistlewood gang,
justice was about to dispose of Mr. Orator Hunt and his myrmidons, then
awaiting their trial. Sir Charles Wolseley, a baronet, and Joseph
Harrison, a preacher, were under prosecution for uttering seditious
speeches.[16] Sir Francis Burdett--a more popular tribune--was also at
variance with the laws for a scandalous attack on Ministers; in short,
every day seemed to bring to light some source of mischief which could
not fail to add to the uneasiness of the responsible servants of the
Crown. A general election stirred up other noxious ingredients, and
during the spring of the year everything seemed to betoken a coming
convulsion. At this time the following communication was written:--
[15] Lord Sidmouth's intelligence led him to expect daily a
revolutionary movement.--"Life," by Dean Pellew, vol. iii.
p. 325.
[16] The minister of religion exceeded the democratic baronet
in the violence of his denunciations of the ruling powers,
a fair example of which may be found in the following
_morceau_:--"Kings, princes, dukes, lords, commons, parliaments,
archbishops, bishops, prelates, rectors, high-constables,
constables, sheriffs, deputy-constables and bailiffs, are all
corrupt, and the time is near at hand when they will be upset.
The people should rise _en masse_ to suppress such a tyrannical
Government as the one of this country, and it will not be long,
but very soon, that it shall be overturned, and many a bloody
battle may be fought, and many a one incarcerated in prison,
before it shall be accomplished."
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
March 29, 1820.
Hunt's conviction is beyond my hope, though it would certainly have
been no easy matter for any jury to acquit him, even under the
charge such as it is. His motion for a new trial is, I imagine,
nothing more than the sort of last resource at which defeated men,
whether at elections or trials, always love to catch. It would have
been a dreadful thing indeed if it had been established by the
result of that trial that the Manchester meeting was, under all its
circumstances, a legal assembly.
Alarming as might be considered the aspect of domestic affairs, the
Government, so far from betraying apprehension, carried on the business
of the country with untiring vigilance and decision. Hunt and five of
his associates, after a long trial, were on the 23rd of March, at York,
found guilty of unlawfully assembling and inciting to hatred of the
Government. On the same day, Sir Francis Burdett was found guilty of
uttering a seditious libel. On the 10th of April, Sir Charles Wolseley
and Mr. Joseph Harrison were also found guilty of sedition. The most
guilty of the Cato Street heroes made their last public appearance at
the Old Bailey on the 1st of May; the remainder were expatriated to New
South Wales. Thus the supremacy of the law was vindicated; but there
still existed in the more populous districts feelings inimical to the
authorities, that might be restrained by coercive demonstrations, but
which only waited a favourable season for bursting through all control:
and as, on the 20th of April, Mr. Denman and Mr. Brougham had been
acknowledged by the Lord Chancellor, from his seat in the Court of
Chancery, the Queen's Solicitor and Attorney-General, the discontented
took heart, and saw in this admission of the Queen's position, a
prognostication of the struggle that was to create for them the
opportunity for which they were waiting.
The Court of the Monarch did not appear more apprehensive than his
Ministers. A day was fixed for the Coronation; and among those who
would have to assist in the ceremonial, no one ventured to hint on the
possibility of the Queen having any position in it. On the 3rd of May,
the King received addresses at Carlton House; and on the 10th, his
Majesty held his first Levee since his accession to the throne, at
which nearly 1800 persons of distinction were present, who testified
their attachment to his person in a manner that must have left him
little to desire. It was known that his consort intended to agitate the
empire from end to end, and her arrival was looked for in a few weeks;
but the families of the great political party that formed and supported
the Government, betrayed no uneasiness--indeed, the most influential
regarded, or affected to regard, the coming struggle with a quiet
disdain, that evinced their confidence in the loyalty and good sense of
the nation. "His Majesty's Opposition," however, talked and looked very
differently;--the Democratic party were vehement in their denunciations
of the Queen's wrongs, and the leading Whigs began to come forward
prominently as champions of her rights. This is about the date of the
following communications:--
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, May 4, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
I have but little news to tell you. The general arrangement of the
Civil List, by replacing it as it stood in 1816, is so much better
a bargain for the public than I had expected, that I for one am
well contented with it; and if report be true, it was obtained by
nothing but the most determined refusal of the Ministers to do
more. Still, however, I understand that the Admiralty Droits are
unpopular enough to threaten the Government with a good deal of
embarrassment; for undoubtedly, if they have bargained with the
King for the statement of 1816, when he had the Admiralty Droits,
they cannot in equity deprive him of that part of his bargain.
Brougham seems by his speech to have conceived the notion of giving
the King _compensation_ for them; but it seems to me to be but
a bad bargain for the public, to make them, under the present
pressure, purchase out a remote contingent future revenue, which
can arise only out of a war that no Power in Europe is rich enough
to make, any more than ourselves.
Nobody knows what Brougham's motion will be to-morrow, or what
course the Opposition will take on Monday. I hope none of our
friends will disturb an arrangement which I believe the Government
had some merit and great difficulty in reducing to its present
form.
The Coronation, which Lord G. Seymour told me ten days ago was
suspended, is now again in expectation, according to general
belief; it has revived in common report, because I fancy the Earl
Marshal has just been ordered to have an estimate made of the
necessary expenses attending it in his department; but it does not
follow from that estimate that the ceremony will take place, I
think it more probable that it will be put off, because the King
will not like it unless it be expensive, and Van knows not how to
pay for it if it is. Clive told me yesterday, that three naval
peers are about to be made--Sir W. Young, Warren, and Saumarez.
This looks as if an Accession List was preparing; but I have heard
of no others. It seems now understood that the whole Militia will
be called out. Manchester, as Lady Grosvenor tells me, is quieter;
as Harriet writes, is as bad as ever. Scotland is still only quiet
from the military force there, but the temper is said to be as bad
as ever.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, May 8, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
We had a heavy debate last night,--Tierney very able, and Huskisson
good,--but an evident indisposition of the House to the subject;
and the division on the part of Government very bad--only 99
majority. They cannot get attendance, and the report of dissension
on the part of the King and his Ministers is no doubt the cause of
this; notwithstanding, however, I am quite sure there can be no
change, and a very short time must commit the Opposition with the
King on the subject of the Queen. Tierney last night touched upon
it, and complained that she was not recognised by the Bill or Civil
List, and yet acknowledged by the Lord Chancellor of England. You
will see hardly any addition of names to the Opposition, or any
increased numbers, but the _feature_ is the want of attendance
of the Government friends. Everybody believes the report of Denison
having stated to his nephew his determination to disinherit him if
he accepts the new situation. We must see the result of this in a
very short time, should it be the case.--The ladies are not to walk
at the Coronation, and it is to be on the cheapest scale. No
dinner. The estimate is called 150,000_l._ All your members
were present yesterday, and if we had voted against the Government,
only see how we would have diminished their numbers.--Mr. Chard is
in a peck of troubles. He has not got the address, without which it
is useless to go to the Levee.--I was glad of Brougham's mention of
Lady Grenville's pension (it certainly was not an attack), because
it produced an authorized declaration of its surrender, which was
received with great applause.
You have no conception with what attention Baring was heard in a
full house last night, when for an hour or so he described the
commercial state of England in the most lamentable terms. It had
great effect--The King never shows himself. He has never been out
of Carlton House.--Lady C----[17] goes to him of an evening, and he
has had his usual dinners of Sir Carnaby Haggerston, Forester, and
two or three of this description. His language is only about the
Coronation and Lady C----: very little of the state of the country.
I will keep this open, in case anything occurs.
Ever, &c.,
W. H. F.
P.S.--I have just seen Chard, who is in despair about the address;
but he has determined, by my advice, to defer his presentation to
Wednesday se'nnight, in case we hear nothing of the address
to-morrow morning.
[17] Lady Conyngham.
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, May 9, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
The Opposition, you see, continues to muster in their original
force of 160 upon their great questions, and though they do not
increase, it seems to me that there is either an indifference or a
disinclination in many to give any active support to Government;
for while the Ministers produce only their ordinary numbers, their
antagonists always are able to command their full force,--and if
that disproportion continues, it will not do, particularly under
the alarmed, and restless, and fearful circumstances of the
country. You see, by the loud cheering of Baring, how strongly the
impression prevails in the House that the present evils demand
great and vigorous remedies; and though, perhaps, I may be less
sanguine in the application of these theories, I see plainly that
the House and country are so alarmed as to call for great talents
and great vigour in their Ministers--much greater than they are
likely to find--for the only new feature of yesterday's debate on
the part of the Administration was to show that, upon a commercial
question, the head of the Board of Trade is in opinion with Baring,
while that of his colleagues is against him. This is a wretched
beginning on a topic of such overruling importance.--The Coronation
stands for the 1st August I hear of no more new peers yet. I think
the less you hear of the _man_ the better: you should only have to
do with the _master_. Lord Arundel told me yesterday that they do
not go yet, if at all. Sir Francis[18] at Lillies is really the _ne
plus ultra_!!!
[18] Sir Francis Burdett.
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, May 11, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
I met my brother this morning, to take our new oaths at the Council
Office, and showed him your letter. I was glad to see in it that
you are gradually getting strength, and was surprised to see that
the two old uncles had both written to you at the same time, on the
same subject, without any previous communication had between us.
Lord Harrowby told my brother that it was the intention in every
respect to follow the same ceremonial at this Coronation that took
place at the last, and this should be good authority; but, on the
other hand, so general a rumour and expectation prevails of the
banquet being curtailed, that one scarce knows what to believe. But
my own, opinion is, that Lord H. is correct, and that it will be
neither more nor less than the last. Public conversation supposes
four Dukes--viz., my neighbour, yourself, Lord Hastings, and Lord
Winchester. The only Commoner, I hear, is Sir ---- Liddell, who, I
am well assured, says that it is promised to him. The other names,
I presume, grow out of public talk only; at least, my neighbours
told me they had heard nothing of it two or three days ago.
To give the reader an idea of the state of our public streets in the
metropolis at this period from turbulent mobs, we quote the following
anecdote:--"A very large family party happened to be assembled in the
house, and the garrison being thus strong, it sallied forth, headed by
Lord Exmouth, and attacked the assailants, who, disconcerted possibly
by this unusual system of tactics, instantly dispersed. One prisoner
was taken--a juvenile printer--who, by his insolence, which was
consummate, obtained for himself the glory of a night's imprisonment
instead of a lecture." The third attack occurred on a Wednesday
ensuing, while Lord Sidmouth was attending the Cabinet dinner. It was
feeble, and of brief duration; and as no further annoyance was
anticipated by the police officers, the narrator, who had been left in
charge, retired to his lodgings in the same street. Shortly afterwards
he heard the mob returning, and hastened back to his Lordship's door,
against which the watchman had placed himself. Before, however, they
could gain admittance, the Philistines were upon them, filling the
whole doorway, and hemming them up in the entrance. At this moment a
carriage dashed rapidly down the street, drew up at the door, and Lord
Sidmouth exclaimed from within it, "Let me out--I must get out!" But
another and a commanding voice replied, "You shall not alight--drive
on!" and instantly the carriage bounded forward and disappeared, but
not before the glass of the window nearest the speaker had been
shivered to atoms by a stick or stone. In a moment afterwards, at a
signal given, the mob dispersed, leaving the watchman and his companion
the only occupants of the street. In a few minutes the same carriage
returned, escorted by a small party of the Life Guards. It was that of
the Duke of Wellington, and contained his Grace, Lord Eldon, and Lord
Sidmouth.[19]
[19] Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 328.
The next communication, from a member of the Royal Family, refers to a
much-valued distinction which was conferred on his Royal Highness's
correspondent. It shows also the kind feelings which this amiable
Prince entertained for him:--
THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Gloucester House, Sunday Evening, May 28.
MY DEAR LORD,
I hasten to return your Lordship my best thanks for your friendly
attention in immediately notifying to me an event that, I trust,
you are well assured must afford me the truest gratification. To
the Garter you are so justly entitled that I have real satisfaction
in seeing you receive that Order; but it is particularly gratifying
to me to know that it comes _direct_ to you from the King, and that
this distinction is conferred upon you unsolicited, the spontaneous
act of his Majesty. Of my sentiments towards yourself I hope you
are so well convinced that I need not add that I shall attend the
Chapter to-morrow with the sincerest pleasure.
In offering to you my warmest congratulations, I am happy to renew
to you an assurance of the very great regard and high esteem with
which
I am always, my dear Lord,
Very sincerely yours,
WILLIAM FREDERICK.
The following refers to the same subject, and is equally creditable to
the writer:--
THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Richmond, Monday, May 29, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
I went to Carlton House to-day to attend a Chapter of the Garter,
at which I understood that I should have had the satisfaction of
seeing the King invest your Lordship with his own Garter, vacated
by his accession to the Crown.
Upon my arrival, I found that the Chapter had been postponed; and
as the King goes to Windsor this evening for the Ascot races, I
suppose some days will elapse before the Chapter can take place. I
was informed, however, from good authority, that the King will
offer the Garter to your Lordship.
Sincerely hoping that you will not decline the offer, I shall be
anxious to attend on the day of your investiture; and I should be
much obliged to you if you would apprise me of it as soon as you
know it. I shall, of course, receive the usual summons; but I
should grieve to be out of the way when it might reach this place.
Always, my dear Lord,
Yours most sincerely,
WELLESLEY.
CHAPTER II.
[1820.]
ARRIVAL OF QUEEN CAROLINE AT ST. OMER. HER DEMANDS. ABORTIVE
NEGOTIATIONS. INTERPOSITION OF MR. WILBERFORCE TO AVERT THE
THREATENED SCANDAL. QUEEN CAROLINE IN LONDON. SHE REFUSES THE
CONCESSIONS PROPOSED BY THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PROPOSALS OF THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS. UNPOPULARITY OF MR. WILBERFORCE. POLICY OF THE
QUEEN'S ADVISERS. PUBLIC EXCITEMENT. MOB ROUND THE QUEEN'S RESIDENCE.
DISSATISFACTION OF THE KING.
CHAPTER II.
On the 1st of June, Caroline of Brunswick arrived at St. Omer,
intending to embark at Calais without delay for England. At once she
showed her disposition to carry matters with a high hand. She wrote an
imperious letter to the Earl of Liverpool, to prepare a palace in
London for her reception; another to Lord Melville, to send a yacht to
carry her across the Channel to Dover; and a third to the Duke of York,
repeating both demands, and complaining of the treatment she had
received. Two days later, Mr. Brougham, her chief legal adviser,
arrived, and at the same time Lord Hutchinson, with a proposition from
the King, offering her 50,000_l._ a year for life if she would remain
on the Continent, and surrender the title of Queen of England. She was
in no mood to listen to reason, and indignantly rejected the offer.
The rumour of the Queen's approach created extraordinary excitement
among all classes in every part of the kingdom. The Lord Chancellor
prophetically says, "If she can venture, she is the most courageous
lady I ever heard of. The mischief, if she does come, will be infinite.
At first, she will have extensive popularity with the multitude; in a
few short months or weeks, she will be ruined in the opinion of all the
world."[20] "One can't help admiring her spirit," observes the moral
Wilberforce, "though I fear she has been very profligate."[21] From
such a man there might have been expected a severer judgment on her
immorality, and a more subdued appreciation of her daring; but this
evidence of "spirit" was an appeal to the English people which many a
grave father of a family found it impossible to resist. Mr. Wilberforce,
however, much to his credit, was earnestly desirous of lessening the
threatened scandal, and diminishing the public commotion it was likely
to create. He writes in his Diary,--"When, therefore, Lord Castlereagh
had made a motion to refer the papers to the consideration of a Secret
Committee, I endeavoured to interpose a pause, during which the two
parties might have an opportunity of contemplating coolly the prospect
before them. Accordingly I sounded the House; my proposition was
immediately adopted, and a pause was made, with a declaration that its
purpose was to give opportunity for a private settlement."[22]
[20] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 3.
[21] "Wilberforce's Life," by his Sons, vol. v. p. 55.
[22] Ibid.
As no Royal yacht was likely to be at her disposal, Queen Caroline lost
no time in embarking, crossed the sea safely, pursued her route to the
metropolis through Canterbury, and, passing through vociferous crowds,
on the 7th, in default of the palace she had ordered, took up her
residence with a City alderman, who had placed himself among the
foremost of her champions. From this time the agitation in the public
mind hourly increased, till it began to assume a most threatening
aspect. Nothing was left undone by the Queen to ingratiate herself with
the people; and, as a natural result, she never appeared publicly
without creating intense excitement. When in the streets, her horses
were taken from her carriage, and she was drawn in triumph, by scores
of shouting adherents, through a clamorous mob. Before the alderman's
house in South Audley Street stood hour after hour a shouting myriad,
excited to a pitch of frenzy to which no description can do justice, by
the appearance on the balcony of a stout lady, in a large hat
surmounted by a plume of feathers.
On the day of her arrival in town, the King sent a message to the
Houses of Lords and Commons, to the effect that the step taken by the
Queen had forced him to bring before the consideration of Parliament,
certain papers detailing her conduct since her departure from England.
The Queen, on the same day, sent a message by Mr. Brougham, in her
usual high tone, expressing a desire for an open investigation. The
friends of both parties were striving to spare the country the
threatened exposure; and on the 9th, the Queen so far complied with the
suggestions of her most sensible advisers as to write a moderate letter
to Lord Liverpool, expressing her inclination to consider any
proposition the Government were disposed to make in behalf of their
Sovereign. Communications were exchanged; the Ministers repeated their
liberal offer, and the Queen repeated her indignant refusal. How this
sad business was felt at the period may be gathered from the letters
that follow. But the first expresses a belief, then generally gaining
ground, of a change in the Government in favour of the Grenville party.
It would appear as if a proposal of the kind had been submitted to the
head of the family, but the sensible advice here given must at once
have put an end to such a negotiation:--
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, 12 at night, June 11.
We have both talked this thing over as fully as our materials
enabled us to do, and it is our decided opinion that the King has,
and can have in the present moment, only the alternative of putting
himself fairly and fully into the hands of one or other of the two
great parties; and that it would be deceiving him, and trifling
with a most awful state of things, if anybody undertook to be
useful to him on any other footing, or even gave rise to the delay
of an hour in deciding on that alternative by countenancing hopes
of any third arrangement.
The House of Commons is totally unmanageable in any such view. The
whole weight of the Ministers there, combining their aid as they
now do, is, as you see, hardly sufficient to carry on the ordinary
public business from day to day. I very much question whether all
the weight that the Opposition could unite for the same purpose, if
the task were committed into their hands, would be much, if at all,
more adequate to it. What hopes, then, could a third party
entertain of doing this in opposition to both?
I can easily see in what course your assistance and support might
be very useful indeed to strengthen his Government, into whatever
hands he may finally determine to commit it; and in the present
state of things I should, as far as my own wishes went, be most
anxious that, in whatever hands it shall be vested, it should
possess whatever of strength and efficiency it can receive. But as
for undertaking any principal or leading part in the formation of a
new Government, to the exclusion of the most considerable persons
in this, and of the whole of the other party (who will doubtless on
this occasion act with perfect union and concurrence among
themselves), I hold the success impossible, and the undertaking
much too desperate to be reconciled to any just sense of prudence
or duty. And if the fact be so, it is most important that he should
be as speedily, and as distinctly as possible, apprized that so it
is. And you and Charles would much injure your own reputation and
weight by appearing to tamper with a case in which you cannot be of
any real use.
I do not wonder that he feels hurt at Canning's speech, such as it
is reported; but this is not the first occasion, nor will it be the
last, in which the Sovereign of this country must suppress such
feelings, and bear with the faults of those who, on the whole,
taking all things together, can serve him most usefully; and the
manner in which the Opposition have of late years, most
unfortunately for themselves and for the country, been drawn on to
mix themselves up with projects of reform, and with the countenance
and defence of reformers of the wildest description, seems to me, I
regret to say it, to throw that balance at this time wholly on the
side of their opponents.
I do not know that I can add more. My brother returns to town early
to-morrow morning; and you will not wonder, knowing my feelings,
that all that is now passing is with me a decisive reason for not
coming near it unless commanded so to do, and then it would only be
for the purpose of expressing these opinions.
Paris at this period, it is evident, was scarcely in a less excitable
state than London:--
HON. COLONEL STANHOPE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Hotel Meurice, June 11, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,
Paris is in a strange state,--more resembling a town in a state of
siege than the most gadding capital; but, as far as the exterior
appearance can be the guide, I cannot see why the Government should
have assembled nearly 25,000 troops round Paris, the riots having
been confined to the students of the _ecoles_ and the _gardes de
corps_, the people, _proprement dit_, taking no part and showing no
interest. The violence of the Chambers is sufficiently seen in the
papers, and their whole time is occupied in hearing different
members relate their own adventures on the preceding day. The
ultra-Ultras have returned to their foolish language, which ruined
them in '14 and '15, about having a general tax to reimburse them
for their lost property. They might as well think of dividing
France. The other party, of course, keep pace. Two days ago, some
French ladies on the Boulevards were obliged, by a body of men
looking like _le bourgeoisie_, to get out of their carriages and
cry "_Vive l'egalite_." One of the worst circumstances is the
distinction which has been made between _Le Roi et la Charte_,
which last year was the watchword of the Royalists, and is now
divided into the _mots de ralliement_ of the two parties; and when
the one cries _A bas la Charte_, others have been found rash enough
to answer _A bas les Bourbons_. The Royalists are universally
anxious for the double electoral colleges; their opponents will not
give up the direct election; and the amendment which was carried
the other day is a sort of _mezzo termine_, as the 170 new members
are to be elected by the double colleges, and the _remplacants_
by the old law. There was a considerable riot on Friday night, in
which Oudinot was rode over, and several people badly wounded; one
only killed. The troops have shown the greatest steadiness, and
evince rather an anxiety than an unwillingness to act. The Jacobins
are, I am told, as much depressed by this as the Ultras are elated.
Madame de Flahaut is here, acting the French Lady J----; and to you
I need say no more.
I am in a great fright about the Queen. What could make the
Government employ Lord H----, who seems to have committed himself
and employers most lamentably? She will, I fear, have a tremendous
party of many well-disposed, good, moral men, as well as of all
those who hate the King and the Government. If you have leisure, I
should be very grateful for a word or two on this.
Ever affectionately yours,
J. W. STANHOPE.
The negotiation between the King's Ministers and the Queen's legal
advisers was not rendered fruitless by any fault of the former.
Wilberforce acknowledges that "The concessions made by the King's
servants, as Mr. Brougham afterwards declared in the House of Commons,
were various and great. The name and rights of a Queen were granted to
her Majesty without reserve--any recognition of which had formerly been
carefully avoided. A Royal yacht, a frigate, &c., were offered. It was
agreed that her name and rank should be notified at the Court either of
Rome or Milan, the capitals of the countries in which she had expressed
her intention to reside; and that an address should be presented to the
Queen, no less than another to the King, to thank her Majesty for
having acceded to the wish of the House of Commons."[23]
[23] "Life," vol. v. p. 56.
Wilberforce was very earnest, sending his son with a letter to the
King, in which he entreated him to restore the Queen's name to the
Liturgy,[24] and venturing to prophesy something very like a civil war
should this concession be refused. On this point, however, his Majesty
was intractable, and the negotiator met with anything but cordial
co-operation from his own party, of whom he says: "Opposition seem all
disposed to take up the Queen's cause on party principles. Alas!"[25]
Subsequently he implies where he met with obstacles; "Tierney, &c.,
ill-natured, yet Castlereagh gave way."
[24] The Queen perpetrated one of her characteristic jests when
this question was being furiously debated: "The praying," she
observed, "makes me very hungry, and when I am in the Liturgy I
shall be famished."
[25] Ibid. p. 58.
In a discussion on the subject in the House of Commons, he thus refers
to the principal speakers: "Burdett, violent and bitter, but very able;
Tierney, mischievous; Denman, strong and straightforward; Brougham,
able; Canning, clever, but not letting himself out."
A deputation, of which Wilberforce was the head, proceeded from the
House of Commons to the Queen, dressed in full Court costume; but her
Majesty's turbulent admirers did not appreciate their good intentions,
and they were roughly greeted by the mob. The reception they met with
from the Queen was not much more courteous. Her answer was a refusal.
"Her manner was extremely dignified," observes the principal
negotiator, "but very stern and haughty." In a letter which he wrote at
the time, he gives all the details of the question,[26] from which it is
clear that the members of Government had agreed to resign their offices
if the restoration of the Queen's name to the Liturgy was carried
against them in the House of Commons; and that, seeing the
improbability of obtaining this demand, the Queen would have accepted
an equivalent proposed by the Government, had not some sinister
influence been exercised which brought about her refusal. Mr.
Wilberforce shared the general fate of peace-makers in getting terribly
abused; but he evidently had the authority of the Queen's most able
counsellor for the steps he took. "She will accede to your address," he
wrote on the 22nd of June, "I pledge myself."[27]
[26] Letter to Samuel Roberts, Esq., "Life," vol. v. p. 62.
[27] Letter to Samuel Roberts, Esq., "Life," vol. v. p. 65.
Cobbett published a letter addressed to Mr. Wilberforce, made up of
declamation and invective, in the style that then took the public
taste. This composition is described as "very clever, but very
mischievous, and full of falsehoods." He was attacked so frequently,
and with such violence, by the Queen's partisans, that it forced him to
exclaim, "What a lesson it is to a man not to set his heart on low
popularity, when, after forty years' disinterested public service, I am
believed to be a perfect rascal!"[28]
[28] "Wilberforce's Life," vol. v. p. 68.
He complained bitterly of the conduct of the leaders of Opposition.
Their language to the Queen, especially that of Lord Grey, Mr. Tierney,
and Sir Francis Burdett, was, "Oh! you may be sure you never can be
prosecuted,"--thereby, as he acknowledges, "taking away what must
doubtless have most powerfully enforced her consent. Then no sooner had
she refused, and the prosecution goes forward, than they say,
Government never should have admitted a compromise at all, but have
prosecuted without hesitation."[29]
[29] Ibid. p. 69.
"She seems," writes Lord Dudley, "to have been advised by persons that
are resolved to play the deepest possible game, and care little to what
risk they expose her, provided they have a chance of turning out the
Government, or perhaps of over-throwing the monarchy. I do not think
that it is Brougham's doing."[30] "The people," confesses Cobbett, "as
far as related to the question of guilt or innocence, did not care a
straw."[31] Their leaders cared still less:
"Careless of fate, they took their way,
Scarce caring who might win the day;
Their booty was secure."
[30] "Letters," p. 255.
[31] "Life of George IV.," p. 425.
"If her innocence were proved," observes a popular historian, "they
would gain a triumph over the King, force upon him a wife whom he could
not endure, overturn his Ministers, and perhaps shake the monarchy; if
her guilt, they would gain the best possible ground for declaiming on
the corruption which prevailed in high places, and the monstrous nature
of those institutions which gave persons of such character the lead in
society."[32]
[32] Alison's "Europe," vol. ii. p. 549.
The excitement increased as the arrangements for the Queen's trial
became known. Lord John Russell published a letter addressed to Mr.
Wilberforce, on the subject, urging him again to attempt an
arrangement; but he had had enough of interfering in such a business,
and declined to take the post assigned him, though the writer expressed
his opinion that in his hands was perhaps the fate of the country. He
was as anxious as ever to do good, but did not see how it could be
done. His opinion of the Queen did not improve, in consequence of the
"spirit" she continued to display, which he now felt inclined to
describe in more appropriate language:--"I feel deeply the evil," he
writes in his Diary, "that so bad a woman as I fear she is, should
carry the victory by sheer impudence (if she is guilty), and assume the
part of a person deeply injured."[33]
[33] "Life," vol. v. p. 77.
Other well-meaning persons were equally anxious for an interposition;
indeed, the King was obliged to send a message to one who desired an
audience, with this object in view, "that he never talked on political
subjects with any but his Ministers."[34]
[34] Ibid. p. 78.
Another cotemporary Diarist goes to the root of the evil:--"Had some
conversation with Tierney, who looked serious and down. He said
everything was worse and worse out of doors, and he saw no remedy. I
observed, the only remedy, the only possibility of things returning to
their former state was a rebellion, and the troops standing by us, and
quelling it with a high hand. He replied, that was the disease. I said,
neither he nor I should live to see society where it had been and ought
to be; to which he assented. I have no doubt he is sincere, yet he and
his party are the real authors of the spirit we deplore."[35]
[35] Phipps's "Memoirs of R. P. Ward," vol. ii. p. 61.
"Alas!" writes Wilberforce in his Diary, "surely we never were in such
a scrape. The bulk of the people, I grant, are run mad; but then it was
a species of insanity on which we might have reckoned, because we know
their prejudices against foreigners; their being easily led away by
appeals to their generous feelings; and then the doses with which they
are plied, are enough to intoxicate much stronger heads than most of
theirs."[36]
[36] "Life," vol. v. p. 78.
"The middling as well as the higher orders," says another observer,
"are pretty well acquainted with her present Majesty's conduct in
foreign countries; but I am told that the common people are still in
the dark, and disposed to espouse her cause; more, however, out of
hatred to the King than out of regard for her."[37]
[37] Lord Dudley's "Letters," p 242.
Attempts were made to gain over the military, which were not entirely
unsuccessful; one of the regiments of Foot Guards, quartered in the
Mews Barracks, Charing Cross, exhibited such decided symptoms of having
been tampered with, that the Duke of Wellington was sent for, and he at
once ordered them off to Portsmouth. "The night before the last
division marched," says a respectable authority, "a formidable mob
assembled round the barracks at Charing Cross, calling the soldiers
within to come out and join them."[38] They were only subsequently
dispersed by a troop of the 2nd Life Guards.
[38] "Sidmouth's Life," by Pellew, vol. iii. p. 330. Alison's
"Europe," vol. ii. p. 461.
Some of the more respectable leaders of Opposition, though, they
supported the Queen, had no heart in the cause.
"Lord ----" (we learn from another authority), "whom I always look upon
as a most honest man, said it was rather hard upon him to have to
present her petitions, but he could not refuse, being so intimate with
Brougham. But they were brought to him at a minute's notice, and he
knew nothing about, consequently could not support them. In the present
instance, he thought she was taken in, in pressing for trial within
four-and-twenty hours. She thought we would not take her at her word,
and might bully, as she had done before; that she was a bold, dangerous,
impudent woman, as full of revenge as careless of crime, and that if we
did not take care, might play the part of Catherine the Second, who, by
means of the Guards, murdered her husband and usurped the throne."[39]
[39] Phipps's "Memoirs of Robert Plumer Ward," vol. ii. p. 56.
The nobleman whose opinions have here been preserved was most probably
Lord Dacre, who, in his place in the House of Lords, presented more
than one petition from the Queen. One also was presented by Lord
Auckland. Another of the Queen's partisans in the other House appears
to have entertained similar sentiments:--"Walked with Sir ---- ----. He
said he had no doubt that the Queen was guilty, but would never vote
for the Bill, as unconstitutional; at the same time, ready to admit
that Ministers had proved such a case as perfectly justified them in
bringing it forward."[40]
[40] Phipps's "Memoirs of Robert Plumer Ward," vol. ii. p. 58.
A description of the sort of satellites that followed the Queen's
movements when she went abroad, or surrounded her dwelling while she
remained at home, is preserved in the postscript of a letter from Mr.
Wilberforce to Hannah More, repeating the observations of a friend who
had ventured to approach the Queen's residence. He describes her
retainers as "a most shabby assemblage of quite the lowest of the
people, about fifty in number, who every now and then kept calling out
'Queen, Queen!' and several times, once in about a quarter of an hour,
she came out of one window of a balcony and Alderman Wood at the other,
and she bowed to them; her obeisance, of course, being met by augmented
acclamations. My friend," adds Mr. Wilberforce, "entered into
conversation with a person present who argued for the natural equality
of man, and that any other of the people present had as good right to
be King as George the Fourth."[41]
[41] "Life," vol. v. p. 72.
The Duke of Wellington at this period took an anxious share in the
proceedings against the Queen. "We fell upon the general situation of
things," relates a confidential friend of his Grace, "which the Duke
allowed was almost as bad as could be; nor could he see the remedy, if
the upper and middle ranks would not stir. But all," he continued, with
some sadness as well as indignation, "seem struck with panic--ourselves
and all; and if the country is lost, it will be through our own
cowardice. Everything," said he--"audacity and insolence on one side,
and tameness on ours. We go to the House seemingly on purpose to be
insulted; the Opposition know it, and act accordingly." I said, "I
feared it was particularly so in the House of Commons, where the
Ministerial bench, with the exception of Lord Castlereagh, seemed like
victims."[42]
[42] Phipps's "Memoirs of Ward," vol. ii. p. 63.
The principal Ministers went in daily danger of their lives. Lord
Sidmouth never drove out without a case of loaded pistols on the seat
of the carriage, ready for instant use;[43] and when either of them was
recognised in the public streets, he was sure to be greeted by groans
and hisses, and sometimes with more formidable missiles.
[43] "Life," by Dean Pellew, vol. iii. p. 330.
The attempt to induce the Queen to adopt a more rational course, is
here referred to:--
SIR BENJAMIN BLOOMFIELD TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Carlton House, June 20, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
As yet there is no certain information of the precise course to be
taken by Mr. Wilberforce. I, however, collect that he has no
intention to weaken the position of the Government, nor the basis,
on the part of the King, upon which the late negotiation has broken
off. The object, therefore, is to maintain that basis which was
considered as the only safeguard to the preservation of all that's
dear to man. To attain this there seems, under the present state of
the public mind, no alternative but investigation, with as much
publicity as the House can be induced to give to the question.
I need not reiterate to your Lordship the sense which is
entertained of the affectionate attachment manifested by your
Lordship in this most painful transaction.
With great respect, I have the honour to be,
My dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and obedient humble Servant,
B. BLOOMFIELD.
But Caroline of Brunswick would not have been Caroline of Brunswick had
she suffered this well-meant intervention to influence her purpose. The
sad business, therefore, proceeded in the saddest possible way:--
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
June 27, 1820.
All speculation is at fault in attempting to follow these daily
changes of plans and operations.
Certainly, it is far more convenient and more becoming to let this
matter be first investigated in the House of Lords. But how this is
to be reconciled to the present state of the business in the House
of Commons, it seems difficult to imagine; but by this time that
difficulty will have been solved in one way or another, and I need
not trouble myself about it.
As to popular impressions, the only way by which they can now be
counteracted, is by bringing the matter as soon as possible into
some regular form of proceeding.
What is to result from all this, it is impossible to conjecture;
but he must be sanguine indeed who can hope that it will turn to
good.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, June 28, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
When I came here I found an entire concurrence of opinion as to the
extreme folly of Ministers pressing on the Secret Committee in the
House of Lords, after they had pledged themselves in the House of
Commons to bring forward a charge upon their own responsibility; I
was therefore much gratified to see in your letter, just received,
that if there was a question upon that subject, you should vote
against the Secret Committee, though if the Committee were
appointed, you might in that case continue your name upon it. The
proceeding is become so odious and unpopular, that the general
prejudice against it is in itself great ground of objection to it;
and as the Ministers have already taken the charge upon their own
responsibility, it seems now likely to answer no other end than
that of furnishing to their adversaries a fund of clamour and of
invective, on a topic by which, while Ministers gain nothing, they
must lose much. But by this time the question must be already
decided, and therefore it is useless to pursue it If the Committee
is appointed, and if you do attend it, I am sure you will in that
case feel the absolute necessity of your declining any confidential
communication, either on foot or on horseback, with any person not
upon that Commission, in reference to the business of it. Even the
conversation of the table, and the ears of those who sit at it with
you, must on every account be most cautiously guarded upon this
peculiar topic. You must not start at these suggestions; you know
the affectionate motives that prompt them; and nothing but the
extreme importance of the nicest attention to them, under your
particular position, could have called for them both from Lord
G---- and me.
I would not unnecessarily prolong this letter, because you have
enough to think of; but I feel confident that the more you reflect
upon your own position, the more you must be confirmed in the
persuasion that while, on the one hand, you have thought it
necessary to withdraw from the Opposition, on the other hand, you
will most effectually be enabled to support the constitutional
principles of the Monarchy by maintaining an absolute independence,
and by taking care not to put yourself within the reach of the
imputation of favouritism, which, once established against you,
will render your means of real and effectual assistance useless, by
discrediting your station in the country, and by depriving it of
its best recommendation, its absolute independence.
It will be seen from the foregoing communication how extremely anxious
were Lord Buckingham's uncles, at this crisis, that he should act with
the utmost circumspection on every possible contingency.
THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
MY DEAR LORD,
Many thanks for your note by Lord Cassilis; I do not credit any of
the rumours to which you refer. I believe that all is now quiet in
those quarters. I understand that the Secret Committee is to meet
in our House on Wednesday, and on its Report a Bill is to be
introduced; in the Commons, a delay of ten days is to be proposed,
for the purpose of waiting for our Bill. You have heard of the
proceedings in our House to-night: a petition from the Queen,
praying against a Secret Committee, and for a delay of any
proceedings, in order to enable her to collect her witnesses;
Brougham and Denman called in and heard in support of the petition,
and the House adjourned until to-morrow, when Lord Grey is to make
his motion for rescinding the order respecting the Secret
Committee. When this motion is disposed of, Lord Liverpool will
move that the Secret Committee shall meet on Wednesday. I cannot
ascertain the temper of the House positively, but I perceive no
alteration in it of any description.
Yours, my dear Lord, sincerely,
W.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 2, 1820.
I am glad you are so near the end of your labours, though that end
is to be the beginning of a fresh and very painful scene. I am
clear, however, that in the state to which the matter is now
brought, the course at last adopted was the only one which affords
any hope of concluding it without the most alarming consequences.
And if the House of Lords manifests, as I trust it will, a
temperate and truly judicial spirit in the conduct of the trial, I
am sanguine enough to believe that much lost ground may still be
recovered.
I am utterly at variance with Charles's notion, that such
proceedings ought to commence in the House of Commons; and I am
sure in this case it was of unspeakable importance that the matter
should first undergo a judicial investigation, before it was
brought any more under the cognizance of a body so liable to act on
momentary impressions, in place of the settled rules and permanent
principles of legal proceeding.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 5, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
I cannot help writing a line to say how well satisfied I am with
the result which this post has brought us, and how glad I am that
no secondary matter has been tacked on to that which is of primary
interest. We neither of us can as yet collect by what precise
course the matter is to be so charged as to give the proper notice
so as to enable the party concerned to provide a reply. I should,
of course, suppose that by this time the whole march of all the
proceedings is foreseen and determined upon, if there was not such
frequent occasion to remark that foresight and decision are much
more frequently to be desired than to be found.
I should suppose that the Bill must contain specific charges, or
that those charges must be communicated by a resolution of the
House. What is most to be apprehended is that dexterous advocates
may awaken new questions in so novel a proceeding, and may thereby
prolong the discussion to a most inconvenient and dangerous length,
by which this state of hazardous agitation of the public mind will
be continued, and a feeling of commiseration will be excited by the
length of the proceeding, although the prolongation of it will be
owing more to the accused than to the accusers. You see every hour
of every day that "the mountain" is dragging all that side of the
house into an avowed party-protection, to be afforded before trial;
that the answers to addresses are so many appeals made to the
"soldiers and sailors;" and that the hypocritical lamentations over
the ill-judged time of the Coronation, are indulged in for the
obvious purpose of exciting the tumults which they affect to
deprecate. All this is very disgusting, and not without real
danger. I suppose your Committee, being now dissolved by its
Report, you have nothing more to do in these odious abominations,
which the Vice-Chancellor will probably have to manage.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, July 5, 1820.
I see nothing _prima facie_ to object to in the Report, and I am
very glad that the _doubt_ was decided negatively.
I imagine, however, that there may still be some difficulty in the
course of the proceeding, if she requires, as I suppose she will be
advised to do, that the facts of both descriptions should be more
precisely specified as to time and place, before she is called upon
to answer them in any judicial form.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, July 19, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
I am passing through town in my way to E. Green, and find it not
only greatly thinned, but those remaining in a much more melancholy
mood than when I left it. The language even of the Government is
most croaking, and you may be assured the Queen's party is far from
diminishing. The City is completely with her,--not the Common
Council, but the shopkeepers and merchants,--and I have great
doubts if the troops are not infected. The press is paid for her
abundantly, and there are some ale-houses open where the soldiers
may go and drink and eat for nothing, provided they will drink
"Prosperity and health to the Queen." The K---- grows daily more
unpopular, and is the only individual in the kingdom insensible to
it. He sees Lady C---- daily, and had a party of his family at
dinner this week, she the only exception. You may think, perhaps,
this letter gloomy; but I assure you I write much less desponding
than the general language and feeling would authorize me.
The peerages are eight, and hourly expected:--Lord Conyngham,
Roden, Sir W. Scott, Forester, Cholmondeley, Liddel, W. Pole, Lord
James Murray.
I don't hear a word of the Dukedoms. The King reviews the Guards
on Friday, and then goes to the cottage at Windsor, to meet the
Conynghams. Boats are gone from Chatham and Staines for the
Virginia Lake, where he is to have water-parties. Probably or
possibly we shall participate in these. If so, you shall hear from
me.--It is said the Lords meet the 17th; begin immediately the
witnesses for the prosecutor: finish this in a fortnight; then the
Queen asks for two months (at least) before she commences her
defence, _if she makes any_. But there is a strong report she means
to make none in the Lords, but reserve herself for the Commons; if
so, it is no great compliment to us, who examine not on oath.
These, however, are only the rumours of the day.--Lushington got a
most handsome and proper dressing from Castlereagh, who, I am told,
did it remarkably well.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, July 22, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
Lord G---- wrote to me last night, and tells me that he must,
however reluctantly, attend on the 17th, the Chancellor being, as
it is said, determined to go all lengths to enforce attendance. He
is, in my mind, quite right in doing so. You will be much rejoiced
to hear that on the 20th Lord G---- received a letter from Lord
Liverpool, offering through him, in the K----'s name and in his,
and in the most flattering terms from both, the situation of Regius
Professor of Divinity at Oxford, with the Canonship of Christ
Church, to Dr. Hodgson, as a thing proper in itself, and also as
what was wished to be done on account of his connexion with Lord
G----.
Nothing could be more gratifying to Lord G----, who has always felt
mortified at observing that hitherto his connexion with Hodgson had
been rather prejudicial than serviceable to him.--I write this the
rather because my brother adds that the post being in the moment of
going, he has not time to write you word of it then.
St. Paul's is given to Llandaff. The dandy Pelham is gone sulkily
down to look at Bugden, and to see whether he will condescend to
take that after his disappointment, at which there seems to be a
very general feeling of satisfaction.
Vague reports of negotiation with the Queen through Lady
Cholmondeley; but I do not hear them from any sort of authority,
and therefore I know not how to believe them. I hope you observe
the _Morning Chronicle's_ congratulations on the Naples revolution
without loss of life, "in consequence of its being achieved by the
_soldiery_, since wherever they raise their voice, it is
imperative." And this is the Whig and Opposition printer!!! The
K---- was prevented by gout from attending the cavalry review.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, July 26, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD B----,
The little that I hear is not worth sending you, either in quality
or in quantity. The rumours about the military increase daily and
frightfully. How much of these rumours is true, and how much is
invented, and how much is exaggerated, I have no means to judge;
but the prevalence of that topic of conversation, while it shews
the generality of the apprehension, is itself but too much
calculated to bring on the evil of which it treats. Tierney
yesterday told us he had heard Wood say the day before that the
Q---- had irrevocably determined to come down every day to the
trial in her "coach-and-six _in a high style;_" if so, she
will very likely be attended by all the idle populace between
Hammersmith and London, besides a host of radicals, who will not
let go by such an auspicious opportunity. How the peace of the
metropolis or the safety of the Parliament is to be secured under
all these circumstances, might puzzle wiser heads than those whose
business it will be to decide upon it. T---- admits himself to be
considerably alarmed, and describes the appearance of the Ministers
in these latter days as betraying more anxiety and apprehension
than vigour or decision. He said that the Attorney-General, in his
speech yesterday in the House of Commons, was almost in tears, and
used the expression that "there was no doubt that a revolution was
in contemplation." Whether it is prudent to use such an expression
in order to excite sufficient means of resistance, or dangerous
from awakening such a topic may be a question; but of the extent of
alarm which he must have felt to have led him to that expression,
there can be no doubt.
One of the rumours is, that the D---- of W---- was earnest for
disbanding one of the regiments of Guards, but that the D---- of
Y---- would not consent; another is, that the D---- of G----,
apprised some time back of the state of his regiment, forbid his
Adjutant to communicate it to the D---- of Y----. But these are
only rumours.
Reports continue of doubts about the Household Troops; probably
some mere inventions, and others exaggerated; but the mischief of
these reports is incalculable, because they promote distrust and
suspicion on the one side, and agitation and restlessness on the
other; and if one wished to create the evil, there could be no
readier way than by the unremitted discussions which prevail
everywhere upon this subject.
The 71st and 85th Light Infantry regiments, now under Sir J. Byng,
are ordered up to Uxbridge and to the neighbourhood of London; I
trust, therefore, and indeed I hear, that in Byng's district things
are tolerably quiet; but if the Q---- goes to Manchester, as she
threatens, the two regiments will perhaps have to march back again.
What you hear about Canning is true. He attends no Cabinets, and is
going to Italy.
The Q---- is sending what she calls her _Commissioners_ to
Milan. There are among them, as I hear, two respectable lawyers.
The Attorney-General said two days ago that the prosecutor's case
would take a month.
I am glad to hear you have good accounts from every part of the
Bucks Yeomanry. Everything looks too fearful to allow me the
expression of anything but the most heartfelt regret, that on a
question which in three weeks may decide upon the fate of the
country, there should be a single Grenville found among those whom
we may have to fear and (dreadful to think) to resist! I shall
return with you to town, for if there is danger where my brother
and you are, there will I be.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Malvern Wells, July 24, 1820.
You will, perhaps, have heard from my brother, to whom I wrote the
day I knew it, of the very handsome and kind manner in which the
Divinity Professorship at Oxford has been offered to Hodgson
through me, and I am sure it will have given you pleasure both on
his account and mine.
Lord Liverpool could hardly have found a more delicate or a more
effectual way of gratifying me, and I must say he has done so very
much indeed.
The appointment is, in all other respects, one that must do him
credit, and I trust it may lead to still further prospects for
Hodgson. It has long been a matter of deep mortification to me to
think how much Hodgson's universally acknowledged merits had been
put by on the account of the part he had taken in my support, and I
delight now in thinking that he will ultimately not be a loser by
that circumstance.
We shall, of course, meet on the 17th, if indeed that day is
adhered to; but, after so many delays, one hardly knows how to
reckon on any fixed time for this unpleasant business.
The revolution at Naples was wholly unexpected. Had it been looked
for, there was the ready resource of Austrian troops, which I still
hope may be effective in preserving tranquillity in the rest of
Italy.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, July 26, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
I have to return your Lordship many thanks for the proxy, though,
owing to my bad writing, it took such a circuit that it would have
been too late here for any good purpose had proxies been called
for, which they were not. Lord Ellenborough, to propitiate the
Chancellor, materially altered the form of the Bill, which enabled
that _wily_ adversary to throw it out altogether, which I doubt
very much whether he could have done had the alterations made in it
not given a fair pretext of want of more time to consider them. A
great point was, however, gained by the discussion, for Lord
Liverpool admitted that a considerable alteration must be made in
the existing law, and guarded his vote by this statement. Ministers
certainly appear low, and I have no doubt are under great alarm.
Dr. Lushington has given Lord Liverpool formal notice that the
Queen will attend all the discussions on the Bill in the House of
Lords. It is said she is daily to come from Barnes in a
coach-and-six. This must all be for stage effect, or rather for
intimidation; and really it is impossible to look forward to the
result without apprehension, especially knowing, as we do, that the
Ministers delight in half measures, and never take any decided line
if they can avoid it. In the House of Commons their authority is
decidedly at a low ebb. Canning has not been in the House for some
time. It is said he is going to join his family in Italy; and
people now contrast his conduct with that of the Chancellor who
co-operated with him in 1808 to whitewash the Queen, much to the
disadvantage of the latter (_i.e._, the Chancellor).
One idea very prevalent is, that the Queen will address the House
of Lords in a speech at the opening of the proceedings against her.
If any occurrence likely to interest you comes to my knowledge, you
may depend upon hearing from me; but I am thinking of making my
escape somewhere to the sea-side in the course of the next week,
for a short time at least.
Believe me, my dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,
J. PHILLIMORE.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Barmouth, July 27, 1820.
MY DEAR B----,
During the interval which elapsed between the time of your leaving
town and my setting off for Wales, not a single event took
place--not even a fresh report was circulated--which might afford
me the materials for a letter. My newspaper now speaks of a fresh
attempt at a compromise, accompanied with a proposal for restoring
the Queen's name to the Liturgy, which has been refused on her
part. Surely, notwithstanding all the absurdity and mismanagement
which we have seen, this must be impossible. The only way of
accounting for it would be some panic of personal alarm; but even
then, lowly as I think of his advisers, I cannot conceive that they
could consent to a measure of such inevitable and wholly useless
disgrace.
The eagerness of popular feeling, even in this Tory tranquil part
of the country--where there has not, since the extinction of
Jacobitism, been an opinion ever expressed on general politics, but
that all measures adopted by the King must be right--is
inconceivable. I was stopped in this little village the first day
of my arrival, by the master of a fishing-boat, to ask me whether I
thought the House of Commons would take care that justice was done
to the Queen. My wife, also, has met with two or three equally
strong proofs of the interest taken in this question. Pray tell me
what you hear of the disposition of the army. I have seen some
allusions to fresh discontents among the Guards on the subject of
some stoppage for breakfasts. The cause does not signify a pin, for
if the spirit once exists, occasions for manifesting it will never
be wanting.
Henry writes me word that he heard of scarcely anything at Milan,
or in the neighbourhood of the Lake of Como, but the Queen's
conduct, of which everybody seemed ready to give evidence. The
witnesses had all been placed on an allowance of thirty francs per
diem, which seems as good a device to invalidate their evidence as
could have been adopted, and many are supposed to have come forward
only _per chiappar il denaro_. The most material are said to be
some bricklayers, who must have peeped, he concludes, through the
windows.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
In the manner indicated in the preceding portion of this
correspondence, the great contest was carried on. The Queen had
evidently not miscalculated her power of dangerously exciting public
opinion; she had moved from the Alderman's house to the residence of
one of the ladies of her suite, and from thence had gone to a more
Queen-like abode, at a convenient distance from town, known as
Brandenburg House, Hammersmith; but wherever she went, the popular
hopes and wishes went with her,--and knowing the excitement she
produced, she redoubled her efforts to increase it, and direct it to
the advancement of her interests. The moderation of the Government she
regarded with studied contempt, and every indication they put forth of
a desire to treat her with as much respect as was consistent with their
duty to their Royal master, produced a more violent display of her
resolve to ride down all opposition. There is little doubt that the
King was now as much alarmed as annoyed; was often dissatisfied with
his Ministers, and quite ready to accept the services of any set of men
capable of relieving him from this serious embarrassment; but the task
was full of danger, and prudent statesmen like Lord Grenville and his
brother were not to be tempted into accepting it. The Coronation was
postponed, and the Court participated in their Sovereign's fears and
anxieties.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
E. Green, Friday, August 11, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
The K---- has been in this neighbourhood for the last fortnight,
living in the greatest retirement; his party consisting of very
few--the principal object of course the Lady C----, who is here.
They ride every day, or go on the water, or drive in a barouche;
the K---- and her always together, separated from the rest, and in
the evening sitting alone apart. I have heard of the Esterhazys
(who called on a friend here, and said the evenings were _triste
a mourir_), no cards, no books, no amusement or employment of
any kind; Sir Benjamin and Lady Bloomfield, Lord C----, Nagle,
Thornton, Keppel, and one or two more; I believe the Warwicks, for
two days; the Duke of Dorset. The secrecy that is preserved as to
their pursuits is beyond all idea; no servant is permitted to say
who is there; no one of the party calls on anybody, or goes near
Windsor; and when they ride, a groom is in advance, ordering
everybody to retire, for "the K---- is coming." The private rides
are of course avoided by the neighbours, so that in fact you know
almost as much of what is going on as I do, excepting that the
excess of his attentions and _enjouement_ is beyond belief.
The public are full of nothing but a communication between the
King and the Ministers, opened by a letter from her. I have not
the least idea it can possibly lead to accommodation, though it
is hoped so. I think Lord John Russell's letter most calculated
indeed for mischief, and for nothing else, for the idea of the
interference proposed is quite absurd; if it were to take place at
all, it must be through Parliament. The prospect of the opening and
of the result is tremendous, and enough to appal the stoutest
heart; however, we have weathered many storms, and I hope we shall
do so in this case. The Duchess of York wrote a very affecting
letter to the Duke just previous to her death. His Majesty has not
bestowed a _length_ of outward grief in the mourning. She is
certainly to be buried at Weybridge.
Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,
W. H. FREMANTLE.
P.S.--Lord Bulkeley has excused himself for the trial; he has been
very severely ill indeed, and I doubt much if he will have strength
to rally, though he is gradually, but very slowly, mending. There
are messengers going from and coming to the Cottage hourly almost
for the last two days.
CHAPTER III.
[1820.]
EVIDENCE AGAINST QUEEN CAROLINE. DIVIDED OPINIONS RESPECTING HER IN THE
HOUSE OF LORDS. DECLARATION OF LORD GRENVILLE. THE BILL OF PAINS AND
PENALTIES ABANDONED. THE KING DISSATISFIED WITH HIS MINISTERS.
CONVERSATION OF LORD GRENVILLE WITH THE KING. MINISTERIAL MANAGEMENT
OF THE QUEEN'S CASE. HER CONDUCT AFTER THE CONCLUSION OF PROCEEDINGS
AGAINST HER. REACTION IN THE PUBLIC MIND. THE QUEEN LOSES GROUND IN
POPULAR ESTIMATION. RETURNING POPULARITY OF THE KING.
CHAPTER III.
It is unnecessary to follow minutely the proceedings that took place in
both Houses of the Legislature, then generally looked upon as the trial
of Caroline of Brunswick,--let it suffice to state, that despite the
disclosures which they furnished, the Queen did not lose any of her
popularity. It was enough for the multitude which had so
enthusiastically embraced her cause, that the witnesses against her
were foreigners; and their national prejudices thus enlisted in her
behalf, carried her triumphantly through an ordeal that would have been
destructive to a much better reputation.[44]
[44] Whatever may be thought of the testimony of the Italian
witnesses, that of the English officers examined was above
suspicion. Their evidence, an impartial historian has
acknowledged, proved her guilty of conduct that rendered her
"unfit to be at the head of English society, and amply justified
the measures taken to exclude her from it."--Alison's "Europe,"
vol. ii. p. 466.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Putney Heath, Aug. 12, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
In spite of the rumours I hear on every side, I suppose the House
of Lords will meet on the 17th to prove the preamble of the Bill of
Pains and Penalties;--indeed, in the present state of things, I see
not what other course can be adopted. Lord John Russell's plan
really seems to me more pregnant with certain mischief than any
which has yet been suggested; and we are now suffering enough from
fluctuating and oscillating counsels to warn us against any
recurrence to measures which savour of timidity and hesitation. My
own idea is this, that in reality the Queen's partisans mainly rely
on the effect they can produce by their daily statements and daily
intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality
to make the elected subservient to their plans; and it is, I fear,
impossible as yet to calculate whether they may not be successful
in this. At all events, the Government will have received a shock
in the control of the House of Commons, which, constituted as they
now are, they never can recover. Never, indeed, in my recollection,
do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of
Ministry. I hear it from quarters which astonish me.
Lushington, I hear, now very much presides over the councils of her
Majesty; in many respects he is well calculated to please her, for
he is good-natured and obliging in his demeanour, rash in his
advice, and a lover to excess of popular applause. He is everywhere
with her now: airs with her, assists her in receiving addresses,
&c.
The only counsel to be employed for the King, as I am informed, are
the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Young, Parke, and two
civilians,--viz., the King's Advocate and Dr. Adams. They must rely
upon the Solicitor-General mainly, whose shoulders are quite equal
to the burthen. They are very unfortunate in the choice of their
civilians: the King's Advocate is clumsy and confused, and has no
practice; Adams is injudicious and impracticable, and has no
learning. I shall be exceedingly curious to see the outset of the
business; but probably it will be difficult to get a place, even if
the present heat continues.
Canning left London for Italy a few days ago.
Believe me ever, my dear Lord,
Your obliged and faithful,
JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.
P.S.--If there should be any idea of postponing the business (which
I do not in the least expect), perhaps you will have the kindness
to let me know as much.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Aug. 30, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
The discussions which have taken place, and the decision of
yesterday, astound everybody here. The Chancellor and the Prime
Minister differing and dividing on a question which the former
argues as vital to the jurisprudence of the country, is what
England, I believe, has never before witnessed; and these Ministers
remaining in the same Cabinet, and continuing to act together. How
can all this end? I was in town for a few hours on Monday, and it
appeared to me that in the streets the cry was increased instead of
diminished for the Queen. I saw several lawyers, dispassionate men,
and intelligent, who all confirmed this, and assured me that their
belief was, that be the evidence ever so strong, and the facts
proved, the public--and included in this, the middling class, the
shopkeepers--were determined to support her as an oppressed and
injured woman, and as hating and despising the character of the
witnesses. It also has not a little benefited her cause, that it
appears how much the King personally has prepared the evidence by
his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian
engines. I assure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot
calculate on anything less than subversion of all Government and
authority, if this is to go on; and how it is to end, no one can
foresee. I think, however (what I did not do when you told me so in
town), that the Commons will never entertain the Bill. But, again,
when will it ever come to the Commons? The mischief will be all
done previously; and the Press now is completely open to treason,
sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood with impunity. This alone, if it
continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer
establishments to be formed, or something to be done without a
moment's delay, by the well-disposed and loyal who have influence,
to check the torrent and to guard against the explosion which must
inevitably take place. I don't know whether you see the _Cobbetts_,
_Independent Whig_, and many other papers now circulating most
extensively, and which are dangerous much beyond anything I can
describe. I have an opportunity of seeing them, and can speak
therefore from knowledge; and the Government taking no steps
(knowing, perhaps, they cannot depend on a jury) to prosecute. What
do you find in the language of Government since the division? Is
the Chancellor submissive? and does he still cling to the Purse, or
will he surrender it?
The King here confines himself to the Cottage, has _hourly_
messengers--that is, dragoons, who are posted on the road by
dozens--and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but
he is very seldom seen, and this is only what one picks up.--You
have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this
neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject, and how the
Queen is still supported.--Adieu, my dear Lord. I should be glad to
know how you are, and what you think of the state of things since I
saw you.
Yours most faithfully,
W. H. Fremantle.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
MY DEAR B----,
Your prognostications of the present Bill standing over for the
decision of the rising generation, seem to be now, I will not say
verified, but far exceeded, as it must remain not for that which is
rising, but for that which is yet unborn, _if_ it be proceeded
in. You know the strong bias of my opinion was originally towards
an impeachment for misdemeanour, if a simple Divorce Bill could not
be carried; and really, as is usual on such occasions, everything
which passes seems to supply me with a fresh argument in favour of
that course. Certain, however, it is, that no course could possibly
have been adopted which would not have been marred by the weakness
and indecision of Ministers. The double cross-examination now
authorized, seems to me in its effect infinitely more inconvenient
than a communication of the list of witnesses, objectionable as I
thought that measure would have been originally. That at least
would have expedited the business, since it would have left no
pretence for calling for extended delay to prepare her defence. As
it is, under the most favourable circumstances to the Bill, I do
not see how it is to reach the House of Commons till after
Christmas, allowing an interval of six weeks or two months for
preparing her defence, which I suppose must be given. If this be
the case, how will it be possible for the House of Commons to
proceed to effect with such an examination as this, and at the same
time to go through the ordinary business of the session, increased
as it will be beyond precedent by the arrears and omissions of the
last?
There are many whose object it will be studiously and declaredly to
protract, in order that the business may necessarily drop to the
ground; and from the general aversion to the whole proceeding, it
seems to me that they must succeed.
The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to
establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard
against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the
whole crew of the _Vero Fidele_, &c. &c., are to be examined.
Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of
Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too
absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence
must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all
subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as
unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election
cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes
with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.
Thus had proceeded the months of June, July, and August; in September,
affairs looked worse. Libels against the Government abounded; the most
violent language was indulged in by the democratic leaders; formidable
riots became of frequent occurrence; in short, everything seemed to
denote a revolution.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if
the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt
extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined
yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His
conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid
with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with
great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact,
after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the
troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the
opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is
what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first
instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but
they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue;
and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they
would be. There has been, as you heard from the K----, a general
quarrel between the K----, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the
Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has
acted like an obstinate ----. What an abominable thing it is the
King not going ashore, and not showing himself to any of his
subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can
it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at
the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of
Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.
Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of
diminishing, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem
himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.
Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke
of B----, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened;
the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and
lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which
had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.
Ever, &c.,
W. H. F.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Six o'clock.
You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The
King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said,
of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless
the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was
deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a
conference of _four_ hours. The King, however, was not to be
persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day.
It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am
well informed, _facts_. The supposed cause is the Queen. The
Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively
refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King
forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present
servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would
be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and
throwing the country in a flame. However, be assured that the
general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may
judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord
Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton
House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be assured
that the King on this subject is no less _than mad_ He has said
he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any
compromise of any sort with the Queen.
Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
In the months of October and November it became evident that the frenzy
outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting an influence within its
walls. Notwithstanding Lord Grenville's manly declaration in his place
in the House of Lords, on the 6th of November, that the proceedings
before that assembly had furnished a mass of evidence that, in nine
hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, would have ensured a
conviction, several influential members of the Whig party as boldly
declared that nothing of the slightest importance had been brought
forward against the Queen.
The proceedings were drawing on, but the aspect of affairs looked
blacker every hour. "Matters here are in a critical state," writes Lord
Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst, on the 27th of October. "Fear and faction are
actively and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may
be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided in
a few days."[45] Plumer Ward, in his "Diary," has this entry under the
date of November 2nd:--
[45] Dean Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii p. 333.
"Called upon [Wellesley] Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a
long chat. He thought everything very bad--Ministers, Opposition,
King, Queen, Country--and what was more, no prospect of getting
right. All ties were loosened. Insolence and insubordination out of
doors; weakness and wickedness within. The Whigs, he said, were
already half Radicals, and would be entirely so if we did not give
way. I said his brother, the Duke [of Wellington], felt this too,
but would not give way, nevertheless. He replied that the issue
would soon be tried, for the Queen's question must determine it;
and asked how I calculated it would be. I said I could not hope for
a majority of more than thirty--so many friends of Government were
against us on the policy, though they had no doubt of the guilt."[46]
[46] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 70.
Under these untoward circumstances, sanguine members of the neutral
party were, as usual, speculating on a change in the Government. His
Majesty, according to some accounts, was taking the matter very
pleasantly. "The King," said Wellesley Pole, "to use his expression,
was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now
enjoying himself at Brighton. He wished he would show himself more."[47]
[47] Ibid. p. 73.
The same authority affords many other peeps behind the political
curtain. We quote one:--
"On leaving Pole, I met Hammond, my quondam colleague when we were
Under Secretaries of State together. He told me it was certain Lord
Grenville would support the Bill, and then asked me, with much
concern, whether the report was true that, if it did not pass,
Ministers had resolved to resign? I answered, that what they had
resolved in their own minds no one could tell, but that I thought I
could answer that no such resolution had been made a Cabinet
measure. He said he was very glad. I related this to ----, who said
with some vehemence, there was no reason on earth why they should
resign. They had been right and straightforward from the beginning,
and for one, he never would consent to it. ---- said, Hammond being
the mouthpiece of Canning, he had no doubt this was set on foot by
his party. I thought this was going too far; nevertheless, it is
surprising what industry they are showing against the Bill."[48]
[48] Phipps's "Memoirs of R. Plumer Ward," vol. ii. p. 73.
"Lord Grenville," adds the diarist, "voted for the second reading, and
spoke very ably, but so as to make us regret he had not spoken
earlier."[49]
[49] Ibid. p. 77.
The second reading of the Bill was carried, and this, according to Lord
Grey, stamped the Queen with a verdict of guilty. Having done this,
Ministers prepared to get rid of the proceedings as soon as possible.
How the affair terminated is well described in Plumer Ward's "Diary,"
under the date November 10th. We can only afford space for a few
lines:--
"The debate was now drawing to a close, and most of the peers who
were speaking, whether for or against the third reading (the Duke
of Northumberland very emphatically), were declaring their
conviction that the Queen was guilty. At length the division was
called, and Lord Gage enforced the standing order, that each peer
should give his vote in his place, _seriatim_. The result was the
small majority of 9; the numbers being 108 to 99. Lord Liverpool
then got up and withdrew the Bill, resting it upon so small a
majority _in the circumstances of the country_."[50]
[50] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 91.
The Opposition were, of course, in raptures with this conclusion of the
contest; but Ministers were still more delighted, the Duke of
Wellington especially. "Well," said he, "we have done exceedingly well,
and have avoided all sort of mischief, I think, with safety and without
dishonour. The votes put the question of guilt or innocence out of
doubt; the withdrawing is grounded upon mere expediency, and has
nothing to do with the verdict; had we given up before the third
reading, it would have been different."[51]
[51] Ibid. p. 93.
The metropolis was illuminated in consequence of the Government having
abandoned the prosecution.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Nov. 12, 1820.
Upon the whole, my dear B----, with the very imperfect means of
information which, at the distance of a hundred and eighty miles
from the scene of action, I possess, I am inclined to think the
conclusion to which this business has been brought, the best that
circumstances admitted of, and such as will afford the least
triumph to the Radicals. Still, though the least, it is far too
great for the safety of the country; and after the saturnalia which
the shameful supineness and cowardice of Ministers have allowed, I
know not how popular commotion is to be avoided. I feel as strongly
as you do the claim of duty which the country possesses upon every
man in such a conjuncture; yet I should most deeply regret if
circumstances should oblige us to connect ourselves with men from
whose previous conduct we could expect nothing but the shipwreck of
our own character, and the loss of those means, which we may
possibly possess by that character, of being of service hereafter.
After their inconsistency and vacillation upon so important a
subject as the Divorce clause, and voting against their own
declared opinion on a measure which they had themselves originated,
what dependence could _we_, small as could be our power, place
upon their support and co-operation in measures which we might
think necessary, and which, on the faith of that support, we might
pledge ourselves to?
At all events, I am most anxious that we should, for the present,
stand aloof, when there has been so much to disgust us in the
conduct of both parties, till we see what effect is produced by
what has happened. Something certainly might depend upon the nature
of the split which might take place in the Administration; but I
fear that there could scarcely be any one which would not ensure
the retirement of the only man whom it would be important to
retain--Lord Liverpool. Castlereagh might, perhaps, try as Premier;
but surely you would not think those encouraging auspices to start
under, insisting as you must do absolutely on the dismissal of the
Doctor and his whole train.
I had much rather myself if an opportunity offered of coming in
with the Whigs, trust to the usual and never-failing effect of
office in making them vehement anti-Radicals, in case we could make
some conditions for immediate measures, or rather against immediate
concessions; but I feel that this is, at the present moment, too
visionary a speculation. On the whole, I should repeat that we must
at present wait the course of events; and, above all, avoid
courting any offer from either party. Place and power are not
objects which you can be bound to seek, though it may be your duty
to accept them at a moment so perilous.
I expect company here, which would make it difficult for me to join
you at Stowe for some time. Of course, there will be a prorogation
on the 23rd; and it should seem most probable that, unless the next
three or four days should produce a general resignation, they will
endeavour to wait over the first ferment produced by the
abandonment of the Bill before they attempt any new arrangement.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
That the King was dissatisfied with his Ministers, is very apparent
from the following communications:--
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 23, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD,
Such a scene was never witnessed as that which took place in the
House of Commons this afternoon. After a petition had been
presented, and certain new members had been sworn, Denman got up to
make a communication from the Queen. Sir Thomas Tyrrwhit instantly
made his appearance; a clamour beyond all imagination arose; and
the Speaker descended from the chair, amidst cries of "Shame!
shame!" re-echoed through the House. The interpretation of this I
understand to be, that Denman saw the Speaker yesterday, who
advised him to change his form of proceeding from a Message from
the Queen to a communication from her; and _told him_, if he would
be in the House a quarter before two, he should have an opportunity
of making it. The Speaker having left the House in this state of
ferment and indignation, preparations were made to receive him on
his return (to read, as he usually does, the King's Speech) with a
sharp volley; but the Lords Commissioners, it seems, delivered no
speech, and the Speaker, instead of returning to us, retired to his
own home. It is but just to add, that I was not an eyewitness of
all these proceedings, for I reached the House just as the Speaker
was entering the House of Peers; but I heard the relation from
every one, and the indignation expressed at the Speaker's conduct
was not confined to the members of Opposition.
I hear no account of changes, &c., on which I can at all rely. The
Government, since the abandonment of their Bill, seem to have lost
their senses. They have done, I think, everything they ought not.
In my opinion, they are irretrievably gone. I have no idea that
they can long stand against the storm they have been so
instrumental in raising against themselves; and this is the
persuasion among many of those who have hitherto supported them.
Excuse haste. But believe me your Lordship's obliged and faithful,
JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.
RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Sunday, Two o'clock P.M., Nov. 26, 1820.
MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,