ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS
OF THE
American Museum of Natural
History.
Vol. VII, Part I.
THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS.
BY
CLARK WISSLER.
NEW YORK:
Published by Order of the Trustees.
1911.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS
OF THE
AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
VOL. VII, PART I.
THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS.
BY CLARK WISSLER.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION
TRIBAL DIVISIONS
COURTSHIP
MARRIAGE AND ITS OBLIGATIONS
PLURALITY OF WIVES
POTENTIAL WIVES
THE MOTHER-IN-LAW TABOO
DIVORCE
RELATIONSHIP
NAMES
BANDS
THE CAMP CIRCLE
TRIBAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL
PROPERTY RIGHTS
DIVISION OF LABOR
BIRTH CUSTOMS
MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS
CARE AND TRAINING OF CHILDREN
DEATH AND MOURNING
TALES OF ADVENTURE
HERALDRY AND PICTURE WRITING
RECKONING TIME
OATHS
ETIQUETTE
AMUSEMENTS AND GAMES
GAMBLING
The Hand-Game
The Wheel Gambling Game
The Four-stick Game
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ILLUSTRATIONS.
TEXT FIGURES.
1. Section of a decorated Tipi
2. Selected Figures from a decorated Tipi
3. Symbols used in War Records
4. Methods of recording the Capture of Horses
5. Highly conventionalized Symbols
6. A sand Map showing the Course of a War Party
7. Map recording a Battle
8. Wooden Tops
9. A Stone Top
10. Top Whip with Lashes of Bark
11. Gaming Bows and Arrows
12. A Wooden Dart
13. The Wheel Game
14. A Shinny Stick
15. The Four-stick Game
INTRODUCTION.
In this third paper on the ethnology of the Blackfoot Indians full
recognition should again be given Mr. D. C. Duvall, with whose
assistance the data were collected by the writer on a Museum expedition
in 1906. Later, Mr. Duvall read the descriptive parts of the manuscript
to well-informed Indians, recording their corrections and comments, the
substance of which was incorporated in the final revision. Most of the
data come from the Piegan division in Montana. For supplementary
accounts of social customs the works of Henry, Maximilian, Grinnell,
Maclean, and McClintock are especially worthy of consideration.
Since this paper is an integral part of an ethnographic survey in the
Missouri-Saskatchewan area some general statements seem permissible for
there is even yet a deep interest in the order of social grouping in
different parts of the world and its assumed relation with exogamy, to
the current discussion of which our presentation of the Blackfoot band
system may perhaps contribute. We believe the facts indicate these bands
to be social groups, or units, frequently formed and even now taking
shape by division, segregation and union, in the main a physical
grouping of individuals in adjustment to sociological and economic
conditions. The readiness with which a Blackfoot changes his band and
the unstable character of the band name and above all the band’s obvious
function as a social and political unit, make it appear that its
somewhat uncertain exogamous character is a mere coincidence. A
satisfactory comparative view of social organization in this area must
await the accumulation of more detailed information than is now
available. A brief résumé may, however, serve to define some of the
problems. Dr. Lowie’s investigation of the Assiniboine reveals band
characteristics similar to those of the Blackfoot in so far as his
informants gave evidence of no precise conscious relation between band
affiliation and restrictions to marriage.[1] The Gros Ventre, according
to Kroeber, are composed of bands in which descent is paternal and
marriage forbidden within the bands of one’s father and mother, which
has the appearance of a mere blood restriction.[2] The Arapaho bands, on
the other hand, were merely divisions in which membership was inherited
but did not affect marriage in any way.[3] The Crow, however, have not
only exogamous bands but phratries. The Teton-Dakota so far as our own
information goes, are like the Assiniboine. For the Western Cree we lack
definite information but such as we have indicates a simple family group
and blood restrictions to marriage. The following statement by Henry may
be noted: “A Cree often finds difficulty in tracing out his grandfather,
as they do not possess totems—that ready expedient among the Saulteurs.
They have a certain way of distinguishing their families and tribes, but
it is not nearly so accurate as that of the Saulteurs, and the second or
third generation back seems often lost in oblivion.”[4] On the west, the
Nez Perce seem innocent of anything like clans or gentes.[5] The
Northern Shoshone seem not to have the formal bands of the Blackfoot and
other tribes but to have recognized simple family groups.[6] The
clan-like organizations of the Ojibway, Winnebago and some other Siouan
groups and also the Caddoan groups on the eastern and southern borders
of our area serve to sharpen the differentiation.
The names of Blackfoot bands are not animal terms but characterizations
in no wise different from tribal names. Those of the Assiniboine, Gros
Ventre, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Teton-Dakota are, so far as reported,
essentially of the same class. It seems then that the name system for
these bands is the same among these neighboring tribes of the area and
that it is an integral part of the whole system of nomenclature for
groups of individuals. This may be of no particular significance, yet it
is difficult to see in it the ear marks of a broken-down clan
organization; it looks for all the world like an economic or physical
grouping of a growing population.
We have seen in the Blackfoot system the suggestion that the band circle
or camp circle organization is in function a political and ceremonial
adjunct and that the exogamous aspects of these bands were accidental.
So far as we know this holds to a degree for other tribes using the band
circle.[7]
It seems probable that many discussions of social phenomena could be
expedited if clear distinctions were established between what is
conventional and what is the result of specific functions and
adaptations. Unfortunately, our ignorance of the processes involved and
their seeming illusiveness of apprehension make such a result well-nigh
hopeless. By the large, conventional things, or customs, appear to be
products of ideation or thinking. Now a band circle is clearly a scheme,
a conception, that may well have originated within the mental activities
of a single individual, a true psychic accident. Indeed this is
precisely what conventions seem to be—customs, procedures or orders
that happen to become fixed. A band, on the other hand, is not so easily
disposed of. The name itself implies something instinctive or physical,
as a flock, a grove, etc. Something like this is seen in the ethnic
grouping of the Dakota since we have the main group composed of two
large divisions in one of which is the Teton, this again sub-divided
among which we find the Ogalalla, and this in turn divided into camps,
etc. Though detected by conventionalities of language this dividing and
diffusing is largely physical, or at least an organic adjustment to
environment. Then among the Ojibway we have a population widely
scattered in physical groups but over and above all, seemingly
independent, a clan system; the latter is certainly conventional, but
the former, not. Now the Blackfoot band seems in genesis very much of a
combined instinctive and physical grouping, in so far as it is largely a
sexual group and adapted to economic conditions. In its relation to the
band system of government and its exogamous tendency it is clearly
conventional. What may be termed the conventional band system consists
in a scheme for the tribal group designated as a band circle. This
scheme once in force would perpetuate the band names and distinctions in
the face of re-groupings for physical and economic reasons. Something
like this has been reported for the Cheyenne who have practically the
same band scheme but live in camps or physical groups not coincident
with the band grouping, hence, their band was predominatingly
conventional. The following statement of the Arapaho, if we read
correctly, is in line with this: “When the bands were separate, the
people in each camped promiscuously and without order. When the whole
tribe was together, it camped in a circle that had an opening to the
east. The members of each band then camped in one place in a circle.”[8]
All this in turn seems to support the interpretation that the band
circle system is merely a conventionalized scheme of tribal government.
We have noted that among the Blackfoot the tribal governments are so
associated with the band circles that they exist only potentially until
the camps are formed; at other times each band is a law unto itself. So
far as our data go something like this holds in part at least, for the
neighboring tribes. As a hypothesis, then, for further consideration we
may state that the band circles and the bands are the objective forms of
a type of tribal government almost peculiar to this area, an
organization of units not to be confused with the more social clans and
gentes of other tribes to which they bear a superficial resemblance. In
closing, we may remark that exogamy is often but a rule for marriage
respecting some conventional groupings. The Blackfoot appear to have
paused at the very threshold of such a ruling for their bands.
December, 1910.
-----
[1] Lowie, (a), 34.
[2] Kroeber, (a), 147.
[3] Kroeber, (b), 8.
[4] Henry, 511.
[5] Spinden, 241.
[6] Lowie, (b), 206.
[7] See Mooney, 402; Swanton, 663; and Goldenweiser, 53.
[8] Kroeber, (b), 8.
TRIBAL DIVISIONS.
As previously stated, there are three political divisions of the
Blackfoot Indians. These were definite when the tribes first came to our
knowledge and their origins have long had a place in mythology. The
genesis of these divisions must forever remain obscure, though there are
a few suggestions as to what may have been the order of differentiation.
While the term Blackfoot has been used by explorers from the very first,
it seems also to have some general significance among the Indians
themselves. Thus, a Piegan will tell you that he is a Piegan, but if
asked who are the Piegan, will usually reply that they are Blackfoot
Indians. Naturally, this may be due to foreign influence, the idea of
subordination to the Blackfoot division having grown out of knowledge
that such a classification was accepted by the dominant race.[9] In the
sign language, there appears no distinct designation for the group as a
whole. According to our information the signs are:—
Blackfoot. Pass the thumb and extended fingers down the side of the leg
and supplement by pointing to black.
Blood. Crook the closed fingers and draw across the mouth, the teeth
showing. The idea is that of picking clotted blood from the mouth.
Piegan. The closed fist, fingers down, rubbed on the cheek. The idea is
“poorly dressed robes,” the sign signifying the rubbing of a skin.[10]
One informant claims the name to have been given by the Crow because the
first Piegan they killed wore a scabby robe.
To the many published stories accounting for the origin of the term
Kainaw[11] (Blood) we add the following from the Piegan which is
entirely consistent with the sign. A party of Piegan were found in the
mountains frozen. They lay in a heap. Afterwards, the Blood taunted them
by singing, “All in a pile.” Some time after this, some Blood were found
in the same condition but with dried blood and froth smeared on their
faces. Then the Piegan retorted by singing and making the sign. In daily
speech, the significance of kai seems to be some dried effluvium from
the body, hence, the name.
Henry gives a great deal of information as to the Blackfoot but is not
quite consistent in his classification, for though he recognized the
three historical divisions in his enumeration, he substituted two
“bands” for the Blackfoot;[12] the Cold band and Painted Feather’s band,
implying that these were distinct and strong divisions into which the
Blackfoot were divided. This may have been a temporary segregation under
two dominant leaders. Henry estimated the strength of the Piegan as
equal to all the other divisions combined, an estimate consistent with
all our information and with tradition.
There are some linguistic differences between the three tribes but these
are chiefly in the choice of words and in current idioms. The Northern
Blackfoot seem to differ more from the Piegan than the latter from the
Blood.
-----
[9] “All these Indians [Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot] are comprehended, by
the Whites, under the general name of Blackfeet, which they themselves
do not, however, extend so far, but know each of the three tribes only
by its own proper name.” Maximilian, Vol. 23, 96.
[10] Clark, 73, 74.
[11] See also Maclean, 44.
[12] Henry and Thompson, 530.
COURTSHIP.
It seems proper to begin the discussion of our subject with those
conventions directly associated with sexual activities. Among the
Blackfoot, as everywhere, the male is usually the aggressor. He lies in
wait outside the tipi at night or along the paths to the water and
wood-gathering places to force his attentions. This phase of sexual life
is often expressed in myths and tales, intercepting the girl with her
bundles of wood being the favorite.[13] Another manner of approach is by
creeping under the tipi cover into the sleeping place of the girls. When
countenanced by the girl’s family, attentions may be received by day in
full view of all, the couple sitting together muffled in the same
blanket, a familiar Dakota practice. Naturally, the girl may offer the
first invitation. The most conventional way is for her to make moccasins
secretly for the youth of her choice, this being regarded as the first
proper step. Curiously enough, when married the young bride is expected
to make a pair of moccasins for each of her husband’s male relatives.
Then they will say, “Well, my female relative (nĭmps) is all right, she
makes moccasins for us.” As the wife usually goes to live with her
husband’s people, this is something of a formal demonstration of her
worth to his family.
To all appearances, at least, virginity is held in very great esteem and
extreme precaution is taken to guard the girls of the family. They are
closely watched by their mothers and married off as soon as possible
after puberty. For a girl to become pregnant is regarded as an extreme
family disgrace. She will be scolded privately; but none of the family
will speak of the matter in public if it can be avoided, they bearing
their shame silently. No special demands are made of the co-partner in
her shame, the girl alone being the one held responsible. Marriage may
result, but the initiative is usually left to the man, since he is not
regarded as having erred or fallen into disfavor. The formal virginity
tests and puberty ceremonies practised among the Siouan tribes seem to
have no place in Blackfoot society. The male lover enjoys unusual
liberties. His efforts at debauchery are not only tolerated but
encouraged by his family and should he lead a married woman astray is
heralded as a person of promise. Thus, while great pains are taken to
safeguard young girls, boys are, if anything, encouraged to break
through the barriers.
While the flageolet is a favorite adjunct of courtship among many tribes
of the area, its use in this connection seems to have been ignored by
the Blackfoot. They did, however, resort to charms and formula known
collectively as Cree medicine, a subject to be discussed in another
paper. From what information we have, the pursuit of the female was much
less in evidence than among the Dakota and other Siouan tribes.[14] We
found no traces of conventional modes of registering conquests as among
the young men of the Dakota and Village Indians.[15]
-----
[13] Vol. 2, 58, 109.
[14] Wissler, (b).
[15] Maximilian, Vol. 23, 282-283.
MARRIAGE AND ITS OBLIGATIONS.
Before proceeding, it should be noted that the courtship discussed in
the preceding has no necessary relation to marriage, and may continue
secretly after one or both are married. Proposals frequently come from
the parents of either the girl or the man and often without the
knowledge of one or both of the contracting parties. Mr. Grinnell has
described in some detail what may be regarded as the most ostentatious
form of proposal,[16] making it unnecessary to discuss the matter here.
In general, it appears that the negotiations are carried on between the
fathers of the couple or between the father and his prospective
son-in-law. If successful, the next step is the exchange of presents.
Grinnell denies that there is an idea of wife purchase in these
transactions,[17] but when discussing divorce on the following page says
the husband could “demand the price paid for her.” According to our
information, the idea of purchase is still alive, though the woman
herself may, as Grinnell claims, be regarded as more than a chattel.
Even to-day, the bridegroom is expected to give a few horses and other
property to the bride’s parents, and though presents are often sent with
the bride, the bridegroom must return at least two-fold.[18] In former
times, it is said, well-to-do families prepared the bride with an outfit
of horses, clothing, etc., and paraded over toward the band of the
bridegroom to be met in turn by a similar procession and outfit. The
chief object here was a parade of wealth, that all the people might see
the social excellence of the two families; for, as just stated, the
bridegroom must in the end pay a price over and above the mere exchange
of presents.
A Piegan to whom the text was read commented as follows:—They do pay
for their women. When a man punishes his woman, he generally remarks
that he paid enough for her, and, hence, can do with her as he will. On
the other hand, if a man who gives few presents or pays nothing, becomes
exacting, the woman’s relatives will remark that as he paid little or
nothing he should desist; they may even take her away and find another
husband for her.
There is a belief that the father-in-law was for a time entitled to part
of the spoils of the chase and war, especially the latter. During the
period between the proposal and the marriage, the hunt was delivered to
the tipi of the prospective father-in-law and when cooked a portion was
carried to the young man’s tipi by the girl.
The formal marriage ceremony was simple, the couple taking their proper
places in the tipi and assuming at once their domestic responsibilities.
The husband was expected to hunt and accumulate horses; the wife to
prepare the food, make the clothing, etc. He had no great obligations to
her in his associations with other women; but she, on the other hand,
must strictly respect her compact. As the hour of marriage approached,
the girl’s relatives gave her a forceful talk on her obligations and the
shame of adultery. Her attention was called to the important part a
virtuous married woman may take in the sun dance as well as her fitness
to call upon the sun for aid in times of trial. She was threatened with
death, if she yielded to temptation. Formerly, it is said, a wife was
often executed for committing adultery. Should the husband fail to do
this, her relatives would often carry it out to save the name of the
family. Such executions are described as having been barbarous beyond
belief. Later, the woman’s nose was cut off; several women now living
bear these marks of shame.[19]
If the husband was a head man, he used his own judgment as to the
woman’s guilt and it is believed that the penalty was often due more to
his unreasonable jealousy than to real knowledge of his wife’s guilt.
Yet, in any event, the disgrace and shame for the relatives of both
husband and wife was so great that extreme penalties for mere suspicion
were considered justifiable, if the interested parties were of some
importance in social life. Another form of punishment was for the
husband to call on the members of his society to deal with the woman,
whom they debauched in the most shocking manner and turned out of doors
to become a prostitute. Not many years ago, a young man called in all
his friends, and delivered his faithless wife to them for such
treatment.
The lending of wives was looked upon as a disgrace, or at least as
irregular. A distinction should be made, however, between the favorite
wife and other wives. These others were often captured women from other
tribes, violated by a war party before becoming members of a household.
Such were often loaned by their masters without exciting public dissent.
It may have been such women that came to the notice of Henry and excited
his extreme contempt.[20]
-----
[16] Grinnell, 211-216; see also McClintock, 185.
[17] Grinnell, 217.
[18] “There is no particular marriage ceremony among the Blackfeet; the
man pays for the wife, and takes her to him; the purchase-price is
announced to the father of the girl by a friend or some other man. If he
accepts it, the girl is given up, and the marriage is concluded. If the
wife behaves ill, or if her husband is tired of her, he sends her home
without any ceremony, which does not give occasion to any dispute. She
takes her property and retires: the children remain the property of the
husband.” Maximilian, Vol. 23, 110.
[19] See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 110.
[20] Henry and Thompson, 526; also Maximilian, Vol. 23, 109.
PLURALITY OF WIVES.
There were no restrictions as to the number of women taken to wife, but
no woman could have more than one husband. Economic conditions, however,
were unfavorable to a household of many wives, so that many men kept but
a single wife and very few indeed ventured to support as many as five.
On the other hand, a man of importance was expected to have two or more
wives, suggesting wealth and resourcefulness. Plural wives speak of
themselves as niskas (married to the same man) or, if of considerable
difference in age, as elder and younger sisters. In the normal order of
events, the first wife is the real, or head wife (she who sits beside
him). A man may depose the head wife and confer the right upon another;
but such was regarded as unusual, except where the provocation was
great. When he went upon a journey, the head wife alone usually
accompanied him. In the transfer of medicines, she took the woman’s part
and afterwards cared for the bundle. It seems that in this function, at
least, she was secure from the whims of her husband. Again, there is the
belief that the marriage obligations demanded more of her; the other
wives, especially if young, were generally assumed to have lovers among
the young men even though such was formally forbidden.
It is said, that sometimes the intimate friends of a young man about to
marry would ask for the loan of his wife after marrying, but that in
such cases the wife rarely yielded to his requests as she was always
upheld in an appeal to his or her relatives. In the absence of other
data, it is not safe to consider this a survival of former practices.
However, it should be considered a possible phase of the distant-wife
relations.
POTENTIAL WIVES.
The sisters of a wife are spoken of as “distant-wives” and may be, in a
way, potential wives, though it is not clear that there was any
obligation involved when plural marriages were permitted. If a man
proved to be a good husband, it is said, he might be given the
“distant-wives” in turn, but there was no compulsion. The marriage of
sisters was justified on practical grounds, they being more likely to
live together in harmony. If there was a twin brother, the distant-wife
relationship applied to him also; if not an actual twin but an
inseparable companion (nitâks ok kowŏmmaul) the same term would apply,
though in these cases to a less degree.
There is, however, a curious social custom still in force by which a man
and his distant-wives are expected, on meeting, to engage in bold and
obscene jests concerning sexual matters. This is often carried to a
degree beyond belief. Thus, there is not only the same freedom here as
between man and wife, but the conventional necessity for license. As
practically all other relatives by marriage are forbidden the least
reference to such subjects, the force of the exception is greatly
magnified. For example, a man will not even relate the obscene tales of
the Old Man and other tales containing such reference in the presence of
his brothers-in-law nor before their immediate relatives. If we add to
this an equal prohibition against the presence of his sisters and female
cousins, we have marked out the limits of this taboo. Thus, it appears
that with respect to this taboo, the distant-wives are placed in an
exaggerated sense in the category of real wives. Other familiarities of
a man with his distant-wives are strictly improper.
THE MOTHER-IN-LAW TABOO.
The preceding may be a phase of the well-known mother-in-law taboo.
Among the Blackfoot, still, a man should not speak to his mother-in-law,
or even look at her. The taboo is equally binding upon her. If one is
discovered about to enter the tipi where the other is present, someone
gives warning in time to avoid the breach. Should the son-in-law enter,
he must make her a present to mitigate her shame; should the
mother-in-law offend, she must also make a small return. However, as
usual with such taboos, there are ways of adjusting this restriction
when necessary. If the son-in-law is ill, she may, in case of need, care
for him and speak to him; upon his recovery the taboo is considered as
permanently removed. Each may call on the other when in great danger,
after which they need not be ashamed to meet. Sometimes when a man went
out to war or was missing, his mother-in-law would register a vow that
if he returned alive, she would shake hands with him and give him a
horse and feel no more shame at meeting. The son-in-law may remove the
taboo by presenting a few captured guns or horses. Some informants claim
that four such presentations were necessary, after which his
mother-in-law would take him by the hand and thus remove the taboo. She
may receive support from her son-in-law but, even with the taboo
removed, must not live in the same tipi with him, a small one being set
up outside. It is observable that the presents for removing the taboo
bear some analogy to those made the father-in-law during the first
months of married life and may be genetically related to that
practice.[21]
The counterpart of this taboo does not prevail, since a man need not
avoid his daughter-in-law, his association with her being governed by
the conventions applying to his own daughters. Yet, it is not looked
upon as quite right for a man to spend too much time at the home of his
son. On the other hand, for a man to live with his father-in-law, or
spend a great deal of his time there, excites ridicule.
-----
[21] Among the Mandan, we are told, “the mother-in-law never speaks to
her son-in-law; but if he comes home, and brings her the scalp of a
slain enemy, and his gun, she is at liberty, from that moment, to
converse with him.”—Maximilian, Vol. 23, 283. Among the Assiniboine the
father-in-law taboo may be so removed.—Lowie, (a), 41. For the Cree we
may add:—“Amongst our visitors was the son-in-law of the chief; and,
according to Indian custom, he took his seat with his back towards his
father and mother-in-law, never addressing them but through the medium
of a third party, and they preserving the same etiquette towards him.
This rule is not broken through until the son-in-law proves himself
worthy of personally speaking to him, by having killed an enemy with
white hairs; they then become entitled to wear a dress trimmed with
human hair, taken from the scalps of their foes.” Kane, 393.
DIVORCE.
The chief grounds for divorce from the man’s point of view, are laziness
and adultery. For these or any other causes he may turn his wife out of
doors. The woman then returns to her relatives where she is cared for
and protected until another marriage can be arranged. The husband
usually demands a return for the property he gave for her at marriage;
he is sure to do this if she marries again. From the woman’s point of
view, adultery does not justify divorce, but neglect and cruelty may
result in abandonment. She flees to her relatives where she is safe from
attack. The husband’s family then opens negotiations with her relatives
and an attempt at adjustment is made. The woman’s family usually agrees
to another trial, but may finally decide to find her another husband.
Then her husband demands a settlement and is entitled to equivalent
return for what he gave at marriage. Thus, formal divorce is really a
restitution of the husband’s marriage gifts, or a refund of the purchase
price.
In general, divorce seems not to have been common as it was looked upon
as disgraceful under all circumstances and grievously expensive. The
behavior of the husband was softened by his knowing that in case of
continued discord his wife’s relatives were certain to interfere except
she were charged with adultery and even in that event would retaliate if
the accusation was manifestly unjust.
When the husband dies, the wife usually returns to her relatives who
again arrange for her marriage.
RELATIONSHIP.
The most important relationships in life are given in the accompanying
table where the equivalents in our nomenclature are given for the Piegan
terms: first, if the person considered is male, second, if female. In
general, it appears that the terms as applied by males to males are more
restricted and definite than those of males to females and females to
persons of both sexes, though in function the terms are so used as to be
equally intelligible. Thus, while a girl uses the term, father, in
addressing men married to her mother’s sisters, she does not confuse
this relation with the real one. On the other hand, it appears that the
system as given in the table is ordered on the theory that sisters
become the wives of the same man. This is also consistent with the
distant-wife relationship previously discussed. Further, the system
seems adapted to a gentile band organization in that the relationships
of the women are more inclusive on the father’s side; this, however, is
not entirely consistent.
_Relationships._
=Terms= =Significance as Applied to= =Significance as Applied to=
=Males.= =Females.=
nĭ′nna my father my father and husbands of my
mother’s sisters.
niksŏ′stak my mother and her sisters; my mother and her sisters;
wives of my elder wives of my father’s
brothers, brothers of my brothers.
father and of my mother.
nĭ′ssa^{x} my elder brothers and all my elder brothers and all
those of my mother; the those of my father and
elder (to me) sons of my mother; the elder sons of
father’s and mother’s mother’s brothers and
brothers. sisters.
nĭ′nst my elder sisters and elder
daughters of father’s and
mother’s brothers.
nĭ′nsta my elder sisters and elder
daughters of father’s
brothers and sisters.
nĭ′skŏn my younger brothers and
younger brothers of my
father; all my younger
first cousins by brothers
of my parents.
nĭssĭ′ssa my younger brothers and
sisters; all of my younger
first cousins.
nicĭnnaua^{x}s my father’s father, my
mother’s father; also can
be used for father-in-law.
nitau′ka^{x}s the mothers of my father and
mother and my father’s
sister; also my
mother-in-law.
naa′^{x}sa all my paternal and maternal
grandparents. Also my
father’s sisters and their
husbands.
naa′^{x}s my father-in-law,
mother-in-law; also may be
used for grandparents.
nĭmps wives of my sons, younger wives of my cousins, of my
brothers, and younger brothers and of the
cousins. brothers of my mother.
nĭstŏmmo′-wak husbands of father’s and
mother’s sisters; also my
sister’s husband.
nĭtaw′to-jombp husbands of my sisters.
There is a peculiar artificial relationship among boys that deserves
attention. Many of them have a male companion from whom they are almost
inseparable. The pairs are usually of the same age and grow up together
as it were; they play together, they go to war together, they aid each
other in courtship and in after life call on each other for help and
advice. These bonds often last until death.[22] The terms of
relationship for brothers are sometimes used by them and it is not
unusual for them to assume the equality of twins. Thus, a twin will
speak of his brother’s wife as his distant-wife, a term often used in
the same way by men holding the relation alluded to above.
Persons of any age or nationality may be adopted into a family. Formerly
a man losing a son might adopt a young man from his own or other bands,
or even a captive, to fill the vacant place; an old woman might, on her
own initiative, do the same thing. Very often the bosom companion of the
deceased would be recognized as a son by adoption, but without
obliterating his true family ties. In late years, a number of white men
have been adopted as a mark of respect and in all cases of this kind,
the Blackfoot expect the nominal support of a son to his parents. The
ceremony of adoption is not as elaborate and fixed as among the Dakota
and some other Siouan tribes, though a form of this ceremonial relation
is used in the transfer of medicines.
-----
[22] Mooney finds something similar among the Cheyenne and makes a vague
statement as to its wide distribution. Mooney, 416. However, it is
difficult to eliminate the instinctive from the conventional in a
comparative statement of this custom.
NAMES.
Each individual has a name. The name is single in that there is neither
family nor band name; though some persons, especially men, possess
several names, these are co-ordinate and never used jointly. The right
to name the child rests with the father; though he rarely confers it in
person unless a man of great importance. He usually calls in a man of
distinction who receives presents in return for his services. A woman
may be called, but less often than a man, be the child male or female.
There is no fixed time for this, but it is not considered right to defer
it many weeks after birth. The namer asks to have a sweat house made
which he enters, often in company with the father and other men he
chances to invite. After the usual sweat house ceremonies, the namer
suggests two or three names for consideration by the family. A selection
is then made, the father, in any event, having the right of final
approval. Prayers are usually offered by the namer. The conferring of
the name is regarded as of very great importance since the manner of its
doing is believed to influence the fate of the child during the entire
span of life. The virtue of the naming is greatly enhanced, if the
officiating person is one of great renown.
The name chosen may have various origins. As a rule, it will be the name
of some person long dead, if possible one of great distinction. Thus,
the writer was in a way adopted by a Blood head man, who gave him choice
of two names, one that of a distinguished warrior, the other of a great
medicine man. If a person living is known to bear the preferred name, it
may be slightly modified by the change or addition of attributes. Thus,
Little Dog may become White Dog, or simply Dog, to distinguish the
bearer from another of the same name. In all such cases, there is the
feeling that the name itself carries with it some power to promote the
well being of him upon whom it is conferred. Again, a father may name
the child from deeds of his own, as Two-guns, Takes-the-shield, etc. As
a rule, unless he has weighty deeds to his credit, the father will not
himself venture to confer a name. As always, there is the feeling that
unless the name is of great worth, the fates will be adverse to the
named. Sometimes, one may have a dream or hear a voice that gives him
power to confer a name; it goes without saying that such is considered
highly efficacious.
Mothers usually give the baby a special name according to some
characteristic habit or expression. This name is rarely used by others.
Women seldom change their names but men always do. When the youth goes
on his first war party his companions give him a new name. This name
often carries with it an element of ridicule and should the youth show
reluctance at its proposal it will be changed to
Not-want-to-be-called-etc. After the party has returned the family will
say to the youth, “Well, I suppose you have a new name: I suppose it is
the name of some old grandmother, etc.” Then the youth is forced to give
his new name which is certain to excite great merriment and teasing.
Later, when the youth performs some worthy deed, he will be given a new
and more dignified name. This will be his name as a man, though subject
to change at any time. Names are sometimes formally changed at the sun
dance by the chief-weather-dancer who announces, “Now, if you wish this
man to aid you, if you call upon him for help, etc., you must address
him as ——. His other name is now left behind at this place.” At other
times the change of names is less formal and may be at the sole
initiative of the person concerned. In practice, it seems that a man
never really abandons a name though always spoken of by the last
conferred or current name since he will say that he has two, three, or
any number, as the case may be, enumerating all those given him during
his life. While to ask a man his name is very rude, he himself seems
free to speak of it on his own initiative. The custom seems to rest upon
ideas of politeness, since not to have heard a man’s name even before
meeting him is said to reflect upon his good standing among the people.
BANDS.
Each of the three tribes is composed of bands, kaiyok′ kowŏmmostĭijaw,
implying not only bonds of friendship but bonds of blood.[23] These
bands have been discussed by Grinnell who considers them true gentes[24]
though he states that in recent times, at least, the adherence to
exogamy was not absolute. For our part, we have met with many
contradictory statements and observations among the Indians now living,
so that we can do no more than offer what seems to be the most
consistent view of the data available.
In the first place, while the band is a definite group in the minds of
the Indians and every individual knows to what band he belongs, they
manifest uncertainty as to how membership is determined and as to its
bearing upon marriage restrictions. There is, however, no evidence of a
belief in a band ancestor, human or animal; and, hence, no band totem.
The name of the band has no relation to a founder but is supposed to
designate, in a way, some peculiarity common to the groups as a whole.
Thus, the names are in theory and kind the same as tribe names—Blood,
Piegan, etc.—originating normally after the manner of object names in
general and apparently not in conformity to some system or belief
concerning descent or relationship.
At marriage, the wife goes to her husband and is considered as belonging
to his band. The general feeling seems to be that the children belong to
the band of their father. Should the father die, the mother and children
will go to their relatives best able and willing to care for them, but
the children will always be called after their father’s band. Should the
mother’s relatives in her own band be few and not as able to care for
the children as the father’s people, they remain in the father’s band.
These relatives may live in the same band, but in any event, the mother
takes the dependent children with her. Should she marry in another band,
as is frequent, her children may reside with her in their step-father’s
band. There is no rule governing cases of this sort and it is said that
the children usually go to the band in which they have the strongest
ties. Yet, they are seldom really lost to the sight of the father’s band
and are often reminded by them that they properly belong to their band.
Thus, it seems that the bands are in part, at least, gentes. Yet a man
may change his band even in middle life.[25]
For a man to join the band of his wife at marriage is not unusual. The
reasons for such changes are usually selfish, in that greater material
and social advantages are offered, but we have no suggestion of such
transfers being made with the idea of recruiting a depleted band. A man
who changes his band may become a head man or even a chief without
hindrance, as in the case of a well-known Piegan chief now living. Thus,
it appears that there is no absolute rule of descent in band membership
and that what bonds exist are rather those of real blood relationship
than of an artificial system. Further, it appears that continuous
residence or association with a band is practically equivalent to
membership therein. The individual seems free to select his band.
To marry within the band is not good form, but not criminal. Thus, when
a proposal for marriage has been made, the relatives of the girl get
together and have a talk, their first and chief concern being the
question of blood relationship. Naturally, the band affiliations of the
contracting parties cannot be taken as a criterion since both may have
very near relatives in several bands and cousins of the first degree are
ineligible. Should the contracting parties belong to the same band but
be otherwise eligible, the marriage would be confirmed, though with some
reluctance, because there is always a suspicion that some close blood
relationship may have been overlooked. Thus, while this attitude is not
quite consistent, it implies that the fundamental bar to marriage is
relation by blood, or true descent, and that common membership in a band
is socially undesirable rather than prohibitive. If we may now add our
own interpretation, we should say that the close companionship of the
members of the band leads to the feeling that all children are in a
sense the children of all the adults and that all the children are
brothers and sisters and to a natural repugnance to intermarriage.
Further, since most of the men in a band are in theory, of common
paternal descent, even the informal adoption of a stranger would tend to
confer upon him the same inheritance which as time dulled the memory
would become more and more of a reality. In any event, the attitude of
the Blackfoot themselves seems to imply that the band system came into
existence after the present marriage customs and adapted itself to them
rather than they to it.
A woman is called nĭmps by all members of her husband’s band, not his
actual relatives. She may speak of all male members of the band older
than herself as grandfather while the younger males may in turn speak of
her as mother. Sometimes men of the same age as her husband, speak of
her as “distant-wife.” While this may be consistent with a theory of
gentile band organization in opposition to other data secured by us, our
opinion is that it is at least equally probable that these terms were
originally applied as marks of respect and circumstantial association,
and consequently of little value as indicating the genesis of the band
relations.
We must not permit the question of exogamy to conceal the important
political and social functions of the band system. As one informant
says, “the members always hang together at all times.” In another place,
we have noted how the responsibility for the acts of individuals is
charged to the band as a whole and how all are bound to contribute to
the payment of penalties and even risk life and limb in defense of a
member guilty of murder. In such, we shall doubtless find the true
function of the Blackfoot band. The confusion as to exogamy seems to
arise from the fact that blood ties tend to hold the children to the
band of the father.
The tendency is for each band to live apart. When a band becomes very
weak in numbers or able-bodied men, it takes up its residence beside
another band or scatters out among relatives in various bands, but this
is from necessity rather than choice. At present, the Blackfoot reserves
are dotted here and there by small clusters of cabins, the permanent or
at least the winter homes of the respective bands. By tradition, this
was always the custom, though tipis were used instead of cabins. When
two or more bands choose to occupy immediate parts of the same valley,
their camps are segregated and, if possible, separated by a brook, a
point of highland, or other natural barrier. The scattering of bands
during the winter was an economic necessity, a practice accentuated
among the Thick-wood Cree and other similar tribes. Something was lost
in defensive powers but this was doubtless fully offset by greater
immunity from starvation. In summer, the bands tended to collect and
move about, both for trade and for the hunt. From what information we
could secure, this seemed to be a natural congregation under the
leadership of some popular man, usually a head man in his band. While
the tendency was for the bands as a whole to join such leaders, it often
happened that part of a band cast its lot with one group and part with
another; however, such unions were usually temporary, the whole band
being ultimately re-united when the tribe finally came together, either
to trade at a post or to perform a ceremony.
Grinnell gives a list of the bands which he implies are to be taken as
existing about 1860 and this agrees quite well with the information we
secured. From the foregoing, it is natural to expect changes at any
time. Since the names seem particularistic in their significance, we
give only Mr. Duvall’s translations. For the Blood and North Blackfoot,
our list is less complete.[26]
Piegan Bands.
1. Solid-Topknots 12. Short-necks
2. They-don’t-laugh 13. Many-medicines
3. Worm-people 14. Small-robes
4. Blood-people 15. Red-round-robes
5. Black-patched-moccasins 16. Buffalo-dung
6. Black-doors 17. Small-brittle-fat
7. Fat-roasters 18. Undried-meat-in-parfleche
8. Skunks 19. Lone-fighters
9. Sharp-whiskers 20. No-parfleche
10. Lone-eaters 21. Seldom-lonesome
11. White-breasts 22. Early-finished-eating
Blood Bands.
1. Fish-eaters 5. Many-children
2. Black-elks 6. Many-lodge-poles
3. Lone-fighters 7. Short-bows
4. Hair-shirts
North Blackfoot Bands.
1. Many-medicines 4. Biters
2. Black-elks 5. Skunks
3. Liars 6. Bad-guns
These lists are doubtless far from being complete. Even among the
Indians themselves confusion seems to exist as to some names since a
band may be known by two or more names. Under these conditions we deemed
the preceding data sufficient to our purpose. Mr. Grinnell explains the
existence of bands of the same name among the various divisions as due
to members of the bands leaving their own tribe to live with another. As
we have no data on this point it must pass, though we see no reason why
some of the band names may not be older than the tribal divisions. On
the other hand, some of the translated names for Gros Ventre bands as
stated by Kroeber are identical in meaning with some of those found
among the several tribal divisions of the Blackfoot. Again, we are not
ready to accept unconditionally the opinion of Grinnell that the
disparity between band ties and blood ties is due to the gradual
disintegration of tribal life, having previously stated our reasons for
assuming the system of blood relationship the older form and pointed out
that the band is rather political than otherwise.
-----
[23] As to the origin of the term band, used so generally by the older
writers and traders of this area, we have a suggestion from Keating:
“The term _band_, as applied to a herd of buffalo, has almost become
technical, being the only one in use in the west. It is derived from the
French term _bande_.” Keating, 379. We may venture that the use of this
term for a head man and his following among the Indians of this same
area was suggested by the analogy between the two kinds of groups, these
old naïve observers not being blinded by sociological preconceptions.
[24] Grinnell, 223-224.