THE NORMAN PERIOD TO 1180
With the advent of the Normans in 1066 the subject of arms and armour
in England becomes more definite and exact. This is chiefly owing to
the Bayeux Tapestry, to the multiplication of MSS., carvings in ivory
and metal, and the records preserved upon seals. The date of the famous
tapestry has long been a matter of dispute, but it is universally
agreed that if it was not woven by Matilda and her handmaidens it was
certainly begun and completed within fifty years of the Conquest. Hence
its reliability is undoubted upon contemporaneous arms and armour.
[Illustration: FIG. 83.--Norman pennons (Bayeux Tapestry).]
_The Lance._--The head of the lance was commonly of the leaf form, and
sometimes approached that of the lozenge; it was very seldom barbed,
although this variety, together with the others, appears upon the
Bayeux Tapestry. The horizontal bar-guards, so characteristic of the
Anglo-Saxon spear, are very rarely pictured; they were not, however,
relinquished by the conquered nation, but are seen at times in MSS.
written subsequently to the Conquest. Nearly all the Norman spears
were embellished with pennons of from two to five points (Fig. 83).
The length of the spear appears to have differed little from that of
the Anglo-Saxon, and like that weapon they were of uniform thickness
throughout (Figs. 88, 91, 92, 93, &c.).
[Illustration: FIG. 84.--Figure from “Massacre of the Innocents.”
(Cott. MS., Nero, C. 4, _c._ 1125.)]
_The Sword._--Remembering that the Normans were essentially a
Scandinavian nation, we might fairly expect to discover traces of their
origin in the sword of the period, and this we find to be the case. It
was still straight, long, and double-edged, slightly tapering towards
the acute-angled point. The quillons were straight at the time of the
Conquest, but became bent in a small degree towards the close of the
period; the grip was without swell, and a spherical knob formed the
pommel. The scabbard was suspended upon the left side by a small cord
round the waist, but occasionally was supported by the hauberk by being
passed through a hole in the garment, which thus concealed a portion
of it. See Fig. 84, which dates from _c._ 1125, and exhibits this
peculiarity.
_The Bow._--At the battle of Hastings the Normans appear to have been
extremely well provided with bowmen, in contradistinction to the
Saxons. The Conqueror is said to have reproached the latter for this
omission, but archers appear in the ranks of the Saxons on the Bayeux
Tapestry, grouped in small numbers among the axemen, and arrow-heads
of iron are occasionally found in Saxon graves. It would appear that
all the Norman foot soldiers carried bows, and we know that the rain of
arrows from the sky had a marked effect upon the fortunes of the day at
Hastings. The bow was of very simple construction at that time, and the
quivers were without covers, and at times slung upon the back, so that
the arrows are seen over the right shoulder.
_The Mace._--At Hastings the Saxons appear to have used the stone
hammer and the Normans a mace having the head heart-shaped; they had
recourse to this after the lance had been splintered. The axe is not
seen in the hands of the Normans, though it subsequently came into high
favour with them, but many of the Saxons wield the weapon which, from
its handle being four or five feet in length, may justly be termed the
pole-axe.
[Illustration: FIG. 85.--Details of armour (Bayeux Tapestry).]
[Illustration: FIG. 86.--Figure showing coif worn under mail.]
The body armour of this period is of great interest by reason of its
complexity and variety. Upon the Bayeux Tapestry there are delineated
seven different kinds, which are reproduced in Fig. 85. No. 1 is
undoubtedly the ringed byrnie which we have noted during the Saxon
period, and No. 2 is either intended to represent interlinked chain
mail or, what is more probable, scale armour, as it is invariably
represented with the points of the scales downwards. These scales were
of various materials, such as iron, bronze, leather, cuir-bouilli, and
horn. Cuir-bouilli was leather softened by boiling (generally in oil),
and stamped or moulded into a definite form when in that condition;
upon drying it became intensely hard and tough. It was a favourite
agent for defence for centuries, and did not eventually disappear in
England as such until the close of the fourteenth century. Nos. 3 and
4 may possibly be composed of iron rings or discs of metal lying upon
leather or padded material, with strips of leather sewn on between
the rings. Some authorities profess to discover jazeraint work in
this representation, which was a method of defence much used in later
centuries for archers’ jacques and various other garments, but we have
no right to assume that the Normans at that period carried such a heavy
weight of armour as this would necessitate, or were acquainted with
such a technical and complicated manufacture as jazeraint work implies.
The circles, moreover, are too large to represent studs. Nos. 5 and 6
are the ordinary markings used for the Gambeson (or Wambeys), the plain
quilted defence which is perhaps the most ancient of all armours and
was known to the early Egyptians. It was padded with a soft material
such as wool, or tow, or cloth reduced to shreds, which was enclosed
between two layers of material and then sewn together. Although
offering but little opposition to a lance-thrust it was highly
efficacious in warding off a sword-cut, or stopping arrows when not
delivered at short range. Against the mace, or a stone from a sling, it
was of little use in preventing bones from being broken. This defence,
with various styles of quilting and varieties of stuffing materials,
was in use for many centuries in England as an under garment, to
prevent the chafing of chain mail and plate, besides affording
additional protection, while among the rank and file of our English
armies it was often the only defence worn. In MSS. it is shown in
different tints, invariably self-colours, but occasionally in stripes,
chequers, &c., and this serves to prove, if proof were needed, that the
surface exposed to view was not metal but material. No. 7 is a crude
representation of the ordinary conical helmet, furnished with a nasal,
to which is attached a coif or camail of quilted material, defending
the back and sides of the head and falling upon the shoulders. As a
rule, this quilting was continued over the head, and protected the
wearer from the chafing of the helmet, while at the same time it
distributed its weight. At times, however, this method was not in use,
but a separate covering of soft or padded material was adopted; in Fig.
86 it is represented cut into the shape of a coif and tied under the
chin. No. 8 is an example of different markings upon the same dress
which is very common in MSS.; it is invariably introduced in those
places where additional defence was required or desirable, and probably
consisted of metal reinforcing the under garment.
[Illustration: FIG. 87.--Methods of representing different kinds of
defences, other than plate.]
It may not be out of place to deal at this point with various armours,
quite apart from plate, which will be referred to or illustrated
in this work. Hewitt has dealt with this subject perhaps more fully
and lucidly than any other author, and the woodcut on opposite page
(Fig. 87) is taken from his work. No. 1 is perhaps the commonest
of all, and will be referred to as “banded mail.” Its construction
is fully dealt with in Chapter VII. Occasionally the lines between
the alternate crescents are shown double, but probably that is only
a modification of this style of defence. During the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries it was in constant use, and did not altogether
die out for some considerable time afterwards. It is interesting to
compare the variations in this style either of the actual defence or of
the modes of delineation by the artists; the brasses of Bacon, Creke,
d’Aubernoun, Northwode, Raven, Cheyne, &c., may be cited as examples
worthy of interest in this respect, though many more may be found upon
careful inspection. No. 2 is very common in illuminated MSS., and is
occasionally found chiselled upon effigies; the Trumpington brass
is an example of its incision in metal. No. 3 is generally found
exemplified in brasses and effigies of the thirteenth to the fifteenth
centuries, and is by far the finest method for representing interlinked
chain armour. It has a richness and reality which is unsurpassed by
any other method. On the brass of Sir Thomas Burton it is shown in
perpendicular chains; horizontal on that of Sir William Bagot; large
rings are engraved in the case of Sir John Hanley, and there are many
examples of small rings. On the brass of Sir Robert Russell there is a
remarkable width between the parallel rows of chains, from which it
may be inferred that although the chain-mail proper linked laterally,
and also above and below, occasionally parallel chains linked at the
sides only were in vogue. It is probable that the mail shown on the
d’Aubernoun brass is of the latter pattern. No. 4: early examples of
this are to be found on the Septvans and Buslingthorpe brasses. No. 5
is taken from one of the Temple Church effigies; a modification of this
method, in which the lines are straight, may be seen upon an incised
figure of a knight at Avenbury, Herefordshire, _c._ 1260. No. 6 occurs
upon foreign effigies. No. 7 is an example of the mail shown upon the
monumental statue of Sir William Arden, in Aston Church, Warwickshire.
No. 8 is from early woodcuts. Nos. 9 and 10 are probably intended to
represent banded mail, and No. 11 appears upon an ivory chessman of the
thirteenth century. No. 12: this has been mentioned as occurring in the
Bayeux Tapestry, and there are many other instances of its use. No. 13
occurs upon the Great Seal of King Stephen and other examples of early
seals. No. 14, a variety of No. 12. No. 15, from a steel statuette;
the indentations appear to have been made with a punch. No. 16 is from
an effigy in Bristol Cathedral. No. 17, from Roy. MS. 14, E. IV., a
manuscript written and illuminated for King Edward IV. No. 18 is much
used upon seals--one of King Stephen, for example. Nos. 19 and 20, from
Add. MSS. 15295 and 15297. No. 21, from two MSS. of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries (Egerton MS. 809; Add. MS. 15268). No. 22, from
Harl. MS. 2803.
[Illustration: PLATE IX
The “Rhodes” Suit at the Rotunda, Woolwich]
[Illustration: FIG. 88.--Armour, _c._ 1190.]
Under the gambeson or the hauberk or both was worn a tunic reaching
nearly to the knees, and as a rule a little longer than the defensive
garments. It is well shown in the accompanying figure (Fig. 88, from
Harleian Roll, Y 6, “The Life of St. Guthlac,” a work of the close of
the twelfth century).
[Illustration: FIG. 89.--Norman hauberk, 1066.]
_The Hauberk._--The hauberk was to the Norman what the byrnie was to
the Saxon, the chief method of bodily defence. The coif for the head
was generally a part of it, with only a small opening for the face, but
at times it is shown made in two pieces, the lower extending upwards
to the neck and the coif falling over it. This was doubtless to afford
better means of adjustment for the gorget, plastron-de-fer, or other
reinforcement which was undoubtedly worn under it upon the breast. The
lower part of the garment was generally made to open up the front in
order to afford convenience in riding, but occasionally examples are
met with where openings are made upon both sides. For foot soldiers no
opening was, as a rule, necessary. In some cases the reinforcement for
the breast appears upon the outside of the hauberk in the shape of
a square or oblong pectoral; when worn thus it was possibly of metal
plates or studs attached to leather (Fig. 89).
[Illustration: FIG. 90.--Tegulated armour, _c._ 1090.]
[Illustration: FIG. 91.--Scale armour. (Harl. MS., 603.)]
Towards the end of the eleventh century the different distinct styles
of armour became more numerous, and do not present such uniformity as
at the time of the Conquest. Hefner gives an illustration of tegulated
armour (Fig. 90) from a painting on vellum dating from _c._ 1090,
when this system appears to have been introduced. In the original the
plates are silvered, and some bosses on pendant scales of a figure
shown upon the right are gilded. The square or oblong scales are shown
as overlapping like slates upon a roof, and being probably sewn upon
leather would afford a good protection to the wearer. Two soldiers also
in the same group have chausses of mail of the same description, and
the coif is continuous with the body portions of the hauberk.
[Illustration: FIG. 92.--Armour, 1148. (Add MS., 14789.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 93.--Goliath. (Harl. MS., 2803.)]
_Chausses_ of mail of various patterns apparently came into general
use about the commencement of the twelfth century. They are mentioned
above, and apparently in the figure referred to (No. 90) are continuous
scale work round the limbs; in other examples they partake of the
character of half-leggings protecting only the knees and shins of the
wearer (Fig. 86). An excellent example of this (Fig. 92) is afforded by
a small representation in an illuminated manuscript Bible of the date
1148, where, in a capital letter F, the figures of David and Goliath
are introduced, the giant lying prone upon the central projection of
the letter with a stone in his forehead and the neck of the hauberk
partly cut through. This is beautifully illustrated in Shaw’s “Dresses
and Decorations.” The hauberk is shown continuous with the coif; the
legs are protected by chausses of some pliable material, thickly
covered with protective studs. These evidently fasten down the back,
and are drawn over the feet by bands or straps meeting underneath.
Later still, in a MS. written about 1170 (Fig. 93), we have an example
of Goliath wearing chausses consisting of a thin material which creases
near the calf, and only a single row of the protective studs down the
shin. The short boot is analogous with those worn in Fig. 88, though
here defended, or ornamented, with a few studs.
[Illustration: FIG. 94.--Great Seal of Alexander I., King of Scotland.]
_The Norman Shield._--The shield generally adopted by the Norman
cavalry was kite-shaped and probably of Sicilian origin; it was
either flat, or round so as to encircle the body to some extent. The
protection afforded by such a shield is obvious, inasmuch as it guarded
the upper part of the body where it was the broadest, and by tapering
downwards defended the left leg. It was invariably made of wood and
covered on both sides with leather, in addition to which extra defences
of metal were added. Shields of this description are referred to which
intimate that the whole of the exterior was of polished metal, though
they seem to be exceptional. On the great seal of Alexander I., King
of Scotland (Fig. 94), the rivet heads are shown upon the reverse of
the shield, which fastened the plates in position. It was held in the
left hand by a bar or strap near the inside upper portion as shown
in the figure. The length varied, but may be taken as approximately
four feet in height with a maximum width of two feet. The shield for
foot soldiers was somewhat small, as may be seen in Fig. 88. At the
time of the Conquest flat shields were frequently used, but all were
eventually bowed. The umbo occasionally appears in illuminated MSS.,
but its use was exceptional. In nearly every case a guige, which
is very plainly shown in many of the engravings, is provided for
suspending the shield round the neck. The round shield (Fig. 95) is
of much rarer occurrence. It is shown in Harl. MS. 603 and other MSS.
of the close of the eleventh century, and was very probably confined
entirely to foot soldiers.
[Illustration: FIG. 95.--Circular shield, _c._ 1090. (Harl. MS., 603.)]
_The Helmet._--The characteristic defence for the head at this period
is the conical helmet fitted with a nasal, thus distinguishing it from
the Saxon type, which did not possess this extra defence for the face
until a few years previous to the Conquest, when Norman influence
began to prevail in England. In the Bayeux Tapestry the nasal is
shown upon practically all the Norman helmets, which are invariably
conical and not very high; they were secured to the head by straps
under the chin, and at times by laces to the body armour. The nasal
continued in use until about 1140, when it was generally discarded, but
isolated examples may be found in every succeeding century down to the
seventeenth. It was fixed or movable, and that worn by the Conqueror at
Hastings was of the latter description, as he removed it to reassure
his force by a sight of his features when a report spread that he had
been slain.
A neck defence was at times fitted to the helmet, which reached to the
ears on either side and depended to the shoulders: it is shown in Fig.
85, No. 7. Cheek-guards also were in use.
It must not be supposed that the Phrygian-shaped helmet affected by
the Saxons became obsolete in the Norman period; on the contrary it is
frequently represented in MSS. (_cf._ Harl. MS. 603, eleventh century;
Harl. MS. 2800, twelfth century, &c.).
During the period under discussion (1066-1180) various additional
weapons were introduced which the exigencies of warfare appeared
to necessitate. Foremost among these was the military pick called
variously the Bisacuta, Oucin, and Besague, designed to perforate the
joints between the metal plates of the hauberk. It is shown in Fig.
109, furnished with one point only, though it commonly had two, as
might be inferred from the name Bisacuta. It was a modification of the
martel-de-fer. A dagger for the use of foot soldiers was also in use,
adapted for rushing upon and disabling knights who had been unhorsed
in a cavalry charge; it was termed the Cultellus, and appears to have
attained occasionally the dimensions of a short sword. One of the most
ancient of weapons is the Guisarme, which, in its earliest forms, is
conjectured to have been a combination of the scythe and the prong.
The advantage of having a weapon with a cutting edge and also adapted
for thrusting, while at the same time serving to ward off a blow by
entangling another weapon in the angle formed by the junction of
the two, would appeal very strongly to the foot soldier, by whom it
was chiefly used. The term “bisarme,” by which it was occasionally
known, would indicate the dual nature of the weapon, which consisted
essentially, in all its multitudinous variations, of a cutting glaive
with a rising spike at the back. It was always fixed to a staff six or
more feet in length, and at times the knife edge partook more of the
nature of an ornamental axe than of the glaive. Frequent mention of
“grinding of the guisarmes” occurs in ancient writers, from which we
infer that the cutting edge was one of its valuable characteristics,
while references to the “deadly” or “destructive” guisarme are
very common. Some appear to have had small bells attached to their
extremities to frighten the horses of the cavalry. So common was the
weapon that in Scotland it became one of the recognised means of
offence with which the foot soldier was required to be provided.
The bipennis, or double axe, was still in use, but only by the Saxon
element; the complete fusion of the conquerors and the conquered led to
its gradual extinction as a national weapon.
[Illustration: PLATE X*
Armour of Charles V. (Work of Negroli)
_A. F. Calvert_]