The new royal hospital being reestablish_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 47, 1728-1759 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

necessary for its maintenance being provided for in the royal treasury,

for its business management and the assistance of the sick there

were allotted a steward, a physician, a surgeon, nurses, and the

other servants who were deemed necessary; and for its spiritual

administration the discalced religious of the holy order of our

holy father St. Francis, in the province of San Gregorio of these

islands--which arrangement was approved by a royal decree, dated

at Madrid, May 20, 1624. It has continued in this manner up to the

present century, when, on account of the lack of religious for the

Indian villages dependent on the Franciscans, and other just reasons,

they were released from the ministry of the said royal hospital,

and the government appointed secular priests as chaplains, with a

suitable income. The cost of maintaining the hospital in its present

condition is reckoned at 6,841 pesos, thus: The chaplain, steward,

and physician, at 300 pesos each; the surgeon, 240; [46] the chief

sacristan, three nurses, one assistant surgeon, the keeper of the

wardrobe, the cook, and the doorkeeper, each 96 pesos; with this

the ordinary expense, 1,368 pesos. [It also requires] 960 cabans of

rice, 384 gantas of cocoanut-oil, and 8,400 fowls; also 2,000 pesos,

at which amount the provision for medicines is permanently fixed, and

215 pesos besides, which sum is allotted for the cost of wine for mass,

wax, and other expenses which are incurred for the titular feast day,

which is All Saints' day. Interments are made in the royal chapel

of this garrison, which also has for the year's expenses 3,220 pesos

more, without counting the extraordinary expenses which are necessary

during that time in the hospital, for beds, tents, and other needs,

and in the royal chapel for ornaments and the other requirements of the

divine worship. In the said royal hospital, without a special order

from the superior government no other persons are received, whatever

their rank may be, besides the officers and soldiers who are in actual

service; and, although some mariners resort to this institution--and

these are few, on account of the distance of their residence, which

is in Cabite--it has not, either, a ward for women. The steward,

the chaplain, and the chief sacristan (who usually is a priest) have

their residence in the said hospital, and are continually on duty. The

physician and the surgeons are present both afternoon and morning,

to visit the sick and give prescriptions for what seems necessary. The

nurses and the other servants lack the intelligence which is required

[in such work], for those who are occupied in it are poor persons,

who have no other situations; and, as the employment is arduous, they

do not remain long in it. Several high officials, in discussing this

matter, have showed their preference that this responsibility should

devolve upon our religious. It is certain that the object of that same

institution calls for different service, and might also excuse some

[further] expense to his Majesty; but as this depends upon the royal

command, it has not proceeded beyond mere talk.

The hospital of our religious order--of which mention will be made

further on, as not limited to a special class--is a general one,

for men and women of all classes; and in this same holy exercise of

their ministry is secured the relief and general consolation of the

needy who resort to this charity.

Hospital of San Lazaro

Without the walls of Manila is another hospital, with the name of

San Lazaro, in which are gathered all those who are stricken by the

contagious disease of the same name; it is administered and cared

for by the religious of our holy father St. Francis, and his Majesty

has assigned to it, by virtue of a royal decree of January 22, 1672,

a contribution of 1,187 pesos 4 reals every year--500 pesos in cash,

paid from the royal treasury; the rest is the estimated value of

1,500 cabans of rice, 1,500 fowls, 200 light Ilocos blankets, and

one arroba of Castilian wine for the holy sacrifice of mass.

Hospital of San Gabriel for the Sangleys

There is also another hospital outside the walls; it is under the

protection of St. Gabriel, and in the charge and administration of

the religious in the venerable Order of Preachers of the province of

the Santissimo Rosario of these islands; it is designed solely for

medical treatment for the Chinese (or Sangleys) who reside in this

country. For its maintenance at the beginning, there was assigned

to it by his Majesty the ferry across the great river which flows

between the said hospital and this city; but this allowance ceased

at the building of the great bridge which afterward was constructed,

and by royal decree of November 26, 1630, the said allowance was

commuted to the sum of 2,000 pesos each year, which is paid from the

communal chest [47] which the Sangleys themselves maintain.

Hospital of Los Baños

In the village of Los Baños, in the jurisdiction of the province of La

Laguna, which is distant five leguas from Manila, was founded another

hospital at the account of his Majesty; it was for the convalescent

soldiers, on account of the specific properties of the waters of

that district, particularly for venereal diseases [Galicos]. But the

institution has been steadily declining with the course of time, and

at present there remains only one religious from the holy order of

our holy father St. Francis, who is assisted from the royal exchequer

with 120 pesos a year.

[Royal] allowances for infirmaries

In virtue of a royal decree of September 4, 1667, every year are issued

[treasury] warrants for 300 baskets [sextos; apparently misprint

for cestos] of rict and 200 fowls for the infirmary which the holy

Order of St. Dominic maintains in the convent at the village of Lalo,

the chief town of the province of Cagayan. By another royal decree,

dated January 18, 1706, there are also issued to the holy order of

our holy father St. Francis 100 pesos for medicines, and the value of

129 pesos in various commodities, and 800 fowls, for the infirmaries

which it maintains in this city, [in] Pagsanhan, the chief town of the

province of La Laguna, and [in] Naga, the chief town of the province

of Camarines. It is understood, however, that this aid is only for the

treatment of the sick religious belonging to the said holy communities.

Hospital of Zamboanga

In the fortified town of Samboanga is maintained a dwelling for the

sick soldiers, who are assisted by a practitioner with the title of

surgeon; for this occupation he is paid four pesos four reals monthly,

and for the treatment of the sick a chest of medicines is sent from

Manila every year. The lack of skill on the part of this practitioner

or surgeon, and, moreover, the fact that less provision is made for

the entire amount of assistance [there given] than the hospital

order requires, enable one to see what the men in garrison there

will suffer. But it is inferred that those are in worse condition

who serve in the garrisons of the fortifications of Nuestra Señora

del Rosario in Iloylo, San Pedro in Zebù, Santa Isabèl of Paragua

in Calamianes, San Francisco in Cagayan, and San Joseph of Tanda in

Caraga--not to mention many other posts that are dependent on these

principal fortresses--where there is no attendance of surgeons,

and no medicines are sent thither. Our community, knowing this,

shares in their affliction, by not being able to aid them for lack

of the permissions from superiors and the adequate assistance which

were indispensable for the proper care of the soldiers.

[The book ends with another chapter, headed "Digression xvii,"

which contains an apology for the deficiencies of the work, and an

account of two miraculous interventions (by their founder St. John

and by an image of the Virgin) at their convent in July, 1739. On

the former subject he says: "I avoid repetition of the reasons for

the lack of elegant style and exactness of terms, and will conclude

by saying that various other deficiencies that may be encountered are

irreparable; for these natives who serve as amanuenses are so averse

to all orthography that even the greatest exactness in pointing out

their errors, in work of this sort, cannot prevent them from making

mistakes. Some words they separate [from those] to which these belong,

and others they do not divide; they write proper names with a small

[initial] letter, and place capitals in the midst of any word;

sometimes they set down the words without the least understanding

of the punctuation. On this account it is necessary that the reader

discreetly supply what [deficiencies] of this sort he may notice;

and if this [manuscript] be transcribed for any purpose, that it be

corrected beforehand--for this effort has already been made, but has

not been sufficient; nor would it be, even if the manuscript were

copied over and over, for what is thus made correct in one place is

compensated by a new error in another place." He ends with the usual

protestation of loyalty to the doctrines and precedents of the church,

dated at Manila, July 10, 1740.]

LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE INDIA COUNCIL

I wrote last year to your most illustrious Lordship, by way of Nueva

España and Portugal, mentioning the pleasure which I felt at the

news that your most illustrious Lordship held the presidency of the

Council of the Indias; for besides the affection which I profess to

your most illustrious Lordship, ever since I experienced your kindness

in Balladolid, I have looked for the like success in the management

of the important affairs which are entrusted to the Council, and I

hope that these unfortunate and remote regions may have a share in

the good results which their government needs.

In regard to the troubles which have afflicted this commonwealth:

The Dutch, keen to avail themselves of opportunities to extend their

commerce, sent hither a warship in the year forty-four, under pretext

of an embassy; it was in charge of Monsieur Duvins, the second factor

in their trade with Japon. He carried letters from the governor and

council of Batavia for the governor and Audiencia here, in which it was

stated that he came to look for a bark named "Cathalina Magdalena"--for

which a Swiss heretic had given pledges to the Company at Batavia with

his own person; it had sailed from here with the name "Sancta Ana," and

a commission from the governor here; but it was sold to the Company,

who changed its name, and in the charge of the same Swiss it came back

here to trade, with consignments belonging to the Dutch. And since, in

order to send the squadron to China, [48] the departure of the vessels

which were in this bay was prohibited, the said bark was compelled to

winter here; and, under pretext of looking after these [commercial]

interests, the Dutch sent their envoy with credentials. He carried

himself, while here, with the air of an ambassador, and claimed that

we should treat him as such, that we should give him audience in a

session of the royal court, and that the auditors should visit him;

but in polite terms he was given to understand that without express

order from his Majesty he could not be treated as he desired; and it

was resolved that answer should be made to the letters with entire

courtesy--stating that no such bark as the "Cathalina Magdalena" had

landed at these islands; but that, if through stress of any storm it

should enter our ports, it should receive succor, and our friendly

relations would be maintained in all things. His principal topic,

however, was that free trade should be permitted to him here, and that

the Dutch should bring us all the merchandise necessary for us. But,

as he found no opening for a proposition of that sort--on account of

the prohibition [of commerce] in the laws [of the kingdoms] and in

the treaties of peace, and because of the damage which would ensue to

the islands from admitting within them the different religion which

neighbors so cunning and so powerful [as the Dutch] would undertake

to impart to them--he returned home much disgusted, publishing to the

Dutch that Manila could be captured with five hundred soldiers, and

even urging this enterprise as an easy one on Barnet, the commander

of the English squadron which was then at Batavia.

The Dutch, not discomfited by this repulse, or by the loss of 50,000

pardaos [49] (which are 37,500 pesos)--which as they write from

Batavia, the above-mentioned ambassador expended--made an agreement

with an English corsair who was at Batavia, with a ship of fifty-two

guns and another of thirty, to the effect that under his own flag

he should escort four Dutch ships, which they despatched to Acapulco

last year with merchandise. And in order to hinder the galleon from

leaving this port they deceived a Frenchman, [50] who was very well

known here, hinting to him that the squadron of Barenet [sic] and the

corsair were going to attack Manila; and they hastened his embarkation,

at the cost of 4,000 pesos, in order that he might notify us here. Then

they gave orders to the corsair, with two other ships of their own,

to let themselves be seen at the entrance of Mariveles, in order to

throw Manila into alarm and hinder the sailing of the galleon. By

[causing] this fright they succeeded in their purpose to prevent the

sailing of the ship, which was lightened of its cargo as soon as the

information which the Frenchman gave reached us; and the 4,000 pesos

were paid [to him] for the cost of this warning. The said four ships

sailed to leeward, and sighted the coast of Ylocos, whence we had

news of this. But they could not attain their principal object; for

when the six ships had come together in China, and were laden with

[goods worth] 900,000 pardaos (each containing six silver reals),

they expected the vessel which, after having given that warning

here, was to cross over to China [51] and carry to the Dutch a pilot

for the navigation to Nueva España; but it could not reach China,

and was obliged to go to Batavia. The four Dutch ships and the two

[English] corsairs, resolved to carry out their project, sailed from

Canton on the fourteenth of September, bound for the coast of Nueva

España and Perú to carry on illicit trade, [52] and the English to

make reprisals. But God, who chose to punish so mischievous a design,

permitted that a hurricane should attack them, when they were four days

out from Canton; and as a result the two corsairs were driven back to

China--the larger vessel dismasted and battered, and the smaller one

badly damaged. The four Dutch ships, badly leaking, spent twelve days

in searching for an anchorage on the coast of Ylocos, in order to make

repairs; but not finding one, they went back to Batavia, with their

goods damaged. According to what is written to us in a despatch that

is just received from Batavia--from a person who was sent there from

here to make observations on the condition of the English piratical

squadron--the Dutch lost on their merchandise half of its value; and

the corsair sold for 17,000 pardaos his ship of fifty-two guns, with

all its military supplies, since it was no longer fit for navigation,

while he went with the other and smaller ship--it is said without

[stopping for] food--to another port to repair it. [It is also

reported] that the squadron of Barenet had departed for Bombain,

toward the Persian Gulf, to cruise against the French, from whom

he seized at the Straits [of Malacca] nearly a million pesos. The

person who was sent from here to Batavia (who is a Malabar) with a

balandra was detained there under the pretext that the governor had

gone away, and orders were given that he should not be permitted to

depart until the governor's return. But he informed us of everything,

by a vessel which he despatched with six men and a French pilot; and

he reported that three Dutch fragatas were being equipped and laden

with merchandise in order to carry on illicit trade at the entrance

of [the Gulf of] Californias, carrying [respectively] forty, thirty,

and twenty-five cannon. In his opinion, this was the cause of his

detention, in order that, by news [from him] not reaching Manila,

the galleon should not sail for Nueva España, and their intention

not be known here.

On account of all these advices, and those which we had previously

received by way of China making the same statement about the English,

it was resolved here that, since the chief [cause for] fear, which was

the said squadron--which occasioned the letter with order from the

Marqués de la Enseñada, [53] to give warning that a ship should not

sail from here with cargo--had ceased, and since the commonwealth was

in the most deplorable extremity, with a shipment of goods which had

been driven back to port, and laden and unladen the second time, and

in evident risk of being lost, a final effort was made by dividing the

cargo between two ships equipped for war. One of these carried seventy

cannon and the other fifty-two (seventy and forty [respectively]

being mounted), and a corresponding number of men, resolved to defend

their property and with sufficient force to make resistance to the

entire squadron of Barenet, whose ships carried fifty-two, forty-five,

forty, and thirty cannon. For the cost of this enterprise the body

of merchants offered to aid with 50,000 pesos in Acapulco; and this

effort seemed necessary, for, as the viceroy of Mexico had orders

not to allow any money to come here, he understood them so strictly

that last year he sent a bark [54] without one real. Nevertheless,

he was not ignorant that the situado had not been sent here for three

years: that with this, and the failure of the [Acapulco] trade, the

treasury of the islands ran short 60,000 pesos each year in customs

and anchorage duties; that the citizens would necessarily be reduced

to poverty, and that these domains were utterly helpless; and that

by despatching the aid in November it would arrive here in entire

safety from the English--who only through general lack of military

foresight were able to secure the prize which they made; for these

islands have various ports where our ships can land (thus mocking

the enemy), as occurred in the late war; but when they come by the

ordinary route and the artillery is in the hold, no other result

[than their capture] can be expected.

The damage, most illustrious Sir, is already done, but it calls to

heaven for a remedy for the future. That which I propose is, that,

since [the merchandise for] this commerce was formerly supplied,

either by sending our barks to the Malabar coast, or by Armenians,

Moros, or Malabars coming thence with their ships and goods--only

tolerating that they might bring some French pilot--orders be

given to observe this plan so strictly that warning be given to the

Audiencia, the archbishop, and the city [of Manila] that they shall

give information if the governor shall contravene those orders, and

some exemplary punishment be meted out. For the despotic power which

the governors, under pretext of their services, have assumed is great;

and the freedom which they have given to the English and the French

[55] has arrived at being general license. From this prohibition it

follows that they cannot gain so much knowledge about the country

and its forts, and that they cannot so greatly injure this commerce,

[as hitherto]; for the Asiatics are never so shrewd as the Europeans,

and their only concern is for their business, without meddling in

observations of our forts or our forlorn condition. To this remedy

I add that which I have proposed to the Council, and which on this

occasion I repeat.

Observing the aforesaid freedom, the Dutch have ventured to come

[against us] with the ease which the Swiss heretic had represented

to them; and if this Swiss had not been allowed to come here with

his bark, he would not have involved us in such difficulties with

the Dutch, for they, in pique, undertook to introduce their commerce

into Nueva España--tempting the viceroy with 300,000 pesos which they

carried thither last year, planning to give him this money so that

he should tolerate [their trading]. And since they are now returning

I fear that they are planning to occupy some port in California,

[56] in order that it may serve them as a magazine--like the island

of Curazas [i.e., Curacoa] in the North Sea--and to make arrangements

for carrying on their commerce from Batavia with the same ease as from

here. And in order to prevent these or others from undertaking such a

scheme (which would be the destruction of America), I have collected

testimony regarding all which can aid the Council to realize how,

without any expense to the royal treasury, and with the men of whom

we have here more than enough belonging to the navy-yard and ships,

[Manila] can be fortified for that part of America, for the security

of both these and those domains; but I hope for the success of the

former proposition, in order not to pile up schemes. I assure your

most illustrious Lordship that this can be pushed forward in a way

which will be very useful to the nation; because, in order to keep

the Dutch under control, it is enough that they know that we keep

in readiness the three galleons each of seventy cannon, which the

commerce ought to have, and four fragatas besides, with which we can

disturb the commerce of the Straits for the inland regions. This is

especially easy to do with the English, because, even though they send

squadrons from Europa, many of their men die, and they use up their men

as fast as they gain ground; and in this country they can never do us

harm if we do not give way [to negligence], as hitherto [we have done].

I hope that your most illustrious Lordship will pardon the annoyance

of this, as springing from my zeal [57] for the service of the king

and the welfare of the nation; and I confide in the inborn devotion

[thereto] of your most illustrious Lordship, whose life I entreat

God our Lord to preserve for the many years which I desire and

need. Manila, July 16, 1746. Most illustrious Sir, I kiss the hands of

your most illustrious Lordship. Your most devoted and humble servant,

Pedro Calderon y Henriquez (with rubric)

[Addressed: "To the most illustrious Señor Don Joseph de Carbajal y

Lancaster, of the Council and cabinet of the Indias, and president

of the Council."]

LETTER OF A JESUIT TO HIS BROTHER

As the ships which in the years 47 and 48 sailed from here to Acapulco

were driven back to these islands, the letters which in those years

I wrote to my brother could not be despatched. This obliges me to

avail myself of a safer opportunity, that afforded by the voyage of

the father procurators, Pedro Murillo [58] and Bernardo Pazuengos,

who for many and important reasons are going to Europe by way of the

coast (that is, the Orient) in a French ship which is going from here

to France. In the letters which I wrote in past years, I informed

my brother of the enterprise of the missions in Joló and Mindanao,

in which we were involved by the governor of these islands, Fray Juan

de Arrechedera, by the hasty remittance of the letters despatched from

Don Felipe (whom may God keep) to the sultans of Joló and Mindanao, and

with his own energetic exhortations and promises to our provincial--so

that he gave no opportunity to take any counsel, or to furnish means

for avoiding the most serious difficulties. [The worst of these]

was, as we soon perceived, that at the very time when he despatched

with embassies the letters of our king to the said sultans, the

said Governor Arrechedera sent an urgent invitation to the sultan

of Joló to come to Manila, where he would be hospitably received

and entertained. We all knew that the object of the governor was,

that the sultan might bring here abundance of pearls and gold; and

we also knew that with the departure of the sultan from his kingdom

the mission would come to an end, as has actually happened. [59]

At the time we were only mistaken in one thing, and that was, to

feel sure that the fathers would not leave Joló or Mindanao; for we

reckoned that if the sultan should leave Joló the natives would kill

the fathers of that mission, and the sultan would easily justify

himself because the act had been committed in his absence, and he

could even pretend great sorrow for the deaths of the fathers; and in

Mindanao, when it was known that in Joló they had killed the fathers,

they would do the same there to those engaged in the Mindanao mission.

In reality the fathers had arrived at Zamboanga. When the Moros found

themselves obliged to receive the fathers in their kingdoms, according

to the promise which they had given in their replies to our king and

to the governor of Manila, the two sultans agreed between themselves

that after they had admitted the fathers [to their countries] they

would treacherously kill them, and so that their murder could not

be attributed to the influence of the sultans. The means which the

sultan of Joló took was, that after he left his kingdom they should

kill the fathers--although God our Lord disposed affairs otherwise

from the schemes which the sultan, with unheard-of craft and perfidy,

had plotted.

In order that my brother may be fully informed, and may correctly

relate everything to all those whom my brother may think expedient

to tell of it, I send that enclosure which Father Ygnacio Malaga

wrote to me; this account is worthy of entire credence, since he was

almost an eyewitness of everything which he relates, being one of

the missionaries appointed for Mindanao.

If what Governor Arrechedera is doing here in Manila with the sultan

of Joló could be known in Madrid and Roma, and in every other country,

people would have no difficulty in believing the enormous perfidy,

treachery, and deceit of the said sultan and other Moros. It is nearly

a year since the said sultan of Joló arrived at Manila, accompanied

by three concubines and several slave-girls. At his arrival the

artillery was discharged; and he was lodged very magnificently,

in a house provided beforehand for this purpose, outside the walls

of Manila, with a continual guard of soldiers, whose captain was

always under the orders of the sultan. The entry of the sultan into

Manila was arranged with so much pomp and ostentation that everyone

said no more could have been done for the entry of the prince of

España if he should come to Manila; but all that is told is less

[than the reality]. The governor seeing a scarf woven with pearls

and ornaments in gold, immediately his eyes and his heart went out

toward the scarf and the many other pearls and jewels which he knew

the sultan carried. At this the governor entirely closed his eyes to

all the information that was given to him--not only that furnished

by the fathers of the said missions who had come back to Manila, but

the letters which the governor of Samboanga had written to him--openly

saying that he placed more confidence in the king of Joló than in the

fathers who sent the information. What causes most general sorrow here

(and especially to the archbishop) [60] is, that on account of the

governor not being willing to listen to anything against the sultan,

that is coming true which the fathers said to his Lordship--that

the said sultan from Manila would cause the ruin of these islands,

causing the Jolóans by piratical raids to carry away many Christian

Indians as captives, and to destroy churches and villages. This is

what they are actually doing, as is written by the fathers in Visayas,

whose letters I have seen within a few days, and the governor will

not permit that a word be uttered in order that it may not be said

(although it is well known) that the Moros are destroying the island

with the gunpowder and balls which have been sent them from Manila,

and the sultan is paying for them with the pearls and gold which he

has given to the said governor. What continually renews the grief

of all is, that not only is no remedy applied to so dire evils, but

that the governor continues to entertain the sultan in Manila as if

he were our friend or defender, while he is the greatest traitor and

enemy that this Christian church has had; and we greatly fear that

by this time the said sultan is making himself master of the post at

Samboangan. [61]

It is sufficient to have pointed this out in order that my brother may

gain knowledge of the condition in which affairs are. What concerns

the mission in Mindanao is made sufficiently clear in the letter from

Father Ygnacio Malaga, and everything that he says is the simple truth;

but, in order that this truth may not be smothered with the reports

which this governor of Manila is sending to the court at Madrid, I have

sent my brother that letter of Father Malaga, entreating him to please

show it to the father procurator-general Pedro Ygnacio Altamirano,

and to any other person whom my brother may think best, for the sake

of the credit of this province and of the entire Society--for they do

not lack many rivals, who are not willing that the ill-success of the

missions of Joló and Mindanao should be attributed to the perfidy and

malice of the Moros; but they try to charge it to the very fathers

of the Society.

My brother will also please tell the father procurator Altamirano

how the father provincial Pedro de Estrada had written to inform his

Reverence that all the letters of contract on our side in favor of his

illustrious Lordship Fray Arrechedera could not be worded otherwise,

since we found ourselves obliged to this by the urgent request of the

governor himself, and he had to see all of them. But in reality the

course of the said governor cannot in conscience be approved [abonar]

except with the reflection that Father Altamirano knows very well

that our letters on this matter were being misconstrued, and that

his Reverence would not be influenced to bind himself in virtue of

them to favor the said Señor Arrechedera. In order to make this more

certain, the said father provincial Estrada wrote a letter in order

that the said Father Altamirano should not pay any attention to this

undertaking of ours; and I, as his secretary at the time of the said

father provincial, wrote the third letter, as I did all the rest.

Now it is evident to me that the archbishop of Manila is informing

his Majesty very thoroughly of the proceedings of the said governor;

and certainly it would go ill with us with the king and his Council,

if our reports should be presented in favor of the said governor,

while those which the archbishop is now sending are entirely contrary

to this. Here we are, as if in Limbo, for we have not had mails from

Europe for more than three years, except the news which came from

China and Batavia.

The father provincial Pedro de Estrada died at the end of the year

48; his office was temporarily filled by Father José Samaniego, and

in seven months he also died. God our Lord has freed these islands

from the scourge of the English, for the squadron of forty-three ships

which was destined for this coast undertook first to seize Pondicheri

and Madrás (which they thought would be an affair of a few days), and

then go on to Philipinas; but they did not capture either Pondicheri or

Madrás, and much or even the greater part of the squadron was destroyed

in a fierce storm. If they had come here, it is certain that now this

country would be in the power of the English; for all the precautions

that were taken here for our defense were festivities with the sultan

of Joló and his concubines, to the profound sorrow of the community;

etc. Cavite, December 2, 1749.

[Addressed: "To my brother Pedro, the abbot."]

COMMERCE OF THE PHILIPINAS ISLANDS,

AND ADVANTAGES WHICH THEY CAN YIELD TO HIS MAJESTY CARLOS III

To the king our sovereign Carlos III: [62]

Sire: The pressing obligation which rests upon all good vassals to

render some service which shall be profitable to their sovereigns

encourages my faint-heartedness to lay at the royal feet of your

Majesty this work, which I offer with the utmost submission, with

the assurance of my most loyal desires that your Majesty may enjoy

the most prosperous and glorious reign over these dominions. [I

am also urged on by] my own practical knowledge [of the subject],

and the demand of the entire nation, especially of the mercantile

interests--although little do they suspect that I have undertaken the

enterprise with so much energy from persuading myself that my good

fortune would gain for this act your Majesty's kindly regard, which,

coming to the knowledge of your loyal vassals, will be received with

the utmost satisfaction, and as a proof of your paternal affection

and your sincere desire for their advancement.

I entreat our Lord that He will grant you all success and prosperity,

and a long life, in order that these realms may enjoy for very many

years the felicitous rule which the nation ought to expect from the

distinguished qualifications possessed by your Majesty, from which

it hopes to become more glorious than ever.

Prologue to the Reader

Commerce is contemporaneous with human society, from whose necessities

it was born. [The author here sketches the origin and development of

commerce among civilized nations, and states how in his undertaking

this work he received the approval of the late king of Spain Fernando

VI.]

Commerce of the Philipinas Islands; the benefit and advantages which

the said islands ought to yield to his Majesty (whom may God preserve).

[This will seem] a strange statement when it is considered that the

Philipinas Islands since the year 1565 have caused to España every year

a very great expense, without affording the least temporal advantage;

and when I now try to demonstrate the advantage and benefit of them

to the crown of España some will say that it is already time to stop;

and others will ask, "Who is this newcomer [63] who so boldly tries

to persuade us that the Spaniards have neglected their duty for one

hundred and ninety-two years?" But so it is, and now is the time

to warn them of this neglect; and, although ignorance attempts to

prevent this, it shall not make me desist from the undertaking. I

desire that his Majesty (whom may God preserve) may have positive

knowledge of the treasure which he possesses in the Philipinas

Islands; and I am undertaking to place before his Majesty plain and

clear evidence that they can and ought to furnish very great profit,

and maintain themselves from their own products.

I make no pretensions as an author, nor do I claim to have the

ability for that; therefore let us lay aside panegyrics, which are

so unprofitable; for, even if this little work deserves them, that

does not comport with my purpose, which is simply the service of his

Majesty and the advancement of his realms.

As regards all that I shall be able to state of the products of

commodities which the said islands yield, in order that every one

may know that I do not advocate something that is not so, I recommend

(although various persons have written on the subject) to the curious

the two books of the reverend master Father Pedro Murillo Velarde,

of the Society of Jesus, entitled Historia de las Islas Philipinas

and Historia geografica of the same Philipinas Islands.

These are worthy of attention, and in regard to what is theoretical

can furnish much light; as for what concerns the practical, and the

experience which I have acquired at the cost of much money, labor,

and application, I must make evident all the following.

First: We must consider what commodities or products these islands

contain or produce, as well as the fact that we do not have to build

castles in the air or proceed on fanciful assumptions; all that I

assert shall be from my own knowledge.

Second: Whether the products or commodities can be used, and to

explain and demonstrate how we can avail ourselves of them; and all

that I shall say on this subject will proceed from the long experience

which I have had.

Third: The advantages and benefits which will redound to his Majesty,

to the Spaniards settled in those regions, and to the Indians

themselves.

The first point: As the products of the Philipinas Islands are

enumerated by the reverend Father Murillo (whom may God keep in

Paradise), whom I have cited, and those of each island separately,

in order not to extend this little work needlessly I will state the

most important ones, which are the following: Rice, sugar, cotton

(of choice quality and very fine), indigo, sulphur, siguey, balate,

wax, pepper, coffee, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl; gold, mines of

iron, and mines of copper (like that of Japon); tobacco, brazil-wood

[sibucao], and pearl-fisheries; oil, cacao, birds'-nests, and ebony

wood; lead (I believe that, as for the soil in some parts of Bisayas,

[64] it melts into lead, just as in the island of Mauricius, which

belongs to the French, it melts into iron); cocoanuts, which produce

abundance of oil; [65] horses; deer and buffaloes, from which the

people make what they call tapa [i.e., dried beef], and also use the

sinews; and bichuca, or rattans. [66]

The above-mentioned products are very abundant, and exceedingly

easy to collect. I do not, however, wish to include the following,

for the reasons which I have mentioned: Lead, [of which] I have not

personally actual experience, although I regard it as being as sure

as all the others; coffee, which, as it is not cultivated, is not

abundant, and its consumption is small for exportation, less than it

would be for España or Europa; iron, [the working of] which, although

it is very abundant, they have not yet succeeded in perfecting;

the pearl-fisheries, which are not operated; copper, the mines of

which are not worked; and cocoanuts, which are little used outside

[the islands] except for oil and nails. [67]

The second: The commodities that I have mentioned are exported to the

places that are enumerated as follows, and sell at prices that are

very profitable--although commerce has, as in all regions, its ups and

downs [sus altos y bajos]. To various ports of China: rice, sugar,

cotton, indigo, bichuca or rattan, balate, pepper, tortoise-shell,

mother-of-pearl, brazil-wood, ebony, tapa, the sinews of cattle,

birds'-nests, and lead when they have it. To the Malabar coast and

Persia: sugar in large quantities, which is sold for money. To the

Coromandel coast and Bengala: sugar, indigo, brazil-wood, sulphur,

pepper, siguey, birds'-nests, cotton, and often rice.

The third: The advantages and benefit which will accrue to his

Majesty from the commerce and exportation of the commodities and

products of those same islands are various, to wit: The more that

the commodities which they need from outside can be supplied from the

native products of the islands themselves, the more silver remains in

the [Spanish] dominions. The more commodities or fruits are exported,

so much more land will be cultivated, and many more people employed;

and consequently the tributes imposed by his Majesty can be all the

more easily collected, and from that time the royal exchequer will

be better filled; and the vassals, by being kept busy, become more

obedient and more loyal. The Spanish traders who are established there

are favored [by such policy]; for they obtain their profits on both

the exportation and the importation, and if one of these fail, the

other will be able to supply the deficiency; but the advantage will

be the greater if it can be obtained from both sources of gain. When

commerce is flourishing, his Majesty will obtain greater profits from

the customs duties, for which reason it is highly expedient that his

Majesty encourage the cultivation of the land and the increase of its

products--a thing which I do not consider difficult of accomplishment,

as I have already demonstrated in another little work, which I have

placed in the hands of the ministers. [68]

In order to demonstrate clearly how much the people of Manila could

avail themselves of the products of the land, I will relate what

occurred with myself (and it is a circumstance which proves what

I advanced in the second point), to wit: When I was at Manila the

exportation of sugar was rigorously prohibited, so that hardly could

a ship carry away enough for its own supply, [the authorities] telling

the vessel-owners that it was against the ordinances of his Majesty. I

remained for some time under this delusion, until I had carefully

examined the said ordinances, from which it was clear to me that his

Majesty had decreed everything in favor of his Indian vassals, and that

his royal will was, not to oppress them therein. It caused me, then,

much pain to see that this thing was so entirely misunderstood, since

this prohibition was diametrically opposed to it; for it forbade the

people to enjoy the benefits of the country which God had given them,

which the king never had intended to take away from them--especially

as this [commerce] is the only means that they possess by which they

can pay their tributes. Finally I undertook to establish generally

the exportation of sugar. Having been warned of the difficulties,

I went to the province where it [69] greatly abounds (which is

called Pampanga), and did what I could; it was agreed that I should

make an experiment, in order to please his Lordship. I consented,

on the condition that a certain Don Francisco Salgado, a careful

and industrious man, should be appointed my assistant; as I had

not the time to execute this plan, I only gave him all [necessary]

information and instructions. At last we succeeded in making indigo

so good that it stood every test, the severest and most certain that

are known being those of water and of fire. I sent specimens of that

quality to China, the Coromandel coast, Persia, and Londres [i.e.,

London]; in the first three places they were anxious to obtain it,

and offered good prices, and in the last-named one the indigo that

had cost 500 reals vellon was sold for 2,600 reals. They will be able

to manufacture every year such quantity as they desire.

I believe that I have succeeded in what I undertook to demonstrate,

which is as follows: First, to make known the abundance of the

products of the Philipinas Islands; second, to prove from my own

experience that it is easy to secure the benefit of these; third, to

set forth the advantage and benefit which will accrue to his Majesty,

to the Spaniards settled in those regions, and to the Indian vassals

generally.

I can say that charity has induced me to make known what I have already

related from my own experience, seeing that all that has hitherto

been written [on this subject] is very superficial; nor can the most

intelligent man form from those books a stable opinion of what these

islands are capable of yielding from their so abundant products.

This little work is condensed, but those who are capable of

comprehending it will see that it is [so] on account of being written

out of thorough understanding and knowledge of what I write about,

and not for lack of a very broad field in which I might descant,

for it cannot be denied that there is material for filling a volume.

Nevertheless, I do not claim to lay down the law, nor do I presume to

change any system; my intention is only to depict things as they are,

in order that his Majesty may have actual knowledge of the treasure

which he possesses in these islands. No advantage results to me, nor do

I expect more than to be a man ready to communicate [what he knows],

and desirous to do what shall depend on a limited ability, for the

greater benefit of his Majesty and the advancement of his realms. But

it is already time that we show in what consists the advantage and

benefit which will accrue to his Majesty from the Philipinas Islands.

What precedes this serves only to demonstrate that the Spaniards

settled in Manila have a broad field for carrying on a flourishing

commerce, and even it would redound much to the advantage of his

Majesty. But what I am earnestly advocating is cinnamon, and it is of

great importance to his Majesty and worthy of his royal attention;

and if I say that no one has hitherto, or since España conquered

the Philipinas, made a proposition so certain, so well founded,

and so advantageous to his Majesty, and to all his dominions and his

vassals, it is not much to say. For it is no exaggeration when I say

that it is more than the conquistador accomplished; he succeeded,

with honor and glory, in conquering the islands, but they have always

cost España most dearly for their maintenance. For not only do I aim

to relieve those expenses, which are so large, but those islands can

in a few years become a benefit to his Majesty, and to his vassals,

both Spaniards and Indians. I do not ask these gratuities, [70] nor

that the king should spend one maravedi; my chief object and desire

is, that a stable commerce be allowed from those countries to these

kingdoms by the most direct route.

No one is ignorant of the vast amount of silver which goes every

year from España to the Dutch for the supply of cinnamon, for it is

not less than many millions of pesos duros each year, as they have

estimated; but I affirm that this is because they [i.e., the Spaniards]

are willing to let the silver go out [of the country]. España might

with as good reason send to Olanda to buy her wine as her cinnamon. I

will not undertake to argue whence it comes, although I know it very

well. What I am trying to do, without offending any one, is to remedy

this lack which España suffers, that the Spaniards may use their good

judgment and their reason and become true patriots. What a pity it is

that his Majesty, possessing so noble a commodity, and being able to

place it on the market--with as good success as that of Ceylán, and

even at less than half of the price--should permit so many millions of

silver to pass every year from his dominions to the Dutch! which is to

furnish that people with arms for carrying on war when opportunity may

offer. It is well known that España consumes more cinnamon than all

the other nations; can there, then, be greater folly? In order (as I

suppose) to humor the Dutch, España leaves unused the cinnamon which

she has in her own house, in order to buy it from those enemies and

the destroyers of the holy faith in those countries; I say that this

is opposed to the Christian religion, and I prove it in a few words:

if España would avail herself of this product which she could so easily

dispose of, the Dutch could not maintain [their establishments in]

the island of Ceylon, and then España could even introduce missions

in that island. But what foolish talk! The Dutch maintain Ceilon? The

Spaniards support it; they pay for its ships, its fortresses, and its

garrisons which the Dutch have there--although in order to destroy

these the Spaniards need neither balls, nor gunpowder, nor war. If

any one thinks that this is a sweeping statement [es adelantar mucho],

we are of differing opinions, because to me it seems a moderate one.

I am known as a man who has accomplished much, who has traveled in

many lands, and who has not passed through them heedlessly; nor have I

stopped to consider the expenditure of money, or the risk to health,

in order to satisfy my curiosity and obtain well grounded knowledge

of all things wherever I have traveled. To the point: Samboanga, the

capital of the island of Mindanao, is the place which could produce

cinnamon as good as that of Ceylon, if our people knew how to cultivate

it; I have already made the experiment, and it will yield the amount

that I shall require. The Dutch are well aware of this, [as appears] by

evidence which can be verified by me; for they, with their trained and

accustomed cunning, placed in the said island a stone with the initial

letters of [the name of] their company engraved on it, like those

which they are wont to place in their bales of goods, etc., by way of

manifesting that these belong to the said company. The said stone was

brought to Manila while I was there, and was delivered to the Marques

de Obando; and his Lordship, knowing that I understood the tricks and

policy of those gentlemen, sent to call me, and, showing me the stone,

he said, "What is the meaning of this stone, which they have brought

to me under such-and-such circumstances?" I replied to his Lordship,

"It is nothing; it is a mark which the Dutch are wont to set up in

order to have a pretext, when opportunity offers, for laying claim to

the lands in which they have placed the said stones." [71] No one,

then, who understands that people--keen, mercenary, and always on

the watch--will fail to agree with me, that they do not set up these

stones in barren islands, unless it is evident that, on account of the

location of these islands, it will not suit the Dutch to have [other

people there as] close neighbors. When they abandoned the island of

Maurisius, considering it uninhabitable on account of its sterility,

they left no engraved stone in it. It is a circumstance which deserves

attention, and is even worthy of coming to his Majesty's knowledge;

and likewise those who have or have had practical knowledge of these

matters regard them in this way. Finally, I have compared the quality

of the soil at Samboanga with that of Ceylon, also the leaves of the

cinnamon tree; still more, I have gathered the bark of this tree at

Samboanga and made certain experiments with it, and when I compared

it with that from Ceylon they were of equal value. I consider, then,

[from] the manner of making these experiments with the cultivation

of the soil and the culture of the cinnamon, [that] it will prove to

be equal [to that of Ceylon]. Finally, in commencing the experiments

which I have made--with the greatest application and industry, and

enormous expenses--they are quite sufficient to prove that it will be

possible, in the term of five or six years, to produce a large part of

the best cinnamon which comes to Europa. This I have learned from the

experiment with a quantity of chocolate which I ordered to be made

in my own house at Manila; this product has been greatly liked by

the ladies, and by people of taste and understanding, in the said city.

In view of these proofs, which I have from actual knowledge of

the method of cultivating and preparing this product, it causes me

surprise that his Majesty is losing a source of profit so extensive

and lucrative; and I am persuaded that if full knowledge of them

could have reached the officials who might have authority to examine

the subject, they would have taken suitable measures to secure this

benefit--although it is certain that it would not be considered that

no one hitherto has attained it [i.e., such knowledge] except that

which is here explained by myself, which is the simple truth. And

as for what concerns my part, I can serve, if desirable, in carrying

out a work so national and so advantageous to his Majesty--in which

honor and fame spur me to place myself at the disposal of his Majesty,

without causing him the expenditure of one real of silver; for, thanks

to God, I have the means for travel. Nevertheless, I shall never weary

in the acquisition of the precious treasures of honor and truth; for

God only knows the exceeding satisfaction which I feel in being the

first and only person who has had the good fortune to furnish this

information, so clear and plain that, if it were published to the

world, I am sure that the rest of the nations would conspire against

me; for they know its great usefulness, and the little difficulty

which I would find in carrying out the plan.

I have been assured that the clove is found in Mindanao. I have made

every possible effort to investigate this, and I believe that it

is certainly so, although I cannot assert more than what experience

has taught me. But I can affirm with more certainty that the nutmeg

grows there, and needs only to be cultivated; also pepper of the best

quality, and most delicious, can be had in abundance. At present

the only thing left for us is to reflect upon the many advantages

and incredible benefits which will accrue to his Majesty, and to his

dominions and vassals, both Spaniards and Indians, without costing

him a real vellon to establish this commerce. The English and Dutch,

on the other hand, will spend millions to prevent the success of this

great project, for which reason it is evidently necessary to maintain

the utmost secrecy regarding it.

Recapitulation of the advantages and benefits of this commerce

First: The millions of pesos duros which now pass out of the domains

of his Majesty, with which the Dutch are enriching themselves and

promoting their main commerce, that of the cinnamon; they will have so

much less for hostilities against España, the more that this matter of

the cinnamon is pushed in that country, thus rendering it impossible

for them to carry away the silver thence.

Second: Great numbers of Indians would be employed who now have no way

in which to make a living or to pay their tributes; by this means not

only would they be relieved [from their burdens], but it would be with

great increase to the royal exchequer; and through their application

and gains they would consequently be more faithful and constant

vassals, while now idleness and vices prevent them from being such.

Third: The Philipinas Islands are suffering severely from the lack

of communication by a direct route with España; this could be easily

secured by arming the ships there, which need from España more people

than a few officers; and it would be very desirable to transport for

those islands some artisans whom they will need for promoting and

cultivating the various products of the land.

Fourth: The more that the lands are cultivated and their products

made available, the greater will be the number of men and of infidel

Indians that will be needed; and consequently they will submit [to

Spanish authority], and be converted into loyal vassals and friends,

and Christianity will be increased in those regions, without any fear

that the Moro and infidel enemies can disturb them.

Fifth: It will be possible to equip every year three or four ships

of six hundred to a thousand toneladas each, and despatch them for

Europa with cinnamon, pepper, and other spices which will be produced

there; and in return they will go back with various commodities and

fruits, the products of España, which the people of Manila always

find themselves compelled to buy from the English and Dutch, carrying

away the money for them. In this manner not only will these gains

remain within the dominions of his Majesty, without the other nations

being able to draw thence the money with which they carry on war,

[to the] injury of the commerce of España, but by this means the

[Spanish] dominions that are so remote will come to be to a large

extent dependent one upon another; and as the intercourse between

them would be mutual and friendly, the Indians consequently would

have occasion to see and experience the greatness [of the Spanish

power]. Thus they would come to be more faithful and loyal vassals,

and returning to their own lands, would influence their countrymen

to be the same.

Sixth: No one will deny my statement that the cinnamon would [thus] be

obtained at a much less cost [by the Spaniards] than that at which the

Dutch can sell it, unless [they encounter] less risk and danger--[which

are] so manifest that for the preservation of this commerce they find

themselves compelled to maintain a great number of troops and keep

up many forts and garrisons, solely to defend themselves. Let to all

this be added the governors, and the enormous number of people whom

they have in their service, with some very large expenses which arise

from the various opinions of the companies--the costs of which, so

ill applied, render the cinnamon more expensive (although in reality

its cost is low), and it is certain that their commerce in spices does

not prove to be so profitable as the nations assert. Very differently,

then, will it be in favor of España when she reaches the cultivation

of the cinnamon; for in place of the great expenses which his Majesty

has had ever since he took possession of the said island, without

its producing any benefit, he will obtain the greatest advantages

without spending a real vellon more than at present. Especially,

labor will be found as cheap, and the cultivation of the soil as easy,

as in Ceylon; and the navigation can be made with the same advantages

that [other] nations [possess], or even greater. For this reason the

cinnamon will cost the merchants forty or fifty per cent less than they

have actually paid hitherto. It is certain that it is a very serious

damage which España generally suffers in her commerce, from paying,

through this negligence, the freight charges of the Dutch ships,

and the cost of their officers and seamen; and they even maintain

their fortifications, etc., with the money which they obtain from

España for this product of cinnamon.

Seventh: Likewise, there would be great advantage to España in the

ships which would come from the Philipinas, as I have said (in the

fifth point); for they would return laden with many fruits and products

of these kingdoms of España.

Eighth: The Americans would likewise share in this great benefit;

for the cinnamon, for which they are today paying so exorbitant a

price, they would obtain at very nearly the same price at which it

is usually sold in Cadiz.

Ninth: If the cinnamon should become cheap, much chocolate would be

consumed by the poor; and consequently the duties would amount to

much more, to the advantage of his Majesty.

Notwithstanding that the greatness of the enterprise is clearly

demonstrated, and no additional information is needed, two things

ought to be noted. First, that no damage or expense can result to

his Majesty. Second, that from this arrangement, it is evident and

positive, not the least injury or disadvantage ensues to España or

to America; rather, it is a triple benefit, and indispensable--which,

[however,] without general experience and practical knowledge it would

be impossible to bring about without each dominion injuring the other;

for in this consists the superiority of a man who is an expert.

[The writer then proceeds to mention the spiritual advantages which

would result from the temporal; but his argument becomes somewhat lame

here, reducing itself to the "hope that, with the help of our Lord,

a firm and permanent peace with the Moros may be secured" He makes an

interesting statement regarding the extent of the ravages committed by

the Mindanao pirates: "I am certain, from accurate information, that

during the government of the Marqués de Obando he cost the king eight

millions of reals vellon [for this purpose], although he proceeded

with the utmost economy and care in the manner in which he used the

royal revenue; and, having made in the year 1755 a calculation of

the expenses which these piracies were causing to his Majesty and

his vassals (both Spaniards and Indians) from the ravages made by the

Moros and infidels during the eight years preceding, it amounted to

about eighty millions of reals vellon," not to mention the killing

of priests and native Christians. Of course, if peace is secured with

the Moros, the progress and extension of the missions in the islands

is assured. The writer again declares his devotion to the service of

God and the king, his readiness to explain his plans further to those

who desire more information, and his confidence that they will command

the confidence of men of understanding, judgment, and patriotism.]

Although through experience (tempus edrax rerum) one can come to

know the utility and advantage which will accrue from the execution

of this so vast enterprise, I trust that I have demonstrated it quite

sufficiently to render it worthy of the consideration of his Majesty;

nevertheless, seeing how much is involved, it is fitting for my

honor to furnish proofs, the most detailed and circumstantial. This

induces me to quote part of the lading which came in seventeen ships

of the Company of Olanda, as published in the Gazette of Amsterdam,

dated on July 3 of this present year, one thousand seven hundred and

fifty-nine--products which are and may be those of the very islands

in question; and in order to show how very important it is to give

attention to what is herein proposed, each commodity is valued at the

regular price which it can bring in the ports of Cadiz, Alicante, etc.

Prices

Libras [Commodities] Reals reals vellon

vellon per Total,

libra

4,672,746 of pepper 7 32,709,222

50,000 of nutmeg 39 1,950,000

60,000 of mace 70 4,200,000

360,000 of cloves 50 18,000,000

375,840 of cinnamon 58 21,198,720

3,000 of candied nutmeg 60 180,000

2,398 of candied cloves 70 167,860

883,142 of sugar 3.94 [72] [3,424,000]

40,490 of camphor 16 649,840

6,582 of benzoin 22 134,936

10,500 of borax 15 157,500

12,146 of gum-lac 12 145,752

3,000 of gum myrrh 12 36,000

3,514 of gamboge 16 56,224

20,049 of indigo,

superior 30 601,470

----------

[Total,] eighty-three millions, six hundred

and eleven thousand, five hundred and

twenty-four reals vellon. 83,611,524

I have taken into consideration the objections which may be brought

forward by persons who are little acquainted with trade, and these are

reduced, substantially, to the following: That the consumption of these

commodities in the dominions of his Majesty cannot be regulated by the

above calculation. They speak glibly; but, in order not to lose time

with these persons, I answer them, that one is compelled to encounter

ignorance, but the only concern of great souls is to serve faithfully

their kings and nations, and endure the calumnies which are uttered

against honest men--imitating the stars, which, no matter how much the

dogs bark, do not cease to shine down upon them and to follow their

own courses. Accordingly, let us proceed to truths which are plain:

First: that the Dutch carry these commodities in large quantities, as

is above stated--a proof that there is a consumption for that amount,

and that this is a profitable trade. Second: that the calculation

which I have made cannot be defective, since the [amounts of the]

commodities agree with the figures published by the Dutch themselves;

and the prices are obtained from the Company of Druggists, in

accordance with what they pay for the goods at the ports. Third: that

the greater part [of these commodities], and the most important ones,

if not [all], can be the products of the Philipinas Islands. Fourth:

that these commodities must cost much less than in Olanda, or in any

other country, is manifest and undeniable for this reason, that the

Dutch are obliged to incur enormous expenses--for governors, members

of council, lesser servants without number, and many troops--in order

to maintain their establishments; and these expenses increase just so

much the prices of their spices, so that, if they buy these from the

[Eastern] nations at ten, the goods are worth to them twenty-five. This

would not occur with us, because the king does not need to increase

the expenses in order to secure the advancement of the islands. It

would be entirely different; for, if these plantations are established,

thousands of Indians who now are suffering the utmost poverty without

having any opportunity to work, and for the same reason cannot pay

their tributes, would have a means of gaining their living and of

paying their tributes, and on this very account it would serve much

for the increase of the royal revenue.

As these Indians are not paid for their labor at higher rates than are

those among whom the Dutch reside, we must reckon, for the reasons

here stated, that those same commodities would cost much less, and

that the Spaniards could sell them at lower prices than do the Dutch;

and, as the merchant in every country buys where he will find his

greatest advantage, España would be the fair for these commodities

which have already enriched so many nations. But let us proceed to

reveal the cunning of the Dutch, who furnish only three millions,

seven hundred and fifty thousand, eight hundred and forty libras of

cinnamon--which, at the rate of sixteen onzas a libra, make six [73]

millions, thirteen thousand, four hundred and forty onzas. The rule

for making chocolate is to take ten libras of cacao, ten of sugar, and

eight onzas of cinnamon, or even less, and on account of the waste [74]

it is computed that the result will be twenty libras net; consequently,

from the three millions, seven hundred and fifty thousand, eight

hundred and forty libras of cinnamon could be made fifteen millions,

thirty-three thousand, six hundred libras of chocolate.

Although it is folly to make such a proposition, I ask whether there

are not in España, [75] all America, the Philipinas Islands, and, in

short, all the so various domains of his Majesty, counting all these

together, four millions of persons who drink chocolate sixty-four

times in the year, in accordance with the rule of one onza for each

time. Even the most ignorant or malicious person will not deny my

proposition; this makes, then, the consumption of chocolate sixteen

millions of libras, and for making it there will be needed four

hundred thousand libras of cinnamon.

Hence are drawn two conclusions. One is, the extreme craftiness of

the Dutch, in not furnishing more than the said quantity in order

to supply the Spaniards, and in making them believe that they will

be left without chocolate; and thus they succeed in obliging the

Spaniards to pay for the cinnamon at the very high prices which the

Dutch have fixed in these recent years--for it is a hundred per cent

more costly, and fifty per cent worse in quality; therefore there is

an increase of a hundred and fifty per cent in favor of the Dutch,

and of three hundred per cent to the injury of España, who without

reason endures this tyranny. Therefore, if the Dutch are not mistaken

in the estimate of cinnamon which they published in the Gazette, and as

the consumption [of that spice] in España is as I have made evident,

there will not be cinnamon to supply all the nations; nevertheless,

there will be no lack of it in any of them. [76]

Second: since it is so evident that in the dominions of his Majesty

there is consumed in [the beverage of] chocolate alone (without

counting the numerous kinds of food in which use is made of it)

sixteen millions of libras, and in order to make it there are needed

four hundred thousand of cinnamon, at the rate of fifty-eight reals

vellon that quantity will cost twenty-three millions, three hundred

thousand reals vellon, which is the least that España could advance

for the execution of the project. Moreover, I do not know any reason

for not admitting the commodity of pepper--which not only is so

exceedingly abundant in the islands, but I persuade myself that,

since it is so excellent in its crude state, it would with skilful

treatment be better than that of any [other] country. It is also plain

to us that the Dutch bring [to Europa] four millions, six hundred

and seventy-two thousand, seven hundred and forty-six libras of it;

they assure me that only because of the great abundance of garlic

[77] in España the pepper brings no more than seven reals vellon a

libra--[at which rate] the above quantity will amount to thirty-two

millions, seven [hundred] and nine thousand, two hundred and twenty-two

reals vellon. This added to the twenty-three millions, three hundred

thousand reals [for cinnamon] will make fifty-six millions, nine

thousand, two hundred and twenty-two reals vellon.

People will say, "Where would we consume so much pepper?" Then where

does Olanda consume it, I would like to know? "[And there are] Francia

and Inglaterra; do they bring much less [to Europa]?" Do not those

who ask such questions know how much the king is paying to Norbega

[i.e., Norway] and the northern countries for lumber, cordage, etc.,

for the construction in his royal navy? and that, if it happens that

care is not given in time to the planting of oak groves, he will need

much more [from those countries]?--At present these commodities are

paid for in ready money, which would not be the case if we could give

the merchants there the pepper, etc., so cheaply (or at less expense

than [if purchased from] another country), on account of the great

consumption of pepper which there is in those countries, and because

this would be a [form of] trade that is mutually advantageous, as I

have already said, for the day-laborer and the shepherd. It would be

permanent, and many millions of reals which now leave España would

remain here, to the greatest advantage not only of his Majesty, but

of his vassals. I say, then, that no one is able to deny these two

propositions, of which his Majesty will be best able to judge. Have

I heard some one argue that España has [78] need of preventing thus

the exportation of silver? Such arguments are foolish, and one should

laugh at them.

Do we not know that Olanda commands that a very large part of the

spice product be burned and destroyed, in order that a commodity which

brings her so enormous a profit should not, through its excessive

abundance, contribute to her loss? I say, then, that if España reaches

an excessive abundance of silver, it would be far better for the king

to command that the mines be closed, or to fling the silver into the

sea, than to let it pass into the hands of those who tomorrow can

avail themselves of it to carry on war [against España]. Others I have

heard talk [on this subject], so frivolously that I was astounded,

hinting at the resentment of this other nation if España should

profit by what is her own--that is, the execution of the proposition

[that I have made]. That is the same as to say that Inglaterra or any

other nation could declare that España shall not cultivate the ground

or sow the wheat, because it suited that nation to supply it; it is

to talk very heedlessly, without knowing that España can limit the

commerce of Francia, Inglaterra, and Olanda whenever she desires,

without cannon-ball or gunpowder, by the prohibition of silver

alone. If she chooses to deprive any one of those countries of this

advantage, she has only to calculate what she owes to the other two

for the net balance of their trade, and then not allow any more silver

to go out to those countries; and these, needing it for themselves,

will not be able to supply the other one. I can assert that España,

if she would avail herself of the rights which God has given her,

would make herself more worthy of respect by depriving the [other]

nations of what is essential, not only for their commerce, but for

waging war to advantage.

I believe that no one will dispute the advantages and benefit which

can accrue from the Philipinas Islands, and it is this which from the

outset I have attempted to demonstrate, although I omit, for the sake

of brevity, the explanation of many things.

Keeping in mind how much I owe to the infinite mercy and goodness of

supreme Providence, in the second part of the work alluded to, which

I presume to present to his Majesty, I have treated at length of the

ravages which the Moros have committed during very many years in those

islands, and of the exceeding damage which they thus cause to our holy

Roman Catholic and apostolic faith, for I cannot do less. Indeed,

it is evident that God has assisted me with His divine Grace; and

therefore I certainly ought to defend and, if it should be necessary,

die for His cause. Accordingly, in whatever concerns the subjection

of the Moros, and consequently the protection and advancement of the

holy faith in those islands, I hope to deserve that his Majesty will do

me the honor of appointing six lieutenant-commanders--three from his

royal navy, and three from his army--in order that they may examine

with the utmost care the plan upon which I have based my proposition,

giving their opinions in writing for presentation to his Majesty,

in two copies, one for his Majesty's royal Council of the Indias,

the other for myself.

When this examination shall be made, and the plan approved by the king

if such be his royal will, I will immediately proceed to furnish the

plan of the whole matter which I have drawn up for the execution of

the project--from which, after further investigations (which are very

just, and perhaps will be quite unprecedented) his Majesty can more

easily decide what shall be most expedient in this matter, as also

the selection of persons for the said purpose.

As for what pertains to the commerce, for greater certainty I deemed it

expedient to communicate my intention to Don Antonio Butlert [sic],

formerly a merchant of Cadiz--since he is distinguished not only

for his great success in business and his genuine friendship to this

nation, but by his long experience in and thorough knowledge of the

commerce of these dominions--asking him to give me his disinterested

opinion on the subject, in which he should consider with the utmost

attention the general welfare of these dominions; and this opinion I

have, in writing, and signed with the name of his firm, which reads

"Butlert and Matheos."

Some persons who are little acquainted with affairs so vast, and who

have still less ability to make ready for the great things which

remain to be done, will suppose that the execution [of this plan]

is easy, to one who has the writings which I have already furnished;

nevertheless, if they engaged in the undertaking they would find

themselves much mistaken, and the result would be greatly to the

detriment of the nation.

Warned by what I have passed through, and dreading [the effects of]

ignorance and malice, I have reached the decision to supplicate the

king to grant me the honor of this examination--desiring, whatever

may fall to my lot, to prove that I have no other purpose than to

serve faithfully both Majesties and their vassals, and entreating

them for this end to dispose of my life and person, of which I will

gladly make sacrifice in proof of my loyalty and sincere devotion.

Extracts from the proposition of Don Nicolas Norton Nicols; the

conditions which he requires; the benefits and advantages which will

accrue to his Majesty and his vassals, on whose account his Majesty

was pleased to issue a decree on the twenty-third of February last.

The aim of the said proponent is, to establish in the Philipinas

Islands plantations of cinnamon, pepper, other spices, etc., and to

open a direct commerce between the said islands and Cadiz, by way of

the Cape of Good Hope.

Conditions.--That he shall be permitted to undertake the said route

from Cadiz, or may go to the said islands and make the voyage from

there to Cadiz, as he shall find most convenient. If he shall set out

from Cadiz, on account of not having time to build ships he shall be

permitted to buy whatever vessels [he may need], without excepting

those of foreigners. The cargo from Cadiz must consist of different

fruits, liquids, [79] and commodities that are products of España

and of her commerce, as on the return voyage it must be from the

various products and commodities of the said islands and of their

commerce. That his Majesty remit the duties for the first voyage,

and that the proponent be permitted to embark freely at Cadiz the

silver that he needs to defray the purchase of his return cargo. On

the second voyage he shall pay at Cadiz not only the five per cent

duties but the three per cent of the silver which he shall thereafter

embark, as is done with the [traders of foreign] nations. In order to

obviate any objection, he will not enter any port belonging to his

Majesty or to any power of Europa; he shall, however, be permitted

to enter and anchor at any one of the Indian ports, whether in these

or in those seas, and therein buy, sell, exchange, or lade the goods

which shall be offered to him.

The advantages, etc., will be the following: His Majesty will not

subject his royal revenue to any expense, nor will it be exposed to

the evil designs of men, or to the doubtful patriots who pretend to

have knowledge. There is no treaty that can be set against him, as he

can prove. By the most moderate computation, the Dutch annually export

four millions of pesos for the spice-trade; this, therefore, is to make

them powerful, to the injury of España. Norvega, St. Petersbourgh,

and other countries demand a great amount of cash for lumber, pitch,

cordage, sails, etc., for the royal shipbuilding, the greater part

of which would be paid for in spices, as these are greatly liked in

those countries. Equivalent injury to España, as is stated above. [80]

The commodities and products of España would have a much larger

market. A strong stimulus to the cultivation of the soil. His Majesty

would experience much relief in the expenses of transportation for

the missions. This navigation would serve as a nursery for the navy,

as is found by experience in other countries. The direct communication

would serve as a check on a thousand abuses, not only in the government

of the islands, but in other matters. If his Majesty should grant

this privilege to the said islands, it would be most just that the

commonwealth of Manila should carry on its commerce with Acapulco at

its own cost, without laying the burden of it on his Majesty. By not

possessing this commerce when she can have it, España is maintaining

thousands of strangers in place of a like number of her own vassals;

[the latter would] redound to the increase of the royal revenue, and in

the course of years to the propagation of the holy faith. The Moros,

who now are by their wars destroying the felicitous progress of the

Christian religion, when they found by experience how much more it

suited their own interests to maintain peace and commerce with the

Spaniards than to wage war against them, would inviolably observe

their treaties; for, notwithstanding the cruelties which the Dutch

practice against their Indians, the latter tolerate them on account

of the advantages of their commerce. The people of Manila will, when

they have a market for their products, cultivate the land; they will

establish family estates, and enrich themselves; and their riches,

like those of the Americans, will finally come to España. The duties

which your Majesty would receive from this new commerce would in a very

few years amount to very considerable sums. It would be a stimulus

to other new commercial undertakings, which would be beneficial to

his Majesty and his vassals.

The whole matter in small compass

His Majesty, without risking anything, is going to gain infinitely

more than what has been [here] stated. The method of securing these

vast benefits is the easiest and safest which can be put into practice,

and itself makes plain the useful and salutary design of the proponent.

Don Nicolas Norton Nicols

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources:

1. Santa Misericordia.--From Manifiesta y resumen historico de la

fundacion de la venerable hermandad de la Santa Misericordia (Manila,

1728), by Juan Bautista de Uriarte; from a copy in the possession of

Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.

2. Survey of the Philipinas.--From a MS. in the Museo-Biblioteca de

Ultramar, Madrid--pressmark, "24-4a.-1.735;" various plans in it are

here reproduced.

3. Order of St. John.--From Religiosa hospitalidad por los hijos del

... S. Ivan de Dios en Philipinas (Granada, 1742); from a copy in

the possession of Edward E. Ayer.

4. Letter to president of Council.--A copy, furnished by Sr. D. Roman

Murillo, Madrid, of the original MS., which he, as librarian of the

Academia Española, Madrid, found among other papers therein, this

being the only one relating to the Philippines.

5. Letter by a Jesuit.--From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library),

iv, pp. 297-305.

6. Commerce of the Philipinas.--From a MS., either the original rough

draft or a contemporaneous copy, in the possession of Edward E. Ayer.

7. Relation of the Zambals.--From a certified copy--procured for us by

Sr. D. Manuel de Yriarte, chief of Division of Archives at Manila--of

the original MS., which is preserved in the archives of the convent

of Santo Domingo in Manila.

APPENDIX: RELATION OF THE ZAMBALS

By Domingo Perez, O.P. MS. dated 1680.

Source: A certified copy of the original MS., which is preserved in

the archives of the convent of Santo Domingo, Manila.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

RELATION OF THE ZAMBALS

RELATION OF THE ZAMBAL [81] INDIANS OF PLAYA HONDA, THEIR SITUATION AND

CUSTOMS. BY FATHER FRAY DOMINGO PEREZ, OF THE ORDER OF PREACHERS AND

VICAR-PROVINCIAL OF THE RELIGIOUS WHO ASSIST IN THE SAID MISSION. YEAR

OF 1680 [82]

The very reverend father, Fray Baltazar de Santa Cruz, prior-provincial

of this province of Santo Rossario of the Order of Preachers in these

Philipinas Islands, having visited the villages (which we have today

united and their inhabitants reduced to the said villages) and us two

ministers who for the space of nine months have been busied in the

reduction of said Indians, said reverend father provincial ordered

me to write a treatise on the site whence we have drawn the Indians

whom we have reduced, their customs, and mode of living.

In order that the evangelical ministers who have to work in this

mission may be able more clearly to direct those souls redeemed by the

blood of our Lord Christ along the true pathway of heaven from which

they have strayed so far for so many years blinded with the darkness of

infidelity and idolatry; also in order that this paper may be used so

that the ministers of justice of the king, our sovereign, may subject

said Indians and establish them under the obedience of his Catholic

Majesty: although it is true that for more than sixty years they had

ministers of the gospel, neither said ministers nor his Majesty have

been able to succeed in getting them to live in a settlement so that

they may be administered or have justice as today it is hoped that

they will be. The most that it has been possible to obtain with them

was that distinct bands of them should unite on various occasions

in the mountain on the plateau where the ministers had a house and

church. But they immediately broke up again, said division occasioning

the wars which those Indians generally wage among their different

bands, and the alcaldes-mayor were unable to punish the guilty and

ungovernable because of the greater distance from the chief cities

where the alcaldes-mayor live to these places, and because the coast

of the sea is so rough during all the time of the vendavals and south

winds, that it is impossible to navigate along it, while the road

overland is so rough and blocked by mountains full of black enemies

(those mountains being very rough in parts), and in the ravines there

are very great rivers with very strong currents, so that in the rainy

season one can have no communication from this place, with Pangasinan,

or with Mariueles, or with Pampanga; and during the dry season these

Indians are generally with the blacks in the mountains trading wax:

consequently, they have never been obedient to the alcaldes-mayor, and

hence, neither to his Majesty nor to the gospel ministers whom they

have hitherto had. Although they have had ministers of great virtue

and most ardent zeal for souls, as can be seen in the annals of their

sacred order and even today, there are ex-provincials who have been

their ministers whose signal virtues are apparent to all the community.

Of the site and district of Playa Honda

Playa Honda begins at the doors of Mariueles and extends along

the mountains which border Pampanga to the point of Sunga and near

Pangasinan, which is distant more than forty leguas from Mariueles to

the visita of the Christian Baga Indians who are administered by the

minister of Mariueles. They perform their duties toward the Church

every year, notwithstanding that they show very many imperfections,

a fact which is not surprising, since the minister cannot be with

them all the time that he would like, as the coast is inaccessible

all the time of the vendavals. During that time they must necessarily

live without a minister to instruct them. That visita has thirty

tributes. Although they have a village laid out with its church and

house for the minister, they do not live in the said village except

when the minister goes to visit them. They live in their rancherías

whence they get molave wood in abundance. They have sufficient fields

in said village for all, and for twice as many more if they cared to

cultivate them, but they apply themselves more earnestly in cutting

said timber than in farming their fields. They get considerable help

for [cutting] said wood from the blacks of the mountain, for those

blacks are excellent woodsmen. All those blacks are tributary and

pay twelve reals annually for their tribute. The tribute is managed

by the Indians, and the encomendero does not meddle with them in

the collection of the tribute from the blacks, but the Indians pay

the said tribute for the blacks. Hence the black serves the Indian

all the year, without the black having other profit at the end of

the year than his tribute paid. This is the reason why the village

is continually without people, because the Indians, on account of

the profit from the work of the blacks, go to live with the blacks,

or near the pass of the mountain, where said blacks live, in order

to assist them in the work, for the blacks unless assisted physically

do not work. Four leguas from this visita toward the north is another

visita called Mariyumo, administered also by the said father minister

of Mariueles. Its people are Christians, although very bad ones, and

seriously lacking in the faith, and have very many imperfections. They

have very many superstitions and are much given to omens. Not all of

them are very fit to receive the annual communion. They also have a

village laid out and a church and house for the minister. However,

they do not live in the said village, but in their rancherías, much

divided among themselves as are those of Baga; although they are not

such absolute masters of the blacks as are those of Vaga, they also

have blacks under trust on which account they receive many vexations

from the encomendero, for it is the regular thing for them to pay the

tribute for the blacks. The latter are more free than the blacks of

Vaga, for they have more land where they can spread out, which those

of Vaga do not have. Those Indians also possess considerable molave

timber, but they are lazier than the Indians of Vaga. Consequently,

there is no one to cut the wood unless the corregidor of the island who

administers justice to them, forces them to cut said wood. It would be

doing a great service to God to unite the latter Indians with those

of Baga, so that our holy Catholic faith might be well administered

to them. They number about forty tributes, and, if they are united

with those of Vaga, they can have a minister in residence where they

will be well administered, and where they have lands sufficient for

their farming, and timber in abundance. In such case there would not

be so great a scarcity of that product in the city of Manila.

One legua from Mariyumo begins the bay which lies back of the

mountains of Abucay and Samal, where we commenced to get the Indians

whom we have collected in this Nuevo Toledo. The said bay has plenty

of fish. Its mouth is about one legua wide, and is closed by a small

island surrounded by many reefs on the southern side, but on the north

it is very deep--so that any sized ship can enter even when laden. But

the said bay has no port and lies in the course of all the vendaval

and the south winds. It is five leguas long stretching toward the

east, and as many wide. Along all that bay, which it will take two

days to coast, were scattered twenty-two families, who are today

living in this village of Nuevo Toledo where they have their houses

and fields. Having passed the said bay and entered the mountain,

one legua inland in the mountain, one enters a very level and long

plain. One-half legua inland in the plain, is situated the first

village called Nuevo Toledo. That plain is six leguas wide and eight

long. It is bounded on the east by some very rough mountains which lie

between the province of Pampanga and that plain; at the foot of those

mountains were the rancherías of Balacbac, which has fourteen families;

Lacnipan which had seven; Sigle which had fourteen more; Aglao which

had thirty-three. All those families were scattered, so that in no

ranchería did five families live together. The sea properly called

Playa Honda bathes its western coast. On the sea-coast were thirty-six

families of very pernicious Indians, all of whom we collected into the

village of Santa Rossa de Banguen, where they possess their houses and

fields. Those Indians were scattered along the creeks and carrizals

[83] near the sea, along six leguas of coast and level land beyond

the plain running toward the north two leguas. At the foot of some

very rough mountains between the sea and Buquil, there were fourteen

other families whom we have also collected in said village of Santa

Rossa de Banguen, which today consists of fifty families. That said

village of Santa Rossa is six leguas from that of Nuevo Toledo over

a stretch of level land in which there is a very great abundance

of game. Many were supported by that and had no fields and wherever

they caught the deer or carabao they stayed there until they finished

eating it. But at present they possess their gardens in the village,

and since care is taken in this, they will not be lazy, and will live

in the village where, having their gardens and the food from them,

they will not have so great need of the hunt. Six leguas farther on in

another site called Nalso, a plain where are stationed the presidio

and fort of Pinauen in a corner of said plain at the foot of the

mountains of Buquil, was a little village of about forty families,

which the very reverend father, Fray Joseph de la Santísima Trinidad,

ex-provincial of his order, had collected in said district. There

were there, moreover, twelve families who had recently descended

the mountains of Buquil, whom, since they were far from the fields,

and the flight to the mountains was very near and five families

had returned to the mountains, and there was no assurance of the

others if left in said site, we transferred to the visita of Alalam,

which is now composed of eighty families. The latter place is seven

leguas from the village of Santa Rossa de Banguen. Those who have

had most difficulty have been the thirty-three families whom we moved

from the site and district of Aglao, as they were very wild Indians,

and little or not at all softened until the present, and said site is

distant six leguas from the village of Nuevo Toledo where we stationed

it. Three leguas of the road are very bad, and there is not a drop

of water to be found for four leguas, during all the dry season. The

road is over sandy ground which is very large and full of rocks left

by the river which flows from the mountain of Pinatuba; and in those

places where there are no rocks, but only the sand, the road is also

very wearisome because that sand has no cohesion, and the least wind

that blows lifts the dust which blinds the travelers and has thus cost

the greatest hardship to those of this district who take that road in

going and coming between the village and the mountain. In the month of

January of this year of eighty, we had them all ready in the village,

and I, taking them to the mountain so that they might bring down their

possessions and rice to the village, and each family having brought

down five baskets of rice, one-half the distance along the road,

more than half of the people fell sick, because of the great labor

which it cost them to pass the said sandy ground. On that account I

ordered them to abandon their rice and possessions and to bring it

down little by little, and in order that they might make their gardens

before the season should expire, and so that they might finish their

houses. They have already finished them, and their gardens are at a

musket-shot's distance from the village, according to the edict which

Governor Don Juan de Vargas Hurtado, knight of the habit of Santiago,

changed for them for that purpose. Even in these slight things, his

Lordship has been active on account of his so great desire that the

Indians be reduced and be reasonable, if we may so say, for as will be

seen in their customs in which they have been reared until the present,

they were wandering very far from nationality and civilization.

The village of Nuevo Toledo was composed of more than one hundred

families, and that of Santa Rossa de Banguen, of fifty, in the

month of January of this year 1680. All declared themselves before

Adjutant Alonso Martinez Franco, superior commandant of the fort of

Paynauen. The latter, at the evident risk of his life, and with the

continual watchfulness and zeal of a fervent religious, without heeding

his own interest which he would have had if he wished to pay no heed to

the order of his superior, and to receive the offerings of gold which

the Indians made to him so that he should not oblige them to leave

their recesses, has aided us to his own great credit in collecting the

Indians whom we have today in the two said villages. He made lists of

the people who were in the two villages above mentioned, who amounted

to seven hundred and seventy persons. Those people persevere even yet

in the said two villages, and will persevere so long as the efforts

which are being made to reduce those who are yet intractable in the

mountains, do not cease. The said adjutant and superior commandant of

the said presidio also formed the new village of Alalam by withdrawing

its ancient inhabitants from the places where they lived before, and

brought them within a musket-shot of their fields. They were before

that one legua distant from their fields. That site has a small bay,

which the sea forms there, where there is very good fishing, and

where boats can safely enter. The said village did not have such a

bay before, in the former site. He also made lists of the Indians

whom he brought to the said village, who are the ones of Nalso who

were located at the foot of the mountains of Buquil, and those who

descended said mountains. I was not present when the said lists

were made and hence do not know the number of the persons there,

but it is evident to me that those gathered in the said village

number more than fifty families. I have seen their houses which are

already finished, and are excellent buildings, made of strong and

hard materials. Those Indians also will retain in the said village,

which is large, the horror which they have for the Spanish arms, and

more, if the raids of the Spaniards on the Indians who still keep to

the mountains are repeated.

Of the idolatries of all those Indians

Having to treat of the idolatries, superstitions, and customs of the

Zambals, I think I ought first to mention that my purpose is not to

discourage the ministers of the gospel, who have to plant our holy

Catholic faith among those Indians, but to impart to them the brief

information which I possess of the little which I have ascertained in

respect to the great amount which there is to ascertain, and which will

be discovered with the lapse of time, concerning the customs of that

blind people, who have lived so misguidedly and so far from reason at

the doors of the true evangelical light which we profess. Although they

are surrounded by provinces whose inhabitants are excellent Christians,

such as the provinces of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Mariueles, yet

notwithstanding they have been influenced very little or not at

all for the good by the customs of the Christians, on account of

their lack of communication with them; for they only go to the said

provinces to trade and traffic for a brief space of time, and then,

if anybody is careless they cut off his head. Hence, as I have said,

they have but little communication with reasonable people. On the

contrary, I think this paper of mine will serve as a stimulus for us

religious, who, leaving our convents of our fatherland España and our

friends and relatives, being moved by the zeal for souls, come to these

Philipinas Islands to publish our holy Catholic faith, to preserve it,

and teach good morals. All this drags us from our provinces in España,

and deprives us of our fatherland. Here, then, among these miserable

Zambals, we shall find much to do. It is unnecessary to go to seek

infidels in other kingdoms, for we have them here, although few;

and at the same time we have one to subject them for us and place

them under our obedience. I say then that this paper of mine will

serve as a stimulus to the ministers of the gospel to come to employ

themselves in the service of our Lord and His holy Catholic faith,

when they consider the great evil that there is to tear out and

eradicate from the hearts of these Indians, and the great good that

they lack to make them Christians. And although there are very many

baptized persons among them, yet in nothing at all are any of them

different from the others, if one considers their customs and mode of

living. Those baptized are as idolatrous as those not baptized. I am

not surprised at this, for until now the former ministers have not

had any opportunity for living in residence among them, since they

have not cared to collect them into a settlement. And if they have

collected them, it has been for a short time only, and their evil

customs have taken them again to the mountains and recesses whence

we have drawn them, but today according to the efficacy which the

governor of these Philipinas Islands places in the spiritual and

temporal good of these wretched creatures, we have excellent hopes

that they will persevere in their settlements and will be able to be

taught the true pathway to heaven.

These Indians have their priests and priestesses, although such have

no jurisdiction over the others; for here everyone is master of his

own will, and they alone recognize superiority in one in so far as he

gives authority to the other priests and priestesses for some special

sacrifices. This last is done to the one who pays well for it. This

priest is called bayoc, and he dresses like a woman. He wears a tapis

[84] or apron, and ties up his hair like a woman, although above the

tapis he wears and girds his catan, on the left side, and on the right

side, his yua [85] as other men. Those are the weapons of all these

Indians and no one goes without them, even though it be within his

own house. The idol to whom this bayoc principally offers sacrifice

is called Malyari, which means "powerful." This idol is made with a

wooden head and its body and hands of straw. They dress it up like

an image after their manner, place it on its altar and niche, then

light for it torches of pitch for lack of wax candles. All the people

of the ranchería assemble to make the sacrifice. Having built his

altar, the bayoc takes his spear in his hand and makes three holes in

the earth with it. Those holes are filled with wine, and the spear,

having been thrust into the ground, the bayoc begins his sacrifice,

with a leaf of wild anahao or wild palm in his hand. He commences

to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many wry faces by

means of his eyes, he generally talks, sometimes between his teeth,

without anyone understanding him. Sometimes he contents himself with

the wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the tremblings of all

his body. After a few minutes he strikes himself twice on the knee

with the hand in which he holds the palm-leaf, and says that he is

the anito to whom the sacrifice is being made. At this the sacristan

(for the devil has even in this the semblance of God and wishes to

resemble His Divine Majesty) explains the need of the person who

orders the sacrifice made. The bayoc promises to fulfil the desire

of the person who is having the sacrifice made, and immediately

the bystanders begin to sing certain songs in praise of the anito or

idol. While they are being sung, they give the bayoc and the sacristan

something to drink, and after those two, all those present drink. But

no one drinks or eats anything that has been offered in the sacrifice

until the bayoc eats or drinks, for they say they would die if they

ate or drank before the anito, and for the anito to eat or drink is

no other thing than for the bayoc to eat or drink.

The office of sacristan, although the bayoc gives it to whomever he

wishes, is not of great estimation, and in the absence of the one

appointed for such office, the bayoc substitutes in his place the

first one he lays his eyes on. But the office of bayoc is held in high

estimation among them, and I am not surprised, for it possesses such

advantages that for certain honors which he performs for a deceased

person, they generally give him ten taes in gold. Those honors are

performed so that the soul of the deceased may leave its relatives, for

they say that the said soul always follows them until said honors are

shown it. [86] Those honors are not shown to all, because all people

do not have the means for those expenses. When they are performed,

all the relatives and friends of the deceased are invited to be present

at them. They offer food made of rice, buyo, tobacco, and wine to the

amount that seems sufficient for the guests. Then clothing Malyari

as abovesaid, and presiding over the ceremonies in a two-fold manner,

[87] there is pure disorder. Some lament, some sing, some play their

musical instruments, and some dance after their manner. But whatever

those who lament and those who sing, lament and sing is in memory of

the deceased. Finally, what is offered is consumed, and when they

finish eating and drinking, the sacrifice is finished, and each of

the guests takes his cup from which he has drunk, although some are

accustomed to leave them, but they are the fewest. Consequently,

if one hundred persons attended the honors one hundred other cups

would have to be obtained for each person to take his cup. It is to

be noticed that they do not always dress the anito Malyari, for only

the bayoc has it, but whenever said bayoc offers sacrifices for any

deceased person he dresses it, although some sacrifices are also made

to other anitos without dressing said Malyari.

They also have their kind of baptism, which only the bayoc has

authority to administer, first making a sacrifice to Malyari in the

abovesaid manner. At the same time, they clothe the one baptized

according to their fashion. He looses his hair and hangs at the

ends some small pieces of gold. The sacrifice having been finished,

in place of water the bayoc baptizes him with the blood of a hog,

either of the domestic or wild variety. The relatives of the one

baptized stand all about him and the former on top of a rock. The

ceremonies having been finished, the bayoc cuts the ends of the hair

of the baptized person, from which hang the bits of gold, and flings

them aloft, and the bystanders collect them hurriedly. That gold

is afterward held in high estimation and with difficulty will they

let go of it. Consequently, those nearest the one baptized and his

relatives, while the ceremonies and the sacrifice are being performed,

sing certain songs, and all those who are present answer them. However,

there are also very few who are baptized in this manner, because the

fees which are given to the bayoc are large, and generally amount to

eight taes of gold. If while the sacrifice or the ceremony of baptism

is being performed, the bystanders make a great racket, and if after

the bayoc has ordered them to keep still, the noise does not abate,

then the bayoc takes some bran, dust, or sand, and flings it into the

air over the heads of those who are making the racket, and after that

is done no one dares to open his mouth and all the racket stops.

The method exercised by the bayoc in delegating power to the

other priests of the idols is not less ridiculous than all his

other affairs. The new anitero or priest-to-be collects much wine,

and the bayoc attends for one or two days a great drunken revel

which must last for the space of seven days without cessation. In

that revel everyone who enters or goes out, has leave to drink, and

they are so long-winded in that matter that as many as gather there

have to get drunk, and until he falls down and becomes dead drunk,

they do not allow him to leave that place. Then the bayoc thereupon

proclaims such and such a miserable wretch as master of such and such

an anito. As soon as the seven continuous days of the first revel are

finished, they begin another seven days counting every second day;

and when those second seven days are ended, they begin another seven,

counting every third day. If any of these circumstances are lacking,

the bayoc says that the idol or anito will punish them, and such anito

will not obey the priest. The pay which is given to the bayoc for

his assistance and proclamation to the new priest of his priesthood

is according to the anito which he takes; for the anitos have their

hierarchies among themselves. There is one anito which costs eight

taes of gold, some that cost six, some four, and some three, according

to the anito which each one wishes.

Acasi. The anito superior to all seems to me to be the one called

Acasi; for they sing him a song which says "Mag yaman man a Malyari

monagon si Acasi," namely, "Although Malyari is powerful Acasi

gets the first fruits." This is the refrain when they sing in the

sacrifice which is made to this idol. That idol has few priests, for

the authority given them by the bayoc to be able to offer sacrifice

to him costs them a great sum. That idol, they say, is useful for the

sick, and for works of importance. All his priests declare that they

talk with Acasi, but no one says that he sees him or does anyone of the

bystanders hear him talk. The same is true of the other idols and their

priests; and all become good and drunk whenever a sacrifice is made,

and the priest tells them that the idol has told him the lies that

he makes up, and the others believe them as truth. This is universal

among all the other sacrifices which are made to the other idols.

Manglobar. There is another idol called Manglobar. They say that

that idol pacifies angry hearts. Hence, when anyone commits a murder,

he sends to the priest of that idol to have him pacify the relatives

of the murdered man, and to reconcile them with the murderer. That

reconciliation consists in the murderer giving gold or something worth

it to the relatives of the murdered person, according to the rank

of the latter. If the murderer has no gold, then he gives a slave,

who is generally some Negrillo of the mountain, whom they capture

for that purpose. And if he cannot do that the priest kills a son

of the murderer or a very near relative. If the murderer cannot

do any of the above things, they kill him. The party offended also

generally has recourse to such priest in order that the offender may

be reconciled with the offended, and that is very general when the

offender is more powerful than the party offended or has more kindred

to protect him. Only a priest is able to uncover that idol.

Mangalagar. There is another idol called Mangalagar. Of that idol it is

said that he accompanies the priest wherever he goes on all occasions

when they invoke him (good guardian angel!) when they have to make any

garro or mangao, which means to cut off some head. If they have made a

catch, they give thanks to such idol, and make him a sacrifice. This

is so closely followed that they will under no circumstances mount

into their house without first offering some sacrifice to such idol;

for they say that they will be punished by that Mangalagar, if they do

not make him a feast before entering their houses, and they will have

no luck another time in cutting off any other head. All those feasts

are made with wine and drunken reveling. That idol has many priests,

but not so many as do the anitos whom they have for their paddy fields.

Of the anitos which they have for their rice, I have not been able

to discover more than five, as follows:

Aniton Tauo. He seems to me to be lord of the winds, and superior

to his four associates whom I shall immediately name. They offer the

pinicpig, which are the firstfruits of their rice to that one. They

gather the green rice and pound it, and afterwards parch it in a jar

or kettle and offer it to him, first making their bit of an altar

where they hang some handfuls of rice in proportion to the devotion

of each one. They call that method of offering mamiarag. Then follows

Dumagan, who they say causes the rice to head well; then Calasacas, who

makes it ripen; then Calasocos, who they say dries it. Accordingly,

they sacrifice to him so that he may not dry it up. Then follows

Damolag, who they say keeps it from the hurricanes when it is in

flower. Those anitos or idols have very many priests and priestesses,

although, as I have said, no one sees the said idols or talks with

them. They do not even paint them or have their images; but what the

priest or priestess says to them they consider as an oracle and say

that it will not fail. Every class of people have recourse to those

sacrifices; although some Indians do not believe in it at all, yet,

notwithstanding, all attend them, Christians and heathens, without

excepting anyone.

Of the superstitions of the Indians

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 47, 1728-1759 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 24 / 25 章

The new royal hospital being reestablished, and all the expenses