worthy of note: A man may go into another band and live there if he
choose, nothing much being said about it. Sometimes a man may not like
the chief of his own band and so go to another. There is neither
announcement nor formal adoption, he simply goes there to live. For a
time, it may be thrown out to him that he belongs elsewhere but after a
while he is always spoken of as a member. When a band begins, it may be
a group of two or three brothers, fathers, and grandfather, or a small
family band (which means the same thing); later, friends or admirers of
the head man in this family may join them until the band becomes very
large. Bands may split in dissention, one part joining another or
forming a new one. A new group is soon given a name by other people
according to some habit or peculiarity. They do not name themselves.
[26] For another list of Blood bands, see Maclean, (c), 255. For a
Piegan list, see Uhlenbeck, (a).
THE CAMP CIRCLE.
As among many tribes, there was a definite order of camping when the
circle of tipis was formed. While Mooney may be correct in his claim
that the circle of the Cheyenne is their fundamental social
organization, it cannot be said that the circle of the Blackfoot holds a
very close objective relation to their organization. In the first place,
each division (Blackfoot, Blood and Piegan) had its own circle and there
are no traditions that they were ever combined. When a circle is formed,
all visitors from other divisions must, like those from strange tribes,
camp outside and apart. Further, there is a firm belief among the Piegan
that the circle was never formed except for the sun dance and certain
related ceremonies connected with the beaver medicine. It seems likely
that if the circle were fundamental and not of recent origin, there
would be traces of a parent circle and vestiges of rules governing its
formation. Further, as among the Cheyenne, there is no great unanimity
of opinion as to the order of the various bands in the circle but at the
sun dance the leading men decide arbitrarily any doubt that may exist as
to the place of a particular band. The further discussion of this point
may be deferred until we take up the sun dance and its problems.
The opening in the circle is to the east and the order of bands is
enumerated from the south side of the opening, as in the characteristic
ceremonial order of movement. The present order for the Piegan is as
given in the list.
TRIBAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL.
In a way, the band may be considered the social and political unit.
There is, in a general sense, a band chief, but we have failed to find
good grounds for assuming that he has any formal right to a title or an
office. He is one of an indefinite number of men designated as head men.
These head men may be considered as the social aristocracy, holding
their place in society in the same indefinite and uncertain manner as
the social leaders of our own communities. Thus, we hear that no
Blackfoot can aspire to be looked upon as a head man unless he is able
to entertain well, often invite others to his board, and make a practice
of relieving the wants of his less fortunate band members. Such
practices are sure to strain the aspirant’s resources and many sink
under it; but he who can meet all such demands soon acquires a place in
the social life of the band that is often proof against the ill fortunes
of later years. This phase of their social life is very much alive,
having survived not only the changes in economic conditions brought
about by the reservation system but the direct opposition of its
officers. This story is oft repeated: a young man takes to stock
raising, accumulates cattle and horses, gradually taking into nominal
employ all his less able relatives who thus come to depend upon him.
Presently, he wakes up to the situation and entertains an ambition to
become the leading head man of his band, or even of all bands. Then
begins a campaign. He makes feasts, gives presents, buys medicines, and
supports ceremonies; thus making his home the center of social and
ceremonial activities, the leadership of which he assumes. His rivals
are stirred to activity also and the contest goes on apace. From
observation, we believe that bankruptcy is the usual result; but, unless
this comes at the very beginning of the effort, the aspirant acquires
enough prestige to give him some claim to being a head man for the rest
of his days even though he becomes a hanger-on at the door of a younger
aspirant.
Thus, the head men are those who are or have been social leaders.
Naturally, individual worth counts in such contests and he who is born
to lead will both in matters great and small. In former times, these
rivalries often led to assassination and other dark deeds.
Before the reservation system came in, deeds of the warpath were also
essential to the production of a head man, for in them was the place to
demonstrate the power to lead. Great deeds in social and ceremonial life
would alone elevate one to the status of a head man, though as a rule
the warpath was the line of least resistance.
These head men of uncertain tenure come to regard one or two of their
number as leaders, or chiefs. Such chiefs rarely venture to act without
the advice of some head men, as to stand alone would be next to fatal.
In tribal assemblies, the head men of the bands usually look to one of
these as spokesman, and speak of him as their chief.
While the tenure and identity of a head man is thus somewhat vague, his
functions are rather definite. He is the guardian and defender of the
social order in its broadest sense. Of this, he is fully conscious; as,
for example, no man of importance will accept an invitation to visit for
a time in a distant band or tribe without calling a consultation. Should
some head men of his band indicate disapproval, the invitations will be
declined. The theory is that the welfare of his band is endangered by
his absence. Above all, the head men are expected to preserve the peace.
Should a dispute arise in which members of their band are concerned, one
or more of them are expected to step in as arbitrators or even as police
officials if the occasion demand. When it is suspicioned that a man
contemplates a crime or the taking of personal vengeance some head men
go to his tipi and talk with him, endeavoring to calm him, giving much
kind advice as to the proper course for the good of all concerned. If he
has been wronged, they often plead for mercy toward his enemy. Again,
the head men may be appealed to for redress against a fellow member of
the band. In the adjustment of such cases the head men proceed by tact,
persuasion, and extreme deliberation. They restrain the young men, as
much as possible, after the same method. In all such functions, they are
expected to succeed without resort to violence.
For mild persistent misconduct, a method of formal ridicule is sometimes
practised. When the offender has failed to take hints and suggestions,
the head men may take formal notice and decide to resort to discipline.
Some evening when all are in their tipis, a head man will call out to a
neighbor asking if he has observed the conduct of Mr. A. This starts a
general conversation between the many tipis, in which all the grotesque
and hideous features of Mr. A’s acts are held up to general ridicule
amid shrieks of laughter, the grilling continuing until far into the
night. The mortification of the victim is extreme and usually drives him
into temporary exile or, as formerly, upon the warpath to do desperate
deeds.
When there is trouble between members of different bands, the head men
of each endeavor to bring about a settlement. Thus, if one of the
contending party is killed, the band of the deceased sends notice to the
murderer’s band that a payment must be made. In the meantime, the
murderer may have called upon a head man of his own band to explain the
deed. The head men then discuss the matter and advise that horses and
other property be sent over to the injured band at once. A crier goes
about with the order and members of the band contribute.[27] This offer
may be refused by the injured band and a demand made for the culprit’s
life. No matter how revolting the offence, the band is reluctant to give
up the accused without a fight. If no presents are sent in a reasonable
time, the injured band assembles in force and marches out. A head man
meets them for a conference, but a fight is likely. After a conflict of
this kind, the band killing the greatest number moves to a distant part
of the country and when the camp circle is formed keeps in sight but far
out to one side. This separation may continue for a year or more. In all
such disputes between bands, the head men of other bands may step in to
preserve the peace; but, according to report, they seldom accomplish
anything.
Taking the Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot as tribes, we may say that there
was a head chief for each. His office was more definite than that of a
band chief, though he was not formally elected. All the head men of the
various tribes came by degrees to unanimity as to who would succeed the
living chief, though the matter was rarely discussed in formal council.
The main function of the tribal chief was to call councils, he having
some discretion as to who should be invited. Some writers claim the
Blackfoot appointed two chiefs, one for peace and one for war; but we
could find no evidence for this, except that some band chiefs came to
have special reputations for ability as war leaders and were likely to
be called upon in time of need. They were not, however, regarded as head
chiefs. While the office of head chief was not hereditary, there was a
natural desire among the chief’s band to retain the office; thus it is
said that among the Piegan most of them have been members of the
Fat-roasters.
Everything of importance was settled in council. While each band was
represented there was no fixed membership; yet the head chief usually
invited those in excess of one member for each band. There seems to have
been no formal legislation and no provisions for voting. In former
times, the council was rarely convened except in summer. At the end of
the fall hunt, the bands separated for the winter to assemble again in
the spring at some appointed place. Even in summer they would often camp
in two or three bodies, each one under the leadership of some
able-bodied band chief, coming together for the sun dance at which time
only the whole tribal government was in existence.
The organized men’s societies among the Blackfoot were, when in large
camps, subject to the orders of the head chief or executive of the
council and on such occasions seem to have exercised the functions of
the head men of the respective bands. This subject will be taken up
under another head, but it is a matter of some interest to note how,
when such camps were formed, the head men of the bands were merged into
a council for the whole and the men’s societies became their executive
and police agents under the direction of the head chief. Thus, when
there was danger, certain societies were detailed to guard duty,
especially at night. As the chief aim of an organized summer camp was to
hunt buffalo and the success of a general hunt depended upon successful
co-operation, the discipline was devised to that end. The head chief
gave out orders for making and breaking camp, and rules and punishments
were announced. Thus, a man found running buffalo or riding about
outside without orders might have his clothes torn off, be deprived of
his arms, his horse’s ears and tail cropped. Should he resist, he might
be quirted and his hair cropped. His tipi and personal property might be
destroyed. However, these were extreme punishments, it being regarded as
best to get along by persuading the would-be wrong-doer to desist. The
punishment inflicted by the members of societies were not personally
resented, as they were acting entirely within their rights. As to
whether the men’s societies were police by virtue of their own
membership, or whether they were individually called out to form an
independent body is not certain, but will be discussed elsewhere.
A long time ago Nathaniel J. Wyeth[28] set down some interesting
theories concerning the economic reasons for the unorganized state of
the Shoshone in contrast to the buffalo-hunting horsemen of the Plains.
He doubtless sensed a truth in so far as the camp organization of the
Plains is considered as a type of government having for its chief
function the supervision and conservation of their immediate resources.
Perhaps of all cultural phases in this area, the one most often detailed
in the older literature is the organization and control of the camp when
pursuing buffalo. So far as we have read, the accounts for the different
tribes are strikingly identical and agree with the data from the
Blackfoot. In most every case, the horse, the tipi, the camp circle, and
the soldier-band police were present, even though the participants, when
at home lived in houses and cultivated corn. That the camp circle, or
band circle, is a special type of tribal political organization in this
area seems obvious. It would be suggestive to know just how some of the
tribes having clan organizations adjusted themselves to this scheme when
using the circle.[29]
-----
[27] One informant commented on this paragraph as follows: When the
payment is made it is through the head men of the bands concerned. The
head man of the band to which the wronged party belongs is given the
offerings and he passes on them. When he judges them ample, he takes
them to the wronged party and tells him to drop the case now since he
has received full damages.
[28] Schoolcraft, 205-228.
[29] We have heard that the Winnebago used a provisional band scheme for
the circle, entirely independent of their regular social organization
and in conscious imitation of the Dakota. If this proves correct, it
will throw some light on the whole problem of bands and camp circles.
PROPERTY RIGHTS.
When a man dies his property is raided by the relatives. The older sons
usually take the bulk but must make some concessions to all concerned.
If the children are young, the father’s relatives take the property. In
any event, nothing goes to the widow. She may, however, retain her own
personal property to the extent of that brought with her at marriage.
She may claim, though not always with success, the offspring of her own
horses. These are horses given her by her relatives and friends. Though
not clearly thought out, the feeling seems to be that as the widow
returns to her band she is entitled to take only such property as she
brought with her at marriage.
At the death of a wife, her personal property is regarded as due her
relatives, and may go to her daughters, if grown, otherwise back to her
band. Theoretically, at least, the woman owned the tipi, the travois,
the horse she rode, her domestic implements and clothing. Even to-day,
when the white conception of property tends to dominate, a man seldom
speaks when his wife bargains away her own hand-work, bedding, and house
furnishings.
Formerly, disputes concerning property were taken to the head men for
adjustment: now the settlements of estates go to the authorized Indian
court. Property was bequeathed by a verbal will. A man would state
before witnesses and his relatives what horses and property were to go
to the wife, to the children, etc. At present, written wills are
sometimes executed to protect the family. Under the old régime, the
relatives sometimes disregarded the wishes of the deceased and left
nothing for the widow and children; but, if a woman of good character
with many relatives, she was seldom imposed upon.
In the division of meat from a co-operative hunt, the best cuts went to
the chief, the medicine men, and the owners of medicine pipes. This is
somewhat at variance with the usual democratic way of doing things and
bears a striking resemblance to a similar custom among the Western Cree.
In an individual hunt anyone approaching a man engaged in butchering was
given meat, sometimes even the last piece. However, he was certain of
being invited later to eat.
DIVISION OF LABOR.
The women dress the skins, make their own clothes and most of those used
by men. They make most of their own utensils: the tipi, the travois, the
riding-gear, prepare and cook the food, gather the vegetables and
berries, and carry the wood and water. As the greater part of the
baggage, when travelling, is their property, they bear the burden of its
transportation. It is a disgrace both to himself and his women, for a
man to carry wood or water, to put up a tipi, to use a travois, to cook
food when at home and above all to own food or provisions.[30] While the
men usually did the butchering, the meat on arriving at the tipi became
the property of the women. A young man may cook food but in seclusion.
There is a pretty tale of a young fellow surprised by his sweetheart
while cooking meat. He threw the hot meat into the bed and lay upon it.
The girl embraced him and fondled him while the meat burned deeply into
his body; but he did not wince.
In the tipi, a man seldom rises to get a drink of water but calls on the
women to hand it to him. The men often make their own ornaments and
sometimes their leggings and coats. The painted designs upon men’s robes
and upon tipis are made by men; those upon parfleche and bags are by
women.
-----
[30] An informant states that this applies especially to married men:
that in some cases a young single man is called upon to get water after
dark, or at any time when it is very cold, a woman may call upon a young
man to get wood.
BIRTH CUSTOMS.
As the period of pregnancy nears its end the women discard their
bracelets and most of their metal ornaments. They dress in old clothes
and affect carelessness of person. Should a person look fixedly at one,
she will say, “Don’t. My child will look like you; you are ugly,” etc.
As the hour approaches, they retire to an isolated tipi where they are
attended by other women, men not being admitted. A medicine woman may be
called, who usually administers decoctions for internal use, supposed to
facilitate delivery. For bearing down, the patient holds to a pole of
the tipi, an attendant grasping her around the waist. When delivered she
is laced up with a piece of skin or rawhide as a support. She is then
required to walk or creep about in the tipi for a while instead of
resting quietly, in the belief that recovery will be hastened thereby.
The after-birth is thrown away and not placed in a tree as among the
Dakota.
Men should not approach the birthplace for a period as their medicine
and war powers would be weakened thereby. The father may enter but at
some risk. It is bad luck for men to step upon the clothing of the newly
born or touch those of the mother; lameness and other disorders of the
feet and limbs will surely follow.
Birth marks are regarded as evidences of re-birth. Boys so marked are
believed to be returned warriors bearing honorable scars. Twins are
neither regarded with suspicion nor especially favored. What data we
have seem to be against infanticide even in the case of great
deformities. Tales emphasizing the enormity of the crime are told of
mothers to whom suspicion attributed the death of such unfortunates. The
still-born, it is believed, will be born again.
MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS.
There is no special taboo upon a menstruating woman requiring her to
live apart but she is not supposed to come near the sick. The belief is
that in such a case something would strike the patient “like a bullet
and make him worse.” Further, at this time, women are supposed to keep
away from places where medicines are at work. These restrictions also
apply to immediate associations with men and to women lax in virtue.
CARE AND TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
Large families seem not to have been unusual though I have never seen
many children with one woman. Some old men now living claim to be
fathers of more than twenty children each, though not by a single
mother.[31] The young children, at least, receive considerable attention
and some discipline. They are sometimes punished by a dash of cold water
or a forced plunge. In former times, some old men were charged with
responsibility for each boy’s morning bath in the stream regardless of
temperature; hence, children were admonished that these men would get
them. Striking a child is not regarded as proper. The favorite boggie is
the coyote, or the wolf. Women will say, “Now, there is a coyote around:
he will get you.” Sometimes they say, “Come on wolf and bite this baby.”
Such words often compose lullabies, a favorite one being, “Come, old
woman, with your meat pounder smash this baby’s head.” After the use of
intoxicants became general, children were threatened with a drunken man.
From the first, children are taught to respect all the taboos of the
medicine bundles owned by the family and those of their relations and
guests. Girls are taught to be kind and helpful, to be always willing to
lend a hand, to be virtuous and later, to respect their marriage vows.
Special stress is laid upon virtue as a “fast” girl is a disgrace to all
her relatives. All children are expected to retire early and rise early.
They must respect the words and acts of the aged and not talk back to
elderly people. They are taught to take “joking” gracefully and without
show of temper. All “tongue-lashing” is to be taken quietly, without
retort. Should a child be struck by his equal, to retaliate in kind is
proper. All requests for service or errands made by elders, are to be
rendered at once and in silence. The ideal is the child that starts to
perform the service before it is asked; or, if asked, before the last
word of the speaker is uttered. Talkativeness is almost a crime in the
presence of elders. The ideal is he who sits quietly while the adults
talk. If he is teased, he may smile but not speak. Above all, when grown
up, he should be self-controlled as well as firm and brave.
Boys were taught to care for the horses and to herd them by day: girls
to carry wood and water and to assist with other children and household
duties. Before marriage, girls must be proficient in the dressing of
skins, the making of garments, and the preparation of food. About the
time of puberty, boys are expected to go to war. Singly or in pairs they
may get permission to accompany a war party, provided they have shown
efficiency in hunting. At such times, they receive new names, as
previously stated. While the boy is expected to go to war, his family
not only uses persuasion to keep him at home, but often forbids his
going. In any event, he gets permission or goes secretly. It is said,
that in this way the virtue of both parents and sons is shown.
We failed to find definite evidences of puberty ceremonies aside from
the boy’s change of name. Certain other small ceremonies may be noted.
Often when a child takes its first step or speaks its first word, the
parents are adroitly reminded that it is their duty to do something.
Then they give out presents or make a feast to which all the relatives
contribute. Ear-piercing is also somewhat of a ceremony and may be
accompanied by a display of wealth, except when performed at the sun
dance. An old woman is called for this service and, in imitation of a
warrior counting coup, calls out just before piercing an ear, “I have
made a tipi, worked a robe, etc., with these hands.”
-----
[31] “These Indians often have many children, who generally run and play
about quite naked, and swim in the river like ducks. The boys go naked
till they are thirteen or fourteen years old, but the girls have a
leather dress at an early age.” Maximilian, Vol. 23, 110.
DEATH AND MOURNING.
When one is taken ill the family sends for a medicine man, promising him
a horse. If the family is of some importance they may call in a number
of such men, to each of whom a horse is promised. They sit around the
tipi and work their magic powers in turn while their women assist with
the songs. Food and other comforts must be provided for them and their
enthusiasm stimulated by gifts of additional horses. A long acute
illness will deprive the family of its accumulated property. Often a man
will tell you that he is very poor now since he or some of his relatives
have been ill for a time. Medicine men usually permit the family to keep
the gift horses until needed and often transfer, or sell, their claims
to a third party. Should the patient die, they leave at once, often
taking with them all the loose property of the family.