I believe that the errors which they pos_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 47, 1728-1759 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

superstitions are not less than those which I have mentioned of

their idolatry, although I have not investigated it as thoroughly

as the matter of their idolatry. But with the lapse of time, they

will be discovered and ascertained. There is a bird which they call

salacsac. Its beak is red, as are also its feet. Some of its feathers

are green and some blue with black and white spots. That bird gets

its food in the river. If it appears on the right hand of any one

journeying to any place, he returns, for he says that some accident

will happen to him, or some great trouble on the road, or in the place

where he is going, such as being killed, or being shot with arrows,

or something similar. If the said bird appears on his left hand he

says that the same thing will happen to those whom he leaves at home,

such as his children, wife, father, mother, or very near relative,

and on that account he also returns. However, if the bird sings like

a man who is laughing, then he goes on, and says that that bird is

favorable to him. But if the said bird sings or croaks in any other

way he returns, for he says that it announces some very great danger

to him. There is another bird smaller than a gurrion which they call

pasimanuquen. They say the same of this as of the salacsac. They

say the same of the tocó, so called by the Tagálog, and chacon by

the Spaniard. If they go to the mountain or near it and any tree

falls, they say the same as of the chacon and of the two birds above

mentioned. If they go on a journey and hear anyone sneeze they also

return, and if they are prepared and about to do anything, they leave

it then if anyone sneezes. If they hear any crow cawing at night,

they say that it announces the death of a very near relative. If

any dog which belongs to them breaks any of its teeth or falls down,

they either kill the dog or give it to some one; for they say that

it announces some death to them. If the dog jumps out of the window

when it wants to leave the house, they also say that it announces the

same thing. If they dream that the clothing that they have is ragged,

they throw it away because they say that they will die. If they dream

that the house falls down on them and burns them, they destroy it,

for they also say they will die. The devil also has attempted to

discredit the holy rosary among them, and when they go hunting they

take it off, for they say that the dogs will bite the deer or wild

boar if they wear a rosary. Not one of these Indians eats if he is

alone, because they say that they will die. Consequently, what they

do is generally to make their food ready and carry it until they find

a company before whom they may eat. They have also dedicated some

places of the mountain and bamboos to the anito, and, consequently,

they cut nothing there, for they say that they will die and that the

anito will kill them, although they do not know to what anito it is

dedicated, or who dedicated the said mountain or district to such

and such an anito, and know only an old observance which they have

received from their ancestors. In their marriages they also have

their superstitions. After any marriage has been performed, husband

and wife go to the mountain to seek the salacsac or the pasimanuquen,

and if the bird sings well they return very happy; but if it sings

badly they return very sad. If it sings well they carry along the

road a bombon or pitcher of water, and by means of the said water,

which is drunk by all the bystanders, the two newly-married people

will have children. For the bird to sing well, it must sing on their

right hand and in the manner of the said bird which laughs. To sing ill

means nothing else than to sing on the left hand, so that the bird is

somewhat hoarse and sad. In such case they say that said marriage will

have a bad ending, and that one of the two will die in a short time. If

they do not see the bird, they say that they will have no children.

Of the customs of these Indians

Although those Indians have their kind of rank, since some are chiefs,

and others not, and there are others who are descended from slaves,

yet notwithstanding that they have no obedience one for the other. The

poor man does not obey the rich, nor does the chief have any authority

over him who is not a chief. Those who are obeyed (although but little)

are the old men, when they assemble as if in council or meeting of the

old men. But, in private no one dares to order another one, neither

the chief him who is not a chief, nor the rich man the poor man; for

here every one is master of his own will, and each one thinks that he

is greater than his neighbor. Their method of governing is by fear,

and accordingly each one tries to make the others fear him more than

any other. In order to accomplish that each one endeavors to beat the

others in committing murders, so that the others may fear him. They

commit those murders by treachery. In order that the relatives of

the murdered man may not slay the murderer, the latter pays such and

such a sum of gold to the kindred of the murdered person, according

to the rank of the deceased. For if such deceased was a chief or had

many kin, his murder costs more and is redeemed by a greater sum. The

lowest price with which a murder is generally redeemed is five taes

of gold. If the murderer has no gold, he redeems the said murder

with silver at the rate of eight pesos per tae of gold, although

gold is valued at ten pesos per tae among those Indians; for it is

very low grade gold, and as I have heard said does not reach fourteen

carats. The little gold that they do possess is much adulterated with

silver, copper, and bronze. But if the said murderer has no gold or

silver with which to redeem the murder that he committed, he goes to

the mountain and deceives some black or steals him and drags him to

his ranchería, and delivers him to the relatives of the murdered man

so that they may slay the said black. There is [no] great difficulty

in this for in mountains there they have many acquaintances among the

blacks. Those blacks are not without their enemies in some rancherías

of the blacks themselves, where they go to make the seizure. And since

the blacks are very revengeful in taking vengeance on their enemies,

they aid the Zambals to capture them. The Zambal gives the black,

whose services he has used for that purpose, some arrows or machetes.

But it must also be noticed that they do not always kill the black

who is thus captured, for sometimes they let him live, and he is

made a perpetual slave. There are many such slaves today, and I even

believe that all the slaves whom they have are of this kind. If the

murderer gives a slave in this way, he redeems the murder that he

committed. Even if he cannot give gold or silver or a slave he kills

one of his sons or delivers him to the relatives of the murdered one

so that they may slay him. They never hesitate to kill that son thus

delivered up, for when he can bear arms he will rebel and return to

his father. If perchance the child of the murderer given for ransom of

the murder which he committed is a daughter, when the said daughter

is married she will go to the house of her father or relatives with

her husband. For among the Zambals the woman is greater than the man,

and the men sometimes obey the women. The latter are very haughty,

and when the husband does not obey his wife, marriages are unmade very

easily. If we reach such straits that the murderer has neither gold,

silver, nor anything of value and cannot get a slave in the mountain,

or a black, which is the same thing for that purpose, and has no son

or daughter, or very near relative, such as some small orphan child,

then in such case his kin themselves help him in ransoming himself,

for in any other event, the relatives of the murdered person would

infallibly kill him.

Accordingly, these Indians esteem it highly to have kinship, and,

although they be very remote relatives, they treat one another as

brothers because of the need which they have one of the other, so that

they may be aided one by the other in such cases. Notwithstanding

the said estimation which they have for their relatives, we

see an evil and perverse custom which they have which is worse

than the most blood-thirsty beasts, namely, that Zambals are not

accustomed to have more than two children, one a male and the other a

female. Consequently, if they already have one male child, they kill

all the sons at birth until a daughter is born. Then after they have

had said daughter scarcely is the woman pregnant when they already

arrange to kill the son or daughter, as soon as it emerges from the

womb of the mother. But if any one begs said son or daughter, even

while yet in the womb of its mother it is given to such person. But the

one who has asked for it must pay its mother all the time that the said

mother is occupied in suckling such boy or girl; and afterward it is

considered as the child of that person at whose account it was reared

and kept alive. However, I know many in this manner who have great

love for their true parents. Since we discovered said custom among

them, we had delivered from death three children, although to the

great sorrow of their parents because they had not killed them. But

as soon as we find out that any woman is pregnant, we warn her that

she must not kill the son or daughter that she brings forth, for we

will punish her very severely, and they, for fear of the punishment,

allow their children to live.

They also have their mourning for very near deceased relatives. That

consists in wearing a cloth on the head, which they are accustomed

to remove in no case until they have committed a murder. And as

long as they wear the said mourning which they call balata, [88]

they are not accustomed to sing, or dance, or play their musical

instruments; nor will they attend any feast among them. Those feasts

are always made with wine, and their musical instruments are played

at them. But when they have cut off some head, or committed some

murder, then they remove the balata, or mourning. For that purpose the

relatives assemble and a great drunken revel is made where much wine

is consumed and some days spent in this occupation. Accordingly, it

is necessary that among these Indians many murders must be committed,

for no mourning is removed until some murder has been committed,

and then the relatives of the one who has been recently murdered in

order to remove the previous mourning, also put on new mourning, and in

order to remove that it is necessary to commit another murder. Hence,

they mutually kill one another, and they are always wearing mourning,

except when the murder is committed far away among the blacks, or among

the Indians subject to his Majesty in the neighboring provinces. And

in order that they may not proceed ad infinitum in this manner, they

try to commit the murders which they do commit secretly, when it is

not in their district, so that the said murder may not be attributed

to them. But, having committed the said murder, then they tell it to

their neighbors, and they make merry, sing, and play their music, for

as long a time as they ceased to make merry during the time when they

wore the balata. Thus it is commonly said that three-fourths of those

who die among these Zambals die violent deaths, and one-fourth and even

not that much, die natural deaths. But whenever there is any death,

be it violent or natural, there is the balata which must be removed

by another death, either by killing another Zambal, a black of the

mountain, or an Indian of the provinces, near the said Zambals, or a

black of the mountain, or an Indian. I know a man who is said to have

committed sixty murders. I do not dare to assert as true that which is

told me of that Indian, but what I know is that those Indians do not

get angry or take it as an affront among themselves to be so cruel, but

on the contrary they highly praise and assert those customs, and are

vain of the murders which they commit. Thus, as among the Spaniards,

one speaks and talks with courtesy of "my associate so and so," "my

neighbor," "my comrade," etc., and it is a kind of discourtesy to say

"Juan Fernandez" "Pedro Sanchez," etc.; so also among these Indians

it is a discourtesy to be called by one's companions only men. It is

a high and good politeness to be called by the name which signifies

in their own language, "an accomplice in a murder" that title being

"Araoc;" and thus they say Araoc Juan, etc. And as they are little

given to flattery, they never give the name of Araoc to him who does

not really and truly possess it; for it is regarded among them as

making a jest at one to whom the said title is given, if it does not

belong to him, just as among us it is a jest to give the title of a

brave man to one who does not dare to draw his sword from his belt.

Their marriages are not made between relatives, but on the contrary

they try to marry those who are not related to them; and I believe that

the reason therefor is to acquire new kinship by means of marriage,

for we see that he who has the most kindred is the most powerful, is

the one held in highest esteem by all and commits more murders in which

consists their greatest estate, for he has more and greater opportunity

to go scotfree from those murders which he commits. Marriages are not

performed until the relatives of both parties are assembled, and order

the two contracting parties to eat together from one plate. All the

other preceding preparations and ceremonies belong to the contract of

the marriage and the betrothal. Said marriages, moreover, are [not]

made by virtue of the wish of the contracting parties, for they are

married from childhood when most of the contracting parties do not

even have the use of their reason. The reason that has been given to

me for this is so that they may be raised together from childhood, and

contract love one for the other. But we see that very many marriages

result badly, and after marriage the parties separate, although

in this regard the men are very patient, for among these Indians,

as among all those of this land, it is the custom for the man to

give the dowry to the woman. Among the Zambals, it is the custom not

only to give the dowry to the woman, but also another kind of dowry

to all the relatives of the said woman. They call the latter dowry

sambon. Among the Tagálogs it was also formerly the custom and was

called sohol. That second dowry among these Indians is generally larger

than the first, which is the one that is given to the woman. If husband

and wife quarrel, and she wishes to separate from her husband and marry

another man, and if the cause of the quarrel has been given by the man;

they are divorced and he loses the dowry which he gave to his wife,

as well as that which he gave to the relatives of said wife. But if

the cause of the said quarrel proceeded from the wife and she wishes

to be divorced, she must return all the dowry, and in such case her

relatives also return that which was given to them. And since it is

of some consequence to them whether the two married people live at

peace or at war, it is very common for all the woman's kin to take her

side, in order not to return what was given to each one. Consequently,

although there may never be justice, the woman always has the argument

on her side to do that which she wishes. And since there is no other

justice here than the yua, bows and arrows, the tanca, and caraza, the

greater kindred and those most interested always prevail; and since

these are the relatives of the woman to whom the dowry was given and

the husband is alone, and at the most is supported by his brothers,

always or generally the argument is on the side of the wife, and the

husband has to give up both dowries. Consequently, the poor Zambal,

in order not to be left without wife and dowry, endures whatever his

wife wishes. Besides, these Indians are not so barbarous that they do

not know when they are right in what they ask, and when they are not

right. Consequently, the wife will never say that she wishes to be

divorced unless it is when the husband was the evident cause of the

quarrel. However, sometimes they are accustomed to make friendship

between the husband and wife, on condition that the husband commit

a murder. In such an event he leaves the house and does not come

again into the presence of his wife until he commits said murder. The

murder having been committed, and said wife hearing of it, before the

husband reaches the house, his wife goes to receive him with a new

bajaque in her hands, in order to present it to her husband in sign

of congratulation for obeying her. But in such an event the wife and

her relatives have to make good the damage which follows from the said

murder, and the husband is free. The ceremony of the wife going out

to meet her husband with the present of the bajaque on said occasion

is of so great importance among these Indians that the husband will

be grieved if his wife fails in this ceremony or courtesy.

The married women have one good custom, and that is that they are

chaste and loyal to their husbands. Scarcely can a married woman be

found among the Zambals of whom it can be said casually that she has

had lascivious communication with another, although it is very common

for all the people to sleep together in one hut or thicket, and all,

both men and women, are intoxicated. But there will be no occasion

for a man to jest with a married woman, and more, in the presence of

others. But I also believe that that chastity or less incontinence

in this matter was not taught by the devil for the welfare and honor

of these Zambals, but to give them more opportunities to commit more

murders and to make them more turbulent, for the married men are very

jealous of their wives and in no case do they leave them. Wherever they

go, they go together, and do not lose sight of one another. When they

go on a journey, they take all their possessions and the wife carries

it all in a basket which she bears on her back by means of a cord

from the head. The man with his bow and arrow escorts her. They are

accustomed even to carry the hen and its chicks in the said basket or

under the arm, so that they carry all that they can of the possessions

which they have in their house except what is not portable, and those

they hide in the thicket. And if the husband absents himself because

of any occurrence, and cannot take his wife with him, and if, during

the said absence, the wife weakens in her chastity, and it comes to

be common property in the ranchería, for if she has been weak it is

very difficult to keep such news from her husband, for these Indians

cannot keep a secret: then in such an event the husband kills without

any remedy the one who has offended him by sinning with his wife. And

having killed such a person, he informs the relatives themselves of

said wife of the treachery which his wife has committed in order that

they may kill her; and if the said relatives neglect to kill such a

wife, then, in that case her own husband kills her and can kill also

any relative of the said wife without being obliged in that account to

pay anything. Notwithstanding this custom, that quarrel is generally

patched up with gold, but they must have much gold among them for that

means. I know a principal woman, one of the most influential of said

Zambals, whom one of these contentions cost more than thirty taes of

gold and two slaves whom she delivered up so that their heads might

be cut off. But it is to be noted that the offender of the wife, or

the adulterer [mancebo], gives said gold to the husband of said wife,

and the wife gives the gold to her own relatives, if they are her

cousins and brothers. That woman and chieftainess is called Monica

Corosan and was married in facie eclesia [i.e., with the rites of

the Church], and because she has been weak and little or not at all

faithful to her husband, it cost her the sum above mentioned, and she

was divorced and separated from her legitimate husband, by whom she

had a son, and was remarried to her adulterer. He already has three

daughters. But although the said quarrel was patched up by means of the

gold she has not dared to appear before her relatives for more than

twelve years. Consequently, the fact that said women are so chaste

proceeds from this rigor which they exercise in this matter. If they

value their husbands and relatives so greatly, it is because the latter

may take vengeance. I believe that the single women are also chaste,

although some are generally careless; but both the woman and the

accomplice pay with their lives if the fact is learned. If any woman

is pregnant, her relatives force her to tell who is the accomplice

of her pregnancy, and if the two do not marry, the relatives kill

them both without being obliged to give any compensation therefor.

Burials. In their burials, they are not wont to shroud the deceased

but to clothe him. If he is a chief they put two dresses on him,

according to their manner, and two robes. If the deceased has any

share in any inheritance of gold, before they bury said deceased,

the gold is divided before the corpse itself, and the part which

belonged to him is placed in the grave with the said corpse with

his store of certain articles of food. I have heard it said of the

natives of Buquil that if the deceased is a chief and has any slave,

they kill a slave and bury him with his master. I have had very little

to do with the natives of Buquil, and, consequently, I do not know

how much truth there is in this, and I do not affirm it. I have also

heard another thing said which would horrify the ears were I to tell

it; hence I do not dare to set it down on this paper. For, as I say,

I have had but little to do with the natives of Buquil, as they have

not allowed us to enter there, and if I were to qualify it as true

when I was not sure that it was true, if it afterwards appears to

be false, it will be inferred that there is but little truth in this

paper of mine. Consequently, I will not mention it.

There is a kind of contempt which is very great among the Indians

for one who has not murdered anyone. Consequently, those who have

some little gold with which to pay for their murders are much given

to this vice of murdering. They generally buy slaves or negrillos of

the mountain so that their little sons might kill them. Binding the

wretched slave or black they take said sufferer into the presence

of their sons from three to seven years old and there kill him, and

by that means their minds and all their being become acquainted with

the idea of blood, so that when they are grown they may have so evil

a custom. It is a curious thing that they generally buy many blacks

or slaves for that purpose, and if one cannot do it, or has no wealth

for the purpose of buying a black or slave in order that he may kill

him alone, he unites with others, and thus many together buy said

black. One buys the right to give the first lance-thrust or stab,

another the second, another to take away a quarter of the head,

another another bit of it, another half the head--according to the

amount of the capital of each one--and he who wounds him with greater

ferocity, that one has the best lot. I will relate a matter in regard

to this, which happened to me when I was vicar of Abucay. Once I had

about five little Zambal lads in the convent whom I was teaching to

pray and read. It happened that the fathers of three of them came

to see them, and that gave the children, who were seven or eight

years old, a desire to return to Playa Honda with their fathers. I

gave them permission, for their parents begged it of me. I did not

give permission to the other two, and, consequently, they remained in

said convent with me. While the other little fellows were returning in

company with their fathers and passing by Mariyumo, which is a visita

of Mariueles, it happened that the Indians of that visita, who are

also Zambals and but very little different from those of Playa Honda,

had that day caught a black of the mountain, whom they were about to

kill on the following day. The Zambals and the children, their sons,

stayed for the feast in celebration of the killing of the black. For

their joy in being present at a death of any person in such a manner

is as great as it is for Spaniards to attend a zarza or play or all

to play at ring. [89] That news came to the ears of the children,

who remained under my care in Abucay, two months afterwards. They

were told of the feast which their three companions had had in the

village of Mariyumo when they were at the killing; and so great was

their sorrow that they had not returned on that past occasion with

their three companions that they began to bewail their lack of luck

because they had not returned with their companions so that they also

might have been present at the killing. Hence, one can infer their so

great inclination for this vice, for those who have never seen nor

known any better customs learn to kill from early childhood. And in

case that anyone has entire information concerning the peace and quiet

into which the Christians come by means of the Catholic faith, since

they have to live among Indians of such customs, they must always

have death in their hands or before their eyes, for one can trust

no one, since they do not trust themselves. For every step that they

take is at the risk of their lives. Often they kill from necessity,

as they believe, so that they may not be killed, as happens when

they see in their rancherías any person or persons whom they do not

know. Since they do not know whether such persons are about to kill

them, they anticipate them and take away their lives, but it is more

usual to kill for revenge and to make oneself feared and famous in

this matter. There are many of them who, when they have committed

fifteen murders, place on the hams of the legs certain strings of

a small white fruit of an herb which they call bantacan. When they

have killed seventeen persons, they place the said fruit very close

together in the manner of a rosary which they call tigdin. When the

number has reached more than nineteen, they take away said fruit and

in its place wear certain very highly colored sigueyes. But it is to

be noted that, although twenty men take part in one murder, in order

that they may wear that regalia, which they consider as tabi, [90]

each one claims said murder as his, as if he had done it alone. They

also generally tie a long narrow strip of anahao, or palmleaf,

on the hilt of their dagger or yua. That token shows that he who

carries it was the first one to strike the person that was killed

on that occasion. Notwithstanding the abovesaid, if anyone goes to

their rancherías in company with another Zambal of their number,

he is sufficiently safe although he might be still safer at Manila.

Of the change which we see today in these Indians

He who considers their barbarous customs, idolatries, superstitions,

and the natural and great inclination for killing which these Indians

possess, and in which they have been reared; and hears of the so

great change and the difference which exists at present in all

their customs, when compared to those that they possessed in their

recesses and rancherías: will easily understand that already God is

walking among them, and that He has already taken pity on the souls

and wishes them for Himself. The immortality of the soul has already

been explained to these Indians in their mother tongue; as has also

the reward which God has for those who keep His commandments and those

of our holy mother Church, and the punishment reserved for those who

break them, and that, for as many sins as man commits he has to take

his punishment in this life or in the next; and the unity of God,

His eternity, and at the same time that which the Christian man must

believe in order to be saved.

It has been father Fray Domingo Escalera who has already learned

their language, and has gone communicating it from one to the other,

until there are now very few who do not understand this. When said

father explains to them something of which they have not heard,

all look at one another, as if surprised to hear what they are

hearing. I have not had the capacity to do as much as the said

father, but I have managed to explain it also in the Tagálog tongue

to those who understand it. But they do not understand many things,

and I cannot tell them to them. Consequently, I trust, God helping,

that said father will produce great fruit among these Indians, as

he has learned their language. These Indians did not observe any

festivals or Sunday, or Lent, or vigil, or Friday. Consequently,

although there are many Christians baptized from childhood, it was

the same as if they were heathen, and there was no difference between

heathens and Christians. Having explained to them on one occasion the

seriousness of the sin of breaking feast days, one of them went to

the mountain and one Sunday while cutting some bamboos he hurt his

foot. The rumor spread among the Indians that God had punished that

Indian because he worked on Sunday, and from that time they have

observed feast days and Sundays. On another occasion, namely, Ash

Wednesday, the said father told them that they ought to abstain from

eating meat throughout Lent, and that God would punish whoever broke

said precept. Next day an Indian went hunting, and having killed a

carabao calf, while he was cutting it up and carrying it to his house

or to the village, the mother of the calf came out of the thicket

and killed the Indian. Thereupon, the father took occasion to again

charge them to abstain from meat during Lent, Friday, and vigil. All

through Lent there was scarcely one Christian or heathen who dared to

eat meat. For about eight months we lived in a small house which had

scarcely room for the two beds of two religious. We had three Indians

of Abucay who built us another larger house where we could live with

some freedom. There was no Indian who would be so kind as to aid them

in their customs in anything, until they saw that the presidio of

the Spaniards which is located twelve leguas from the village where

we united these Indians, had already about forty men, and as soon

as they heard the arquebuses in Buquil, which was ten leguas from

the said village, they moved quickly, and no longer answered a dry

"no quiero" [i.e., "I will not"], for whatever we commanded them, as

they had before answered us all the time. I have already said above

that the devil had discredited the rosary of the most holy Virgin,

our Lady, among these Indians, and although some had rosaries which

some faithful ones or religious had given them, in order to incline

them to that holy devotion, yet no one of them could recite it, for

there was no one who knew anything of the prayer. They only kept it

in order to show it to those who went to trade and traffic at their

rancherías, in order that they might consider them as Christians,

as it is a kind of affront among them not to be a Christian. On the

contrary they believed that nothing good would happen to them if they

wore the rosary about their necks. But seeing the esteem which we

had for those sacred beads, and that in their sicknesses when they

asked us for any remedy for their attacks in which we do not apply

any other medicine except the sacred rosary, and when they recognize

that they recover miraculously from their illness by the use of the

rosary alone, they believe that the devil had deceived them, and

are growing very fond of this holy devotion, so that now very many

of the married men, the single youth, indeed, the old men, wear the

rosary about their necks, some recite it in their houses, and others

attend church morning and afternoon to recite the rosary with the lads,

and very many of them already know the whole prayer, and recite it at

night in their houses in a loud voice. They formerly obeyed no one,

but now they show great respect to their gobernadorcillos, to their

chief, and to the old men, so that, if they are seated anywhere and

their gobernadorcillo arrives, they all rise, and no one sits or

covers his head until his gobernadorcillo is seated. Father Domingo

Escalera has lived for a short time with the Indians of Nuebo Toledo,

since they were gathered together. Having come to the said village

during the last days of the past Lenten season, and seeing the so

great change that God had produced in them, he said: "At the rate

with which God is changing the hearts of these Indians, they will

be better Christians than those of Masinloc before ten years' time,

although said Indians of Masinloc have been Christians for more than

sixty years." When we reached their districts in the beginning, the

children and even the women fled from us, but today the women are very

affable and those who have anything to wear go to church and scarcely

can we keep the children away from us. When we go to the village, they

come down from their houses and accompany us, and we can scarcely walk,

because they seize us by our habits, and place their scapularies before

our eyes. Every morning and afternoon they go to the church to pray

and to hear mass. Before mass we recite the rosary, and after mass the

whole prayer. In the afternoon we leave the church in the manner of

a procession in two choirs, and the father sings the prayer and they

answer until the prayer is finished. And on entering the church again

candles are lighted to our Lady, and the holy rosary is also recited.

Method used in getting these Indians to persevere in said prayers

The Zambals are the most cowardly people in these islands, although

they have hitherto been considered by the neighboring provinces as a

people of great courage and warlike. Their cowardice could be proved

by many examples, but that does not concern the present matter. Their

whole strength consists in fleeing, and their courage in hiding. From

that cowardice it proceeds that all the murders that they commit

are by treachery. It never happens that if, fighting face to face,

the enemy escapes and is on his guard and watchful, they commit any

murder, because of their great timidity and cowardice. Accordingly,

in order that those whom we have assembled in the three villages above

mentioned, may persevere in their settlements, the most efficacious

fear and the one most suited to their nature is that the Spaniards of

the fort and presidio of Paynauen of whom they have a very great fear,

may come very often to the said villages and overrun the land, and

penetrate even into their old recesses where they formerly lived; and

if perchance they should find anything planted in the said recesses

that they would destroy it and cut it down without leaving them

anything. And so that they may see that the father protects them,

when the said Spaniards come to the village, the father opposes them

and takes the part of the Indians. [91] But it is always necessary

in this matter for the soldiers to conquer, and the father is always

very careful to always inform the Spaniards by whom and where anything

is planted which it may be necessary to destroy, and that the edicts

which his Lordship, the governor, sent them be carried out. These are

to the effect that no one should plant anything in the old rancherías

and that in the village each one should plant one thousand feet of

gabes, and five hundred of sugar-cane; that said soldiers are to

continue to make raids through the whole plain as I say, very often;

yet, whenever the soldiers come to the village, they are to ask the

gobernadorcillo and cabezas (for whom already they have some obedience)

for permission to go to look for those who have become fugitives,

and the father is to go along in order to assure such fugitive. As

said absence has proceeded a trifle from fear of the Spaniard, the

Indians of the village themselves are to go to seek those who should

have become fugitives, in order that they may not go in company with

the Spaniard to the mountain, for the fear which they have of the

said soldiers is inexplicable. They are to oblige said Indians to

make their gardens and fields in the village, where they have fine

lands, very fertile for fields and gardens. If any are found to be

neglectful in this, such persons are to be bound in order to keep

them and take them to the fort so that they may pound rice for the

soldiers. By those measures, there is no man who dares to return

to the mountain. After they have lost their fear of the Spaniards,

the latter are to try to excite trouble between the Indians and the

blacks of the mountain, [92] but at all events said Spaniards are

to make no trouble for the Indians whom they find in the villages,

but rather must treat them well.

In order that this may have effect, it is necessary for the governor

to send twenty or thirty horses to the said district, so that the

Spaniards may get over the country, for the roads are intolerable,

especially from the fort to Santa Rossa de Banguen. That is a distance

of six leguas of very troublesome sandy ground without a drop of fresh

water in the dry season. There is a distance of six leguas also from

Santa Rossa de Banguen to Nuevo Toledo, where one cannot find a tree

under which to rest. Accordingly, without the said horses, nothing

can be done, for all those who should go to the said places run great

risk from the sun, as happened when Adjutant Alvaro Martin Franco

went to the said villages to hold the elections, when almost all

the Spaniards who accompanied him fell sick. Said horses will be of

great use to the soldiers in hunting, for this country has abundance

of game. With the horses also they can overrun the land of Buquil,

and terrorize intractable persons. Since said Spaniards often go to

and fro between these villages and to Buquil, no Indian will go to

the mountain, since no harm is done to them in the village; and those

of the mountain considering their restlessness and that they are not

safe and that the Spaniards destroy their fields will descend to sow

and to live in the settlement. For today, if those of the mountain do

not descend, it is because they fear that the Spaniards will punish

them for not having descended before.

In order to suppress all their bad customs, after having preached

against them, proving them with natural arguments which are very

easy and clear, with some examples which cause them horror, the most

efficacious means which I find is for the father to investigate all

their customs, and to understand them thoroughly, so that he may know

them all; and then to make fun of the Indians because they do not know

that that is bad. If this is not sufficient, it is efficacious for

the father to make them afraid that he is going to retire because they

refuse to learn good customs, and abandon their abuses and atrocities,

so that in such an event the Spaniards may come upon them and kill

them all; and by means of the fear which they have the father can do

whatever he wishes with them.

I assert that I have investigated thoroughly whatever I have written

in this paper by the aid of some Christian Zambals who are very good

Catholics whom I have had under my care for four years, and whom I

have been teaching to read and have instructed in our holy Catholic

faith by means of the Tagálog books which have been written for that

purpose by the zealous ministers whom that Tagálog nation has had. One

of these Zambals is the son of a priest of the idols, who was reared

in a ranchería where sacrifices were often made to the idols. An uncle

of this lad whom I also have under my charge was formerly bayoc of

the Zambals, so that he knows all the ceremonies, superstitions, and

sacrifices, and is also thoroughly conversant with their customs, for

he lived among the said Zambals for about twenty years. Besides this,

for three years I have had with me another child about ten years old

who also knows the customs of these Indians, because he was born and

raised among them, for he is the son of Zambal parents. All of those

persons tell me what passes among the said Zambals. Besides this, I

have also managed to prove it from the children of the village who,

since they do not realize my purpose in questioning them in regard

to these things, tell me it all. But if I ask any of the old men, or

anyone who is very maliciously minded, he will not tell me anything

unless I ask him secretly.

Consequently, I consider as true whatever I have written here, and

I have refused to write anything of which I am doubtful.

Fray Domingo Perez

[Below is added by another person:]

Until the year 1682, said Zambals were reduced and softened by the

vigilance and attendance of the father missionaries of the order of

our father St. Dominic. May our Lord prosper everything as He is able.

Afterward in November, of the year 83, a bold Indian with another who

accompanied him, waited in a concealed thicket for the father-vicar,

Fray Domingo Perez, who was journeying from one village to another,

and shot him with an arrow, so that he reached his village badly

wounded and died in a short time, after confessing to father Fray

Juan Rois. Since that time the Zambals have been in revolt. May it

be the Lord's will that they grow quiet. Now since the assembly of

84 the fathers have been living cautiously and near the fortress. The

vicar is father Fray Gregorio [93] and his associate Fray Juan Navas,

[94] errant. In Masinloc the vicar is Fray Juan Fernandez [95] and

his associate Fray Juan, [96] errant.

[Copy endorsed: "The undersigned, provincial archivist of the province

of Santísimo Rosario de Filipinas and conventual of the convent of

Santo Domingo of this city, certifies that the preceding copy is

faithfully copied from the original, which is preserved in the third

archives of martyrs--cajon 8, legajo 1, no. 2. In order that the above

may be apparent he signs the present in this convent of Santo Domingo,

January 3, 1906. The archivist,

Fray Julián Malumbres (rubric), O.P."]

[Endorsed: "A copy.

Manuel de Yriarte, chief, division of archives, ex-officio notary

public."]

NOTES

[1] The translation of the title-page of this book is as follows:

"Manifesto and historical summary of the foundation of the venerable

brotherhood of the Santa Misericordia of the city of Manila, the

hospital, house, and girls' school and church of Santa Ysabel; with

the accommodations and advantages for the common public welfare,

particularly of these islands; the alms, succors, and dowries for the

holy religious orders, and hospitals, orphan girls, widows, those

in prison, and other needy persons. Satisfaction of the charitable

and indefatigable task, disinterested and noble method of procedure,

faithful management without interruption or any diminution in the

works of charity, and the administration of the pious foundations

under their charge. Favors and protection which it merited and obtained

from our Catholic Monarchs. Recommendation, concessions, indulgences,

and relics with which the supreme pontiffs have honored and enriched

it. All compiled and extracted from the books, bulls, decrees, and

other authentic instruments which are kept in their archives, by

commission and order of the purveyor and deputies who comprise the

present board, by Captain Don Juan Baptista de Uriarte, regidor of

this most noble city, and its procurator-general, and former treasurer

and present secretary of said venerable brotherhood. Printed in the

college and university of Santo Thomas, with the necessary licenses,

by Juan Correa. The year 1728." The narrative is preceded by an

introduction; a statement by the author to the purveyor and deputies

of the financial board of the Santa Misericordia, to the effect

that he has completed his task of compilation, dated June 28, 1728;

thanks of the purveyor and deputies to the author, and expression of

intention to print the work, dated June 30, 1728; decree to be sent

to Fray Juan de Arrechedera, O.P., commissary of the Holy Office,

dated June 30, 1728; approbation of latter, July 8, 1728; government

license, July 9, 1728; table of chapters; note to reader.

Torrubia gives the following figures for the work accomplished by the

Misericordia from its foundation (in 1594) up to 1730. "This house has

endowed twenty-three thousand orphan girls, the daughters of Spaniards;

it has spent in their maintenance five hundred and eight thousand, nine

hundred and sixteen pesos. It has supplied to our Catholic monarch in

pressing emergencies four hundred and forty-nine thousand, four hundred

and eighteen pesos. It has expended in Divine worship one hundred and

fifty-five thousand, seven hundred and eighty-four pesos; and it has

given in alms four million, one hundred and thirteen thousand, two

hundred and seven pesos. This statement of expenditures is accurate,

and is drawn from the original books of the said house. In the life of

the venerable Fray Simon de Roxas, book 8, fol. 418, it is mentioned

as unprecedented that the Misericordia of Lisboa in one year gave

in alms thirty thousand ducados; but that of Manila gives every year

seventy-one thousand, eight hundred and twenty-four pesos."

[2] See other letters from Corcuera to the Misericordia, dated in

1637 and 1639 respectively, in our VOL. XXIX, pp. 172-174.

[3] The Order of the Holy Trinity was founded primarily by St. John

of Matha, a native of Provence who was ordained to the priesthood. On

the occasion of his first mass, he determined to devote himself to the

redemption of Christian captives from the Mahometans. Retiring for a

season of prayer to the cell of the aged French hermit, St. Felix of

Valois, the latter approved the plan, and in 1197, they both went to

Rome where they obtained the approbation of Pope Innocent III for the

erection of a new order. The pope ordered the bishop of Paris and the

abbot of St. Victor to draw up the rules for the order, which received

papal sanction in 1198. A white habit with a red and blue cross on

the breast was assigned as a distinctive dress. It received a new

confirmation and additional privileges by a papal bull of 1209. The

French monarch Philippe Auguste authorized the existence of the

order in his kingdoms, and Gauthier III, lord of Châtillon, granted

them land for a convent. Later as the order increased, the latter,

seconded by the king, granted them Cerfroid, near Grandlieu, on the

borders of Valois, which became the chief house of the order. The

two saints founded many houses in France. Many Christian slaves were

ransomed in Morocco and Spain. It was a fundamental rule of the order

that at least one-third of its revenues should be set aside for the

redemption of captives. It was estimated in the seventeenth century

that since its foundation the order had ransomed 30,720 Christian

captives. At one time there were as many as two hundred and fifty

houses. See Baring Gould's Lives of the Saints, ii, pp. 226-230;

and Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 810.

[4] The limits of our space prevent us from presenting part i of

this interesting document in full; but such matter is selected as

relates to Manila, Cavite, Cebú, and Zamboanga, as being the most

important Spanish settlements in the islands. The list at the end

shows the contents of Valdés Tamón's report in full, and presents an

enumeration of all the military posts, with the names bestowed on the

forts therein. Part ii, on the ecclesiastical estate, is translated

in full (save for preliminary and final remarks, and two letters of

minor interest).

[5] The city of Manila is located in 14° 35' 31'' N. latitude,

and 120° 58' 08'' E. longitude (from Greenwich). The following

longitudes (reckoned from Greenwich) will enable the reader to

compute the differences in maps on which longitude is reckoned from

other meridians:

Madrid (Observatory), Spain, 3° 41' 21'' W.; San Fernando

(Observatory), Spain, 6° 12' 24'' W.; Paris (Observatory), France, 2°

20' 14'' E.; Ferro, the extreme southwest of the Canary Islands (the

assumed dividing line between the east and west hemispheres), 17° 20'

W.; Washington, D. C. (Observatory), 77° 2' 48'' W. (U. S. Philippine

Gazetteer, p. 183.)

[6] See accompanying plan of Manila, obtained from the Valdés Tamón

MS. in Madrid. An interesting "historical sketch of the walls of

Manila" is found in the Annual Report of the U. S. War Department,

1903, iii, pp. 434-446, which contains numerous illustrations of

the walls and gates, some of which show defenses which have since

been demolished. A note (by Capt. A. C. Macomb) states that the

map of Manila referred to in Valdés Tamón's report is supposed to

be identical with that carried to England by General Draper after

the capture of Manila in 1762, which is now in the British Museum in

London. Concerning the plates of the map taken to England by Draper

(the famous Murillo Velarde map, engraved in 1734), see our VOL. XLIX,

note 25.

[7] Possibly guns for firing chain-shots (also called "angel-shots").

[8] Pandayes: a term adapted from the Tagal, panday being the

equivalent of the Spanish oficial.

[9] Thus in MS., but evidently a clerical error, since the amount

of pay is so inadequate for the number of men. The amounts of pay

given in these lists, added together, make a total which is over 7,000

pesos short of the total in the next paragraph; it is probable, then,

that the pay of these artisans should be at least 7,000 more than

the amount stated in the text.

[10] Perhaps meaning men who had the care of keeping the barracks in

order and repair. The word is not found in the dictionaries.

[11] A word evidently coined from the native word galagala (see

VOL. XII, p. 34, note), and probably referring to the occupation

of gathering the resin which bears that name. It may be added to

the note above cited that this resin (also known as "almáciga" and

"dammar") is obtained in the mountains of southern Luzón and Panay,

the best coming from Camarines. (Official Handbook of Philippines,

p. 296); galagala, then, may be a Bícol word.

[12] Cebú is in 10° 18' N. latitude, and 123° 53' 05'' E. longitude

(U. S. Gazetteer of Philippine Islands, p. 454).

[13] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 335-408, is

the transcript of an interesting document--"Information furnished by

Don José Antonio Niño de Villavicencio in regard to the situation of

the town of Zamboanga; its original subordination to the royal crown;

its fortification, dismantling, and reestablishment; the condition

in which it was in 1737; its expenses; and the amounts which it

paid toward these." After a sketch (illustrated by various official

documents) of the early history of Zamboanga as a military post,

he relates its dismantling, and its reestablishment by Bustamante;

this latter is begun on April 5, 1719, under the command of General

Gregorio Padilla y Escalante, and its fort is named "Nuestra Señora

del Pilar de Zaragoza." Villavicencio carefully describes the fort,

and presents an itemized statement of the expenses of maintaining

it--which amount to 20,000 pesos annually, besides a reserve fund

of 5,000 pesos which may be drawn upon for extraordinary and urgent

expenses. The salary of the governor and military commander is 396

pesos a year. Two Jesuit chaplains are kept there, who receive each

100 pesos annually. There are eighteen other officers (commissioned

and non-commissioned), and two hundred privates; also five other

officials, including a surgeon. Besides this force of Spaniards is

a company of Pampango soldiers--a hundred men and five officers; and

a considerable number of men are also employed as rowers, builders,

coast-guards, and seamen. Rations amounting to 9,855 cavans of

rice are allowed in the budget of expenses; and the sum of 5,000

pesos is allowed yearly for ammunition and military supplies for

this post. The rice and other provisions are mainly furnished from

the provinces of Iloilo and Panay, on account of their fertility and

their nearness to Zamboanga. A considerable part of the expenses of

that post is obtained from the contribution made by the inhabitants of

the subjugated provinces, each tributario giving annually a ganta of

clean rice; this amounts to 109,503 gantas of clean rice--equivalent,

at the rate of twenty gantas cleaned to 48 gantas of palay, to 10,950

cavans of the latter--which is estimated to be worth, at the prices

paid by the royal officials, 5,356 pesos. Enumeration is made of

the numbers of tributes paid in various provinces, as follows: Tondo,

5,606 1/2; Bulacan, 4,963 1/2; Pampanga, 8,067; Pangasinan, 10,896 1/2;

Ilocos, 8,665 3/4; Cagayan, 5,218 1/2; Laguna de Bay, 6,795; Tayabas,

1,612 1/2; Camarines, 7,512; Albay, 3,481; Panay, 6,170 1/2; Yloilo,

10,406 1/2; Island of Negros, 503 1/2; Leite, 8,154 1/4; Cebu, 4,411

1/2. All these are tributaries of the crown; to these are added the

contributions made by "the tributaries and the encomenderos of the

encomiendas independent of the royal crown," which amount to 18,144

gantas. A deduction must be made from these of 1,105 3/4 gantas,

"from those who in the number of the said tributes do not make this

contribution, on account of being servants of the churches, and for

other reasons;" the result is the total above given. The tributaries of

the following provinces are exempted from the contribution: Balayan,

Mindoro, Caraga, Mariveles, Calamianes, and Cavite. A further source

of revenue for the expenses of Zamboanga is found in the monopoly

on the wine of the country; this had formerly belonged to the crown,

but had been surrendered at the petition of the city of Manila. Later,

the citizens being called upon to make donations for the support of

Zamboanga, the city petitioned that this be accomplished by renewing

the above crown monopoly of wine. "This new monopoly having begun to

be in force from the year 1731, the sum at which this contribution

[to Zamboanga] may be estimated must be figured according to the

successful bids [remates] at which the privilege has been leased;" it

was farmed out--that is, sold at auction to the highest bidder for a

term of three to five years. The first of these was Don Esteban Garcia

de los Rios, for 1731-33, for the sum of 10,000 pesos a year; the

second, Captain Pedro de Ceballos, for 1734-36, 15,500 pesos a year;

the third, Captain José Ruiz, for 1737-41, 25,000 pesos a year. The

proceeds of this monopoly, then, averaged during eleven years 16,833

pesos a year. This document is dated at Manila, February 4, 1738.

In regard to the contributions made by the Indians for the expenses

(outside of ecclesiastical) of the Philippine colonies, Torrubia says

(Dissertacion, pp. 98-103): "When the post of Samboangan was rebuilt

in the year 1755, it was the opinion of the very reverend Father Juan

de Bueras, provincial of the Society of Jesus, that the Indians of

Pintados, as those most interested in the maintenance of the fort,

should aid therein with a half-ganta of rice for each tribute. His

opinion was accepted, but with the enlargement of the contribution to

two gantas (which make one ganta of cleaned rice), and its extension

to all the islands, which amount is paid up to this day. I have

understood that this contribution amounts annually, on the average,

to two thousand five hundred pesos. During the fifty and more years

when Samboangan did not exist, it was paid just as when the fort was

there, notwithstanding that the cabildo opposed it; and the Indians

paid, without the motive for this imposition still remaining, at the

least estimate, more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. The

Indians are obliged to make other contributions. For the maintenance of

the soldiers, they furnish rice to his Majesty at two reals a caban,

and usually it is worth more; this is called the compra, and forty or

forty-five thousand cabans (or fanegas) of rice are levied from them in

compra, allotting it pro rata according to what each Indian sows. For

these cabans (or fanegas) no more than two reals are paid, although

that amount is worth four reals, or more; and it is to be noted that

in the suburbs of Manila the price ordinarily does not go below three

reals. The same practice is current in the compras of wheat, although

it is true that in this the Indians seldom lose much. Besides this,

the Indians do the timber-cutting for the ships, and do not receive

more than sixteen reals a month, which they do not have even for

their tools (which they carry with them); they are soldiers, they

row in the galleys, and they are mariners, artillerists, calkers,

and carpenters. And we know very well that in these occupations

they serve in the Ribera of Cavite without pay, and likewise in

the armadas, three, four, or five years, only to obtain a situation

in the ship which goes to Nueva España or Acapulco. Here [i.e., in

Madrid], without considering these contributions, all the expenses

[of the islands] are summed up for the account of his Majesty." He

goes on to say that from the sum of expenses must also be deducted

the voluntary contributions of the citizens; also that these military

expenses have been unfairly laid at the door of the Zamboanga fort. The

soldiers there and in the forts at Cebú and Iloilo are paid from the

situado contributed by the natives themselves; and the fleets which

are sent against the Moros, and the coastguard galleys at Zamboanga,

are not an expense caused by the fort there; "even if they were,

it is a necessary one, under penalty of the Moros eating us alive."

Torrubia ends his Dissertacion, which is a plea for the maintenance of

the fort at Zamboanga, with a scheme for the formation of a fund--to be

formed by levying a small tax on each of the Christian Sangleys, and

on every "tramp," whether Indian or mestizo--which shall be regarded

as an obra pia, and be placed in the management of the Misericordia;

its proceeds are to be used for the support of the military posts

and fleets which are maintained against the Moros, for the support

of missionaries in the Moro provinces, and even for the extension

of the gospel still further. This would relieve the natives from

the oppressive "Zamboanga donation," the citizens from the frequent

contributions now expected from them by the government, and the royal

treasury from the heavy burden of supporting the present list of

armadas and forts; and the Moro pirates would be easily held in check,

and the interests of both the Spaniards and the Indians protected.

[14] Zamboanga is in 6° 53' N. latitude, and 123° 5' E. longitude

(U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 928).

Zamboanga was selected as the site for the fort in Moroland, "because

it was the indispensable landing-place for the hostile people;

because it deprived the Mindanaos of that port, which was the most

important one in their dominion, in which they built their ships,

and where they took refuge from an enemy; because it was the most

suitable place for our infantry; and because it was the frontier of

all the islands of Moroland, where those enemies landed, recruited

their forces, and repaired their vessels. It also was the point

of vantage for intimidating those kings, and depriving Mindanao of

half its power; and for facing (at three leguas distance) Basilan,

the people of which are so valiant, and subject to Joló, so that that

king also is thus disarmed of half his forces. To this was added the

consideration that the post had Christian Indians as neighbors, who,

free from the extortions of the Moros, would aid in the conquest

[of those lands] and the extension of our power and of our faith,

as has been actually done." (Torrubia, pp. 45, 46.)

[15] Fábrica (Latin, Italian, and Spanish; French, fabrique):

a technical term in church administrative usage. The ordinary and

common meaning is the material building or edifice, which (technically)

includes repairs, improvements, changes, etc., as well as the necessary

expense for caretakers of it, as watchmen, beadles, sweepers, etc.;

these people are paid from the funds of the fábrica--which might

be rendered as "building-fund," except that in ecclesiastical usage

fábrica usually presupposes that the building it already reared, while

the English phrase "building-fund" includes the idea of constructing

it. (Yet in Latin, Italian, and Spanish the term fábrica is also used

to include money for the erection of the church edifice, in cases where

it has not yet been built; where it has been completed and paid for,

fábrica is restricted to the meaning first given above, the "keep"

of the building.)

Thus usually the term has a material sense only; but sometimes

(though not commonly) fábrica is taken, as in the present text, in a

spiritual sense, and implies the support or maintenance (honoraria)

of the churchmen, the ministers attached to the building, as well as

the maintenance of divine worship, as required by ritual. Fábrica then

refers to affairs of the soul or spirit, the spiritual upbuilding or

edifice of the faithful. By extension, the same term is sometimes used

to mean the board of churchwardens who administer the property. In the

Philippines the church property (save that belonging to the religious

corporations) was in the hands of the bishop as sole trustee and

administrator, a power which he might delegate to his provisor

or vicar. The distribution of the fund mentioned in the text is

unusual.--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[16] To this should be added 4 tomins, omitted in the table for lack

of room; the same addition should therefore be made to the total of

the cash column.

[17] This name, also Pineda in the next item, and Manzano in the last

one, is abbreviated in the original; and the forms given above are

necessarily conjectural.

[18] In the MS. "Tondo" was written here, but afterward crossed out.

[19] To this sum should be added 4 granos, omitted from the amount

of cash stated for Mindoro, for lack of room.

[20] He was royal secretary in the Council of the Indias. In this

letter (dated September 20, 1735) he states that the king desires

information about the islands, and their fortresses and fortifications,

because the recent fire in the palace at Madrid had destroyed many

papers; he asks for plans of fortifications, and reports of troops,

munitions, and artillery, and that they be sent as speedily as

possible.

[21] Evidently, from the context, referring to Cagayán de Misamis,

in Mindanao.

[22] At the time a royal secretary; his letter is dated at Madrid,

August 30, 1739, and asks for the report on the ecclesiastical estate

in the islands which is herewith presented.

[23] The title-page of this book reads in English thus: "Religious

hospital work [conducted] by the sons of our pious father and

patriarch, the father of the poor, St. John of God, in his province

of San Raphael of the Philipinas Islands: a condensed epitome of

its foundation, progress, and present condition, in succinct and

instructive style. Dedicated to the very reverend father Fray Alonso

de Jesus y Ortega, general of the same holy hospital order, by the

reverend father Fray Antonio de Arze, vicar provincial and visitor,

and prior of the convent at Manila--in obedience to whom it was

written by Fray Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, a religious and priest;

preacher, master of novices, and chaplain rector in the same convent

of Manila. Year of 1742." The dedication to the general, by Antonio de

Arze, is dated at Manila, July 14, 1740. The book is approved by Fray

Pedro de Zaragoza, of the same order, at Ocaña, February 26, 1742;

and permission for its issue is given by the general of the order

at Granada, September 28 following. It is approved by Father Martin

Garcia, S.J., "synodal examiner of this archbishopric and that of

Sevilla, and of the bishoprics of Malaga and Barzelona," at Granada,

on September 20; and the license by the ordinary is dated at Granada,

on September 26. The approval of the book by the Inquisition is signed

by Fray Pablo de Ezija, a Capuchin, at Granada, June 12 of the same

year; and finally, the permission of the royal Council to print it is

dated at Madrid, on July 9. The colophon reads: "Printed at Granada,

by Joseph de la Puerta, printer and seller of books: year of 1742."

[24] The same as French entresol; apparently equivalent to the

English word "basement," and referring to the space left under

Filipino buildings.

[25] Spanish, azucar rosado; described by Dominguez as "sugar cooked

to the point of caramel, to which is added a little lemon juice, so

that the sugar remains [granulated] like sponge sugar, thus serving,

with water, for a refreshing drink."

[26] These signatures indicate that the opinion rendered by the Jesuits

dates back of 1717, since in that year Clain died; it is probably

earlier than 1708, since in that year Arias and Bobadilla went to the

Palaos Islands (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 377 verso).

[27] Palma brava: the common name of Livistonia rotundifolia, of

the order Palmæ; see Merrill's Dictionary of the Plant Names of the

Philippines (Manila, 1903).

[28] Of interest in this connection is Herrmann Sokeland's "Ancient

Desemers or Steelyards," in Annual Report of Smithsonian Institution,

1900, pp. 551-364. It is well illustrated with engravings of various

primitive weighing instruments which are preserved in the museums of

Berlin, Germany, some of which came from Thibet and India.

[29] Apparently meaning here, not the Castilian language in general,

but as spoken in the islands.

[30] The marco is a weight equivalent to the half of a libra, and is

used for weighing gold and silver. The marco of gold is divided into

fifty castellanos, and that of silver into eight onzas. (Barcia.)

[31] Albarejo (or alberjon): a provincial term (used in La

Mancha), applied, like the Catalan candeal, to a variety of white

wheat. (Barcia.)

[32] Spanish tumbaga (from Malay tambâga, copper): an alloy of copper

and zinc, or a species of brass, with an excess of zinc; also known as

"Dutch gold" and "pinchbeck."

[33] In the Spanish text, extension; but this is apparently a

misprint for some other word, for which, in accordance with the

obvious meaning, we substitute "suppression." At the beginning of

Maldonado's work is printed a list of errata therein, thirty-two in

number; this is followed by the naïve remark, "There are some others,

which the discreet reader can correct."

[34] Spanish, Pico de oro; the same as the Greek Chrysostom.

[35] The word caballería has many meanings, but probably only two

are here involved; these are found in the supplement to Domínguez's

Diccionario nacional (ed. of 1878). One is, "In the Indias it is

understood as the distribution of lands or seigniorial domains granted

to the settlers or conquistadors in a country." It is possible that

the text refers to some of those military allotments, which might have

descended unbroken to Maldonado's time; but it is much more probable

that he uses the word in the sense of a measure for land. Caballería,

in Andalusia, means also the area of sixty fanegas (or 3.8758 hectares)

of land.

[36] This sentence sounds somewhat contradictory to the following

one; but it is the literal rendering of the Spanish, se graduaron con

prelacion de los Legados à las deudas de Justicia. This is but one of

many uncertainties in the text of Maldonado's work which presumably

arise from the blunders of native amanuenses which he mentions at the

beginning of chapter xvii; the translation is as close as possible,

but in various places has been necessarily made more free than is

usual in this series, in order to render intelligible involved,

elliptical, or even apparently erroneous phraseology.

[37] In the text, Escudo--a rather surprising and foreign use of this

word instead of corona.

[38] In the text, Tierras Tubiganes: tubigan is the Tagal word for

Spanish aguanoso, meaning "wet," or "irrigated."

[39] In the text, simenteras tabalcanes; but the word tabalcan does not

appear in Tagal dictionaries, and is probably a misprint for tubigan,

as a result of some error by Maldonado's native copyists. Quiñon in

Spanish means "share" or "portion," usually of profit in an enterprise;

but here it is evidently the Hispanicized form of the Tagal qiñong,

which is defined by Noceda and Sanlucar as a land measure equivalent

to 100 brazas square of area.

[40] That is, the founder of the order, St. John of God.

[41] Montero y Vidal says (Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 463, note) of

the obras pias: "In 1880 they possessed a capital of 2 1/2 millions

of pesos, belonging to the following religious bodies: Discalced

Augustinians, 127,938 pesos fuertes; idem at Cavite, 33,117;

Order of St. Francis, 500,840; Order of St. Dominic, 205,092; the

[archiepiscopal] see, 88,155; House of Misericordia, 811,154; the city,

37,272; the privileged confraternities, 97,617." See our VOL. XXVIII,

p. 298, note 138.

[42] An interesting account of this legacy is given by Uriarte in his

history of the Misericordia (q.v., ante). Lobo, a native of Viana, in

Portugal, died on September 8, 1709, at Agaña in the Marianas Islands,

"having executed a power of attorney for disposing of his estate,

in which he left the board of the holy Misericordia as his executor,

declaring his mother, Isabel Gonzales Lobo--a widow, and a resident

in the said town [i.e., Viana]--the heiress of his property, in case

she had survived him. If not, he named his soul as his heir, with the

declaration that although he had in the said town married Victoria de

Silva he had no children by her, nor had she brought him a dowry at

the time and when they contracted matrimony." The Misericordia made

inquiries in Spain to ascertain whether the mother were still alive,

and the wife brought in a claim for part of Lobo's property; it also

appeared that the deceased had left a sealed will with his uncle,

Francisco Martinez Casados, in Viana. Not until 1723 did the papers

arrive from Spain to settle the difficulties attending this will;

it seems to have been decided earlier that Victoria de Silva was

entitled to one-half of the property gained by Lobo during the period

of their marriage [bienes gananciales], but the Misericordia refused to

pay out any money until the said documents should arrive from Spain;

also that board administered a large sum of money belonging to Lobo,

which was lent to General Miguel Martinez at interest, and could

not be repaid for several years, especially as his estate was long

in probate and greatly decreased in value. "Accordingly, even if the

conveyance of the share belonging to the said Victoria de Silva could

have been made, there was no opportunity for it." Nothing further

is said about Victoria, but the inference is that she had by 1723

died, or dropped out of sight, or was unable to push her claims

further. At all events, the Misericordia, according to Uriarte,

sold the property and distributed the proceeds according to the

terms of Lobo's will--having first consulted the learned doctors

of the Manila universities as to their justification in doing so,

who fully sustained the board's course; it followed, then, that

their procedure was lawful and Christian, and that they were not to

blame for the delays which occasioned the final disposition of the

estate of Lobo. The opinion of the Jesuit university is reproduced in

full; it is dated November 2, 1727, and signed by the licentiate Don

Francisco Fernandez Thoribio (apparently an auditor who held the chair

of civil law in the university) and Father Pedro Murillo Velarde, and

is fortified by numerous citations from canons. They decide that, Lobo

in his last will "having left his soul as the heir of his property,

that means only the direction that all of it may and should be spent

in suffrages, alms, pious foundations, and other ways which can

result for the relief and welfare of his soul; and in saying that he

'gives to the honorable steward and deputies of the Board all his

own faculty, amply and sufficiently,' he means that he leaves to

the judgment of the said Board the disposal of his goods, in such

manner as shall, according to the circumstances, appear most to the

pleasure of God, and the welfare and relief of his soul. Accordingly,

in virtue of the said power and faculty the said honorable steward

and deputies have authority to proceed to the execution of the will,

in the manner which we propose." They approve of the bequests made

by Lobo for three chaplaincies; for the aid of the seminary of Santa

Isabel and the support of orphan girls; and for masses for the souls

in purgatory. They recommend that the girls of Santa Isabel set aside

the masses and prayers of a certain day for the repose of Lobo's soul,

for which shall also be said a thousand masses; and that an offering

be yearly made from this estate for the aid of the home for wayward

girls, in which a day shall also be observed with prayers for Lobo's

soul. No mention of Victoria de Silva is made in this opinion.

[43] Alguazil: one of the many words of law and administration

derived by the Spaniards from the Arabs. The word was originally,

according to Dozy, al-vacil, which was from al-wazir, "vizier." Under

the Arabs it was used to denote an officer of high rank, equivalent to

dux. The governors of provinces under the Ommiade Khalifs sometimes

received the title by way of extra dignity. The Christians used the

word down to the fourteenth century as an equivalent to judge of

first instance. Descending lower, in time it came to designate an

officer of the court, the bailiff--in which sense only alguacil is

now used. (H. E. Watts, in note to his edition of Don Quixote [London,

1895], iv, p. 14.)

[44] Gozos: "verses in praise of the Virgin or of the saints, in which

certain words are repeated at the end of every couplet" (Velázquez).

[45] In 1686 the Dominicans in Filipinas were strictly forbidden

to drink chocolate. This ordinance was observed for several years,

until chocolate became so cheap and so generally used (even by

the poorest Indians and negroes) that it came to be regarded as a

necessity rather than a delicacy, and the prohibition was removed

from the friars. (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 379.)

The culture of the cacao (Theobroma cacao), from the seeds of which

chocolate is prepared, was introduced from Nueva España into the

Philippines under the rule of Governor Diego de Salcedo. Murillo

Velarde accredits this to the Jesuit Juan Davila (Hist. de Philipinas,

fol. 395 v.): "He cared for both the temporal and spiritual good of

the Indians, endeavoring that they should possess some means of gain

which would cause them to remain permanently in the villages, in order

to remove the difficulties which ensued from their wandering hither

and yon--for, going about in this manner, they were not instructed in

the Christian doctrine or in Christian morals--besides other damages

which they cause. For this purpose he interceded with the governor,

Don Diego de Salcedo, to cause to be brought from Nueva España some

shoots of cacao, in order to plant them in Bisayas. The governor

accordingly obtained them, while the father was at Carigara, where

a plantation was begun with good results; and from that place it has

spread to other villages and islands of Pintados--with great benefit

to those Indians, and to the general advantage of all the islands;

for this beverage is more necessary here than in other regions. It

is especially so for the ministers [of religion], who go about in

continual voyages and navigations, very often without having the

comfort of having any other provision or nourishment." Father Davila

was born in Sevilla in 1615, entered the Jesuit order at the age

of fifteen; and was ordained in 1639. For a time he was minister in

the college for Irishmen in Sevilla. He came to the islands in 1643,

and labored in the Bisayan missions for many years; he died in Ylog,

Negros, June 20, 1706. For seven years before his death he suffered

from a malignant cancer in the face. Concepción says (Hist. de

Philipinas, ix, p. 150): "Chocolate is a great aid to feeble stomachs;

and cacao is now produced in such abundance that it serves as the

common beverage of every class of people, although it is true that

some islands produce it of better quality and richness than do others."

The introduction of the cacao which was made in 1670 (see VOL. XX,

p. 198) is reconciled with that by Davila thus, by Blanco (Flora,

ed. 1845, p. 420): "It is very probable that with the remittance of

cacao plants which came from America at his order, some others were

brought over by private persons; and thus, at the same time when

the cacao was spreading through Carigara (where Father Davila was

laboring) and through other regions, it would also be cultivated by

Tagals. In the year 1674, when Father Ignacio de Mercado was parish

priest of Lipa, he says that he distributed seeds of this tree to

many persons." The allusion here to Tagals refers to San Agustin's

statement that the plant of cacao brought over by Pedro Brabo in

1670 was stolen from him by an Indian of Lipa, named Juan del Aguila,

who hid and cultivated it; and thence it spread throughout the islands.

[46] There is some uncertainty in the Spanish text, which reads,

Cirujano dozientos; y quarenta el Sacristan Mayor. Apparently there

is some typographical error in the punctuation; but there is no means

of verifying the fact involved.

[47] The money in the communal fund of the Chinese in the Parián

was called Lapuat, and in 1718 amounted to more than 20,000 pesos

(Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, ix, p. 234).

[48] War had been declared by England against Spain in October, 1739,

in consequence of injuries inflicted on British commerce in the West

Indies; but letters of marque and reprisal had been issued by the

English government in July preceding, under which Captain Edward

Vernon captured the city of Portobello (November 22, 1739), and the

castle at Cartagena. Captain George Anson also was placed in command

of a large fleet, to harass the Spaniards along the coast of Peru,

then to proceed northward, attack Panama, and capture the Spanish

treasure-fleet, in which proceedings Vernon was to coöperate with

him. Anson's fleet was broken up by storms and sickness, and the

two commanders failed to make connections; so Anson, after various

depredations on the western coast of South America, sailed to China,

where he repaired his ship. Then he set out to meet the Spanish

galleon from Acapulco, the "Covadonga;" and on June 30, 1743, Anson

captured this vessel after a hot fight, with over 1,500,000 pesos of

silver, mostly in coin. To avenge this loss, a squadron of four ships

(the one here mentioned in our text) was despatched by the Manila

government in pursuit of Anson; they went to China, but could not

find the Englishman, who had sailed for his own country.

[49] Pardao (or pardo): a coin used in Portuguese India, worth 3

tostoons 3 vintens (Michaelis). This is equivalent to 360 reis,

or to very nearly 35 cents in United States money.

[50] After Governor Torre's death (September 21, 1745), the government

of the islands ad interim was assumed by Fray Juan de Arrechedera,

bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia. His first care was to inspect the

defenses and supplies of Manila, in view of the dangers which menaced

the colony from the English; and he sent to Batavia for cannon, guns

and ammunition, his envoy being a Frenchman who was well accredited in

the foreign factories, named Antonio Piñon, who is probably the man

mentioned by Calderon. Piñon returned to Manila with those supplies,

to the value of 38,995 pesos. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi,

pp. 305, 306.)

[51] It is clear that the name China (which the French and Italians

pronounce Cina) is not the original name of that kingdom, but is

one imposed upon it by the foreigners who went thither to trade

and barter; it was adopted by the Portuguese, and afterward by our

people of the Philippines. Father Julio Aleni, a Jesuit, in a book

written in the Chinese language says, in discussing this point:

"China, according to foreigners, signifies 'the country or kingdom

of silk;' and, since there is so great abundance of that commodity

therein, those who sailed thither to buy it would say, 'Let us go to

the country of silk,' or 'to China,' which means the same. The like

statement was made to me by Don Fray Gregorio Lopez, bishop of Basilea,

in whose charge is now the church of China, a religious of ours, and

a native of that empire. To this opinion also incline Trigautius and

Kircher." The most common and ordinary name which those people give

to their empire, not only in books but in conversation, is Chung Kue,

that is, "the kingdom in the middle." In former times they gave this

name to the province of Hò Nan, which lies almost in the middle and

heart of that empire; from that region it was afterward applied to that

entire country. Others say that the Chinese regarded their kingdom as

being in the middle of the world, through their ignorance of the many

kingdoms that the world contains. For that reason they also call it

Tien Hia, that is, "the world," or, "the largest or principal part

of the world." Another name they very commonly give to it, calling

it Hoa Kue, or Chung Hoa, which means "flowery kingdom," or "garden,

forest, and pleasant place of the middle of the world." In the time

of the emperor Xun this name was much used, and it is still used

in literature. It is a very suitable name for that empire, for in

truth it is throughout a beautiful garden and a peaceful and pleasant

forest. (Domingo F. Navarrete's Tratados historicos, pp. 1, 2.)

[52] See Raynal's account of "the settlements, wars, policy, and

commerce of the Dutch in the East Indies," in his Établissemens et

commerce des Européens, i, pp. 151-260. An interesting description of

Batavia, the capital of the Dutch possessions in the Orient, is given

in pp. 221-228; and an account of the organization, administration, and

policy of the Dutch East India Company, in pp. 158-161, 228-255. The

foundation and early history of the Dutch settlement at the Cape of

Good Hope are related in pp. 201-213.

[53] Apparently a member of the royal Council; he sent orders that

during the war with Great Britain no galleon should sail from Manila

for Acapulco, stating that the king thus decreed in order to prevent

those rich cargoes from falling into the hands of the English. The

merchants petitioned Governor Arrechedera to suspend this decree, at

least by permitting them to send to Acapulco the goods which had been

registered for that port three years before--which were already damaged

by this delay, and would be ruined by a longer one; he did so (with the

advice of his counselors), and the galleon "Rosario" and the patache

"Pilar" were sent with cargoes in June, 1746. To accomplish this,

in the exhausted condition of the colonial treasury, the merchants

were obliged to contribute 50,000 pesos for the outfitting of the

ships and other expenses; and the royal officials, with the consent of

the ecclesiastical cabildo, borrowed from the funds in the treasury

belonging to the cathedral 29,805 pesos. The ships were manned with

crews of 500 and 350 men respectively. They made the voyage safely,

and returned to Manila with the situado for that year and 30,000

pesos on the arrearages in those of previous years. The "Rosario"

was again despatched with a cargo, and with request for the situados

which had been held back in Mexico; as these amounted to six, the

islands were in great need, and the royal treasury almost empty; but

the vessel was ill-constructed, and was driven back to port by storms.

[54] Concepción says (Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p. 237) that this

was "a little vessel, which was in the service of the missions and

presidios in California;" the viceroy sent it because, having heard

nothing from Manila for a long time, he feared that Anson had caused

destruction there.

[55] Raynal devotes book iv of his Établissemens et commerce des

Europées (t. i, pp. 400-548) to the "voyages, settlements, wars,

and commerce of the French in the East Indies." The first voyage to

India undertaken by a French commercial company (1601) was commanded

by Pyrard de Laval, whose account of his adventures in the Maldive

Islands has already been cited in these volumes; but this enterprise

was unsuccessful. After various abortive attempts by Frenchmen to

engage in the Oriental trade, an East India Company was formed in

France (1664) by the great Colbert, with an exclusive charter and many

special privileges. The company made a settlement in Madagascar,

which was abandoned in 1670, and the French ships then went to

India, where they established a post at Surat, and afterward one at

Pondicherry. At first the trade prospered, especially at the latter

post; but after a time the affairs of the company were mismanaged,

its funds diminished so that ruinous expedients, only temporarily

successful, were resorted to; its markets at home were spoiled by the

sale of India goods, taken by French privateers from English and Dutch

prizes, at very low prices; for lack of money, the company could not

keep up its purchases in India; heavy duties were laid on all India

goods; the conduct of the home government toward the company was,

although vacillating, generally oppressive, and its administration

corrupt; and the company long struggled on the brink of ruin. At the

end of the fifty years' term of their charter, they secured (1714) an

extension for ten years more; and in the period of "frenzied finance"

engineered by John Law (1716-21) various other trading companies

were merged in this one, which later was substantially aided by the

French government. For a time the company acquired great power and

extensive territories in India; but war broke out between France

and England, and in 1761 Pondicherry was captured and destroyed by

the English. Afterward, from 1764 to 1769, the company conducted a

prosperous Oriental trade; but its affairs had long been mismanaged,

and the government had meddled with these unduly, while there had

been much corruption among both its directors and its officials. It

was found to be heavily indebted, and its finances fell into almost

hopeless confusion; and finally a royal decree dated August 15, 1769,

suspended the exclusive privileges granted to the Company of the

Indies, and gave all Frenchmen liberty to navigate and trade beyond

the Cape of Good Hope. The company thereupon undertook to liquidate

their affairs, and made over to the government (April 7, 1770) their

property, the latter assuming the debts and obligations of the company.

In the period 1725 to 1770, the East India Company of France sent out

761 trading ships, an average of 17 each year; the number in 1725 was

33, but it dwindled toward the close of that period until, in 1769, it

was but 3; the ships, during the 45 years, were manned by 87,223 men,

an average of 115 to each ship. The amount of merchandise carried to

the Indias varied from 7,800,000 livres' worth (in 1769) to 612,000

(in 1764), and for the entire period was 133,000,000. The vessels that

returned to France numbered 585; they carried thither goods which had

cost 344,000,000 livres in the East, and which were sold in France for

636,000,000: the years in which these sales produced most profit were:

1741, a gain of 12,327,000 livres; 1752, 13,719,000 livres; and 1755,

12,785,000 livres. During the first decade, the company paid on its

sales, as duties to the crown, the sum of 25,000 livres annually;

then until 1765, with a few exceptions, 3,000 livres a year; and during

1765-71, sums varying from 538,000 to 126,000 livres a year. The annual

dividends varied usually from eight and a quarter to three millions of

livres; steadily decreasing (in groups of years) to the latter figure;

in 1746 the dividend was 15,000,000, but in that year the company

borrowed the large sum of 25,000,000. In 1765 the dividend was but

766,000 livres. Its capital in 1725 was 100,000,000 livres due from

the crown, and 39,835 in its ships and other assets. In June, 1747,

the government increased its obligations to the company to 180,000,000

livres, in compensation for depriving it of the monopoly of the sale

of tobacco, and engaged to pay it the interest on that sum forever at

the rate of five per cent. (See a tabulated statement of the affairs of

the French company, at the end of the atlas volume of Raynal's work.)

After the exclusive privileges of the company were suspended,

the India commerce was carried on by private persons, and steadily

flourished. Raynal presents another table, showing the net product of

this private commerce, as indicated by the sales at the French port

of l'Orient, during 1771-78 inclusive, of merchandise brought from

the Indies, China, and the islands of France and Bourbon; it shows

a regular and large increase, save in 1778. The amounts of these

sales vary from 10,336,000 livres in 1771 to 27,509,000 in 1777;

in the following year the amount was but 14,026,000. The total sales

for the eight years amounted to 149,273,000 livres, an annual average

of 18,659,000.

[56] "[Lower] California serves as a way-station for the vessels

which sail from the Philippines to Mexico; Cape St. Lucas, situated

at the southern extremity of the peninsula, is the place where they

halt. They find there a good port, fresh food, and signals which

warn them if any enemy has appeared in those places which are most

dangerous for them. It was in 1734 that the galleon landed there

for the first time; and the orders given to it, and its necessities,

have drawn it to that place ever since." (Raynal, Établissemens et

commerce des Européens, ii, p. 106.)

[57] The writer of this letter was one of the auditors of the royal

Audiencia at Manila (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p. 295).

[58] Evidently referring to Pedro Murillo Velarde, extracts from whose

Historia de Philipinas have already appeared in this series. The phrase

"the Orient" alludes to the route via India to Europe.

[59] Full accounts of this mission may be found in Ventura del Arco

MSS., iv, pp. 447-591, in letters from the Jesuits Pedro Estrada and

Juan Angles, dated June 25, 1748, and June 18, 1749, respectively--with

letter from Felipe V to the sultan of Joló, and the latter's reply.

[60] This was Fray Pedro de la Santisima Trinidad Martinez de Arizala;

he was a native of Madrid, and had been an auditor in the royal

Audiencia of Quito for seventeen years, and was an honorary member

of the Council of the Indias. But, "disillusioned with the world, and

weary of honors, his sensitive conscience found room in the estate of a

Franciscan religious, taking their habit, and professing their austere

life." He took possession of the archbishopric of Manila on August 27,

1747, at the age of fifty-two years. Difficulties arose between him

and Arrechedera; but he contented himself with laying these troubles

before the court at Madrid. He died on May 28, 1755. (Concepción,

Hist. de Philipinas, xii, pp. 38-40, and xiii, pp. 338, 339.)

[61] See the detailed account of this episode, and of events connected

with it, in Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, xii, chaps, ii-v,

which may thus briefly be summarized:

In 1735 Maulana, sultan of Joló, abdicated in favor of his son Mahamad

Alimudin. This youth was "brought up in the school of his father,"

in matters of craft and policy; he had spent some time at Batavia,

where he became proficient in the Arabic and Malayan languages, and in

the Koran--"which he explained with so much erudition that the Joloans

gave him the title of chief pandita of that kingdom," and he attained

among the Moros "an authority almost supreme." He negotiated for peace

with the Spaniards, which was effected in 1737; he promised to restore

the Christian captives, but his datos resented this, and refused to

obey. In May, 1740, a Recollect priest, Fray Hypolito de San Agustin,

was captured by Moro pirates; but certain Joloans--especially their

pandita, one Yaloc--rescued him and took him to Joló, where he was

kindly received and cared for. The sultan demanded a ransom of 12,000

pesos for him; after many difficulties and negotiations, and some aid

from the Jesuits, the captive priest secured his liberty by binding

the Recollect province to pay the amount demanded for ransom. Soon

afterward, the sultan was persuaded by Commandant Zacharias and

the Jesuit Isasi at Zamboanga to commute his claim to 1,000 pesos,

which was gladly paid by the Recollects. The peace made with Alimudin

stopped the invasions by the Joloans, but the Tirones from the Bornean

coast continued their destructive raids. Remonstrances being made at

Madrid by the representatives of Philippine interests, the king wrote

the letters to the rulers of Joló and Tamontaca (the latter being

Ameril Mahomenin Campsa), which have been previously mentioned in this

series; they were received at Manila in July, 1746, and were sent to

their destination by the hands of the Jesuits Isasi and Arcada. These

envoys conducted various negotiations with the sultan, who demanded

(and received) from the Manila government aid of money, guns, and

iron--for Joló, to repay him for the expenses which he had incurred in

aiding the Spaniards against the Tirones; for Tamontaca (or Mindanao),

to aid in the war with Gula, the son of the rebel Malinog. Arrangements

were made for the opening of Jesuit missions in Joló and Tamontaca;

but they soon came to naught. In September, 1748, a rebellion in

Joló unseated Alimudin, and sent him a fugitive to Zamboanga; and,

Ameril and Gula having become reconciled, threatened treachery sent

the Jesuit Moreno back from Tamontaca to the same refuge. Alimudin

went to Manila, here he was received with much éclat by Governor

Arrechedera; he was there apparently converted to the Christian faith

by the governor's persuasions.

[62] "By the marriage with Elizabeth Farnese (ancestry normal),

Philip V had, as an heir, Charles III, of Spain, who was the best

of the more modern sovereigns of that country--in fact, the only

normal one since before the days of the Emperor Charles V, now seven

generations in the background. Not that Charles III inherited any of

the ancient genius, for that had gone, never to appear again. He was,

however, ([to cite] Hume), 'an enlightened, generous, and just king

and a noble and magnanimous man,' and (Rose's Biographical Dictionary)

'possessed abilities as a monarch, and virtues as a private citizen,

... was a popular sovereign and a great economist of time, scrupulously

methodical in all his operations.'" Thus writes Dr. F. A. Woods,

in his Heredity in Royalty (New York, 1906), pp. 155, 156--a book

which endeavors, on scientific lines, to ascertain the influence of

heredity as displayed in the royal families of Europe. The chapter

on the rulers of Spain is found at pp. 124-171. He says (p. 138):

"The origin of the well-known insanity in the Spanish and Austrian

houses, perpetuated over thirteen generations and involving more than

a score of individuals, is a very interesting question. It cannot

be traced with certainty prior to Isabella, the Queen of John II,

of Castile. This Isabella was out and out insane, according to the

English alienist, W. W. Ireland; and from her, onward, the insanity

passed along in one form or another by the very intermarriages which

their pride and political motives caused them to arrange, with the

intended idea of making permanent their world power, but with the

inevitable result of losing that same prestige by placing it in the

hands of the unfortunate children whose inheritance was necessarily

mental weakness as the result of such unwise wedlocks."

For account of Carlos III's reign, see Manuel Danvila y Collado's

Reinado de Carlos III (Madrid, 1894). An interesting description

of this monarch's character and mode of life may be found in the

Dublin Magazine for April, 1763, pp. 238, 239; it is written by

a clergyman named Clark, "chaplain to the Earl of Bristol, late

ambassador at the court of Madrid." He says, among other things:

"He is the greatest Nimrod of his time: he sacrifices everything to

this favorite pleasure; he was disgusted at his public entry, because

it hindered him of four days sport. He stayed three days at Toledo,

and killed six wild mountain-cats, which, as I was well informed by

those who had calculated the expence of that expedition, cost him

exactly 1000 l. a cat." "It has been imagined that he is a very weak

prince, and of little or no understanding: Ir is a great mistake;

he has some parts, but is mulish and obstinate to the last degree;

and, by being constantly flattered, he imagines that he has more

understanding than he really possesses. He is reserved beyond the

common reserve of princes, has no confidant, and communicates his

will only by his orders to put into execution. He can neither be

led nor driven; all must come from himself." "He allows no minister

to remonstrate or argue with him." "He arrested and banished the

inquisitor-general, and sent him prisoner to a convent. He engaged

in the present war with England, contrary to the sentiments of his

ministers, and in direct opposition to the voice of the whole nation."

[63] A copy of the naturalization papers of Nicolas Norton y Nicols

as a Spaniard exists in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla; its

pressmark is, "Est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 13, libro 12, fol. 226b-229b,"

and the document is dated at Aranjuez, August 3, 1758. Norton became

a Catholic, and was allowed to trade in the Philippines. The allusion

to "192 years" is somewhat incorrect, if he refers to the first

discovery of the islands, which occurred in 1565; or else he may

have begun to write out this proposal to the king as early as 1757,

which would tally with the above numbers.

[64] In the text, Bisarjas, evidently a clerical error. This, and a

few similar discrepancies in the MS., strengthen the conjecture that

it is not written by Norton's own hand; it was probably dictated by

him to an amanuensis.

[65] See articles describing the cocoanut, its uses, culture, etc.,

in Census of the Philippine Islands, iv, pp. 53-76; its uses are thus

characterized (p. 72): "Briefly summed up, its timber can be employed

in every form of house construction; its foliage in making mats, sacks,

and thatches; its fruit in curry and sweet-meats; its oil for medicine,

cookery, and illumination; its various uses in the manufacture of

wines, spirits, sugar, and vinegar." See also various scientific

articles regarding the culture of the cocoanut palm, its enemies,

and the qualities of its oil, in the Philippine Journal of Science,

Manila, 1906 (published by the Philippine government).

[66] Spanish, cañas, which (as sometimes elsewhere) indicates that this

name was bestowed indifferently on the bamboo and the rattan; but the

latter is here meant, of course, as being named bichuca (for bejuco).

[67] Spanish, clauos; apparently meaning that the natives used in

their housebuilding wedges made from the wood of the cocoanut tree

as a substitute for iron nails.

[68] Probably alluding to a document which is preserved in the Archivo

de Indias at Sevilla, by Norton y Nicols, dated at Madrid, September

2, 1757; it will be mentioned in the bibliographical section of this

series (VOL. LIII).

[69] The context would imply that sugar is here referred to; but the

writer does not mention it again, and seems to have abandoned his

attempt to export it.

[70] Spanish, estas ayudas de, followed by a blank space, doubtless

intended to be filled by costas.

[71] Concepción mentions this stone (Hist. de Philipinas, xii,

p. 25), found on a site selected by the Dutch; they had marked "a

stone with the letter T, which, as it was interpreted, signified,

'annexed to Terrenate.' This same token they had placed in other

uninhabited islands in the vicinity. This marked stone was dug up by

the sultan of Mindanao, who sent it to the governor of Samboangan,

Don Pedro Zacharias. Two Dutch chalupas went to call the Mindanaos

to account for this act, intending to obtain satisfaction for it by

placing the marked stone in the locality of Silangan, on the mainland

of Mindanao; but Radiamura courageously drove back the Dutch who made

a landing--who, in retreating, swore to return with adequate forces

for that enterprise."

[72] There is some confusion or error in these figures, which read,

in the MS., "35 = 3.94 @ 2,82:600." Without them, the totals amount

to 80,187,524; subtracting this from the entire total, there remains

a balance of 3,424,000, apparently indicating the value of the

sugar--save that the total for benzoin is erroneously figured in the

MS.; it should be 144,804. The MS. is also uncertain on some of the

other totals.

[73] The writer (or more probably his amanuensis) has made an error in

transcribing these sums; "six millions" should read "sixty millions,"

and at the end of the paragraph the amount of chocolate should be

"one hundred and fifty" instead of "fifteen" millions. The remaining

figures are correct.

[74] "In 1618, according to the testimony of Dr. Marradón, of

Marchena, to one hundred cacao-beans must be added a pound and a half

of sugar, two onzas of cinnamon, fourteen grains of Mexican pepper,

a half-onza of cloves, and two reals' weight of anise and annotto; and

one might add almonds, nuts, and orange-flower water. Years afterward

Dr. Colmenero of Ledesma modified this formula, making the paste in

the proportion of one hundred cacao-beans, one-half libra of sugar,

two granos of pepper, anise, cloves, Alexandrian [i.e., white] roses,

logwood, cinnamon, almonds, nuts, and a sufficient quantity of annotto

to give it color."

Until the end of the eighteenth century chocolate was prepared mainly

by hand-labor. "In the seventeenth century, the preparation of the

chocolate was made by artisans, who received twelve reals and an

azumbre [i.e., about half a gallon] of wine for preparing each day the

portion of chocolate from sixteen libras of clear cacao. The chocolate,

thus prepared and sold under the name of 'health chocolate,' often

contained special ingredients, chosen on account of the fashion, or

of the taste of the consumers; and if in those times great praise was

given to the chocolate which contained aromatic essences--vanilla,

amber, and orange--certainly not less famous on that account was

the chocolate of Madrid with its doradilla [i.e., ceterach], that of

Ávila with its pimentón [i.e., a large variety of pepper], and that

of Pamplona with its pepper and ginger. Fray Manuel Ordoñez says,

referring to the paste which we are considering, that 'in the past

century it was sold only in the apothecary shops, like physicians'

prescriptions, for our cure;' and from this citation we may infer

not only that chocolate was regarded as a special medicine, but that

it was considered as a therapeutic agent, worthy of being kept by

the pharmacists of the seventeenth century. Later, in the eighteenth

century, the preparation of chocolate began to be made by the guild of

spice-dealers, its ingredients being reduced to the cacao, cinnamon or

vanilla, and sugar; and the custom became somewhat general of adding

to the paste some biscuit-dough, in order to make it thicker when it

was diluted with water. At the same time when the 'health chocolate'

was sold in the spice-shops, a medicinal chocolate was prepared

in the apothecary shops, in which the principal products of the

pharmacopeia entered as ingredients. As the preparation of chocolate

had become general in the convents, in attempting to compete with the

spice-dealers the friars did not think of making it of better quality;

but, in order to sell it more cheaply, they subtracted from cacao and

cinnamon what they added in ingredients that were not always harmless

for the parishioner's health. In order that the importance of this

adulteration may be estimated, it is sufficient to cite some of the

additions most used, as wheat flour, rice flour; ground lentils, peas,

beans, and maize; starch, potato starch, and dextrine; olive oil,

sweet almond oil, yolk of egg, tallow of veal and mutton; storax,

chestnut [flour], gum tragacanth; cinnabar, red oxide of mercury,

red lead, carbonate of lime, etc." The manufacture of chocolate has

been conducted almost entirely by machinery during the past century,

and has accordingly thrown out the majority of the artisans who made it

by hand. (José del Carmenal, cited in Gräfenberg's Spanisches Lesebuch,

Frankfurt, 1899, pp. 7-11.)

[75] At the end of the atlas volume in Raynal's Établissemens et

commerce des Européens is a tabular "Enumeration of the population of

Spain, prepared in 1768 by order of his Lordship Conde de Aranda,

president of the Council of Castilla." The population is given

separately for each of the eight archbishoprics (which contain

48 bishoprics, 2 of them "exempt"). The lay population was thus

classed: married persons, 1,724,567 men and 1,714,505 women; unmarried

(presumably including children), 2,809,069 boys and 2,911,858 girls;

total, 9,159,999. Add the number of the clergy (both regular and

secular), which was 147,805, and the entire population numbered

9,307,804. Two curious discrepancies may be noted: the number of

married men is greater than that of the married women by 10,062, and

the girls exceed the boys by 102,789 (this latter an excess of about

3 2/3 per cent). The only region in which the number of married men

is practically the same as that of married women is the archdiocese of

Valencia, and the only one where the same thing is true of the boys and

girls is the archdiocese of Zaragoza. The greatest discrepancy in the

numbers of both these classes is found in the archdiocese of Burgos,

where there were 197,064 married men, and only 185,997 married women;

and it had 330,428 girls and only 310,545 boys. Highly significant

is the enumeration of the privileged classes, of whom in the total

population there were 846,657, thus classified: those enjoying

royal privileges, 89,393; in the department of finances, 27,577;

in that of the Crusade, 4,248; in that of the Inquisition, 2,645;

in the nobility, 722,794. It is to be observed that three-fourths

of all the privileged class are found in the archdiocese of Burgos

and the two exempt bishoprics--in the former, 324,661; in the latter,

306,378. Not less interesting are the statistics of the ecclesiastical

estate. In the 16,427 cities and villages were 18,106 parishes,

which were served by 15,641 curas. There were 2,004 monasteries,

containing 55,453 religious; and 1,026 convents with 26,465 nuns. All

these religious orders employed also 8,552 persons as procurators

and treasurers, and with the orders were affiliated 26,294 laymen. In

the service of the churches were 25,248 laymen; and besides the curas

there were 50,246 chaplains and beneficed priests. The total of all

these items is 147,805, the number above given.

[76] A literal translation of the text; but there seems to be some

omission or confusion in the statement. Possibly the writer intended to

make it contingent on the success of his project for making cinnamon

plantations.

[77] In the text, aljoresesite; there is no such word in the lexicons,

and it probably is an error (perhaps of an amanuensis) for ajo aceite,

the name of a pungent preparation of garlic, oil, etc., which is used

in the southern countries of Europe as a condiment.

[78] Thus in original, but the context would indicate that "no"

was omitted here.

[79] Spanish, caldos: a term applied to the wine, oil, and brandy

that are transported by sea (Dominguez).

[80] The somewhat fragmentary nature of these statements indicates

the probability that they are but memoranda, and the whole MS. a

rough draft, which was to be presented to the king in revised and

improved form.

[81] Wm. Reed (Negritos of Zambales) says, (p. 27): "Everything in the

history of the Zambal people and their present comparative unimportance

goes to show that they were the most indolent and backward of the

Malayan peoples. While they have never given the governing powers

much trouble, yet they have not kept pace with the agricultural and

commercial progress of the other people, and their territory has been

so steadily encroached on from all sides by their more aggressive

neighbors that their separate identity is seriously threatened. The

rich valleys of Zambales have long attracted Ilokano immigrants, who

have founded several important towns. The Zambals themselves, owing

to lack of communication between their towns, have developed their

separate dialects.... [but] Zambal as a distinct dialect is gradually

disappearing." "The Zambals, however, lived in so close contact with

the Negritos that they impressed their language on them so thoroughly,

that no trace of the dialect of the latter people remains in Zambales"

(p. 28).

As pointed out in a recent communication from James A. LeRoy, the

Zambals were mountaineers, kin to the Igorot of today, and of Malay

origin. They probably formed a portion of a very early migratory

movement from the south who were pushed back into the hills. They must

not be confused with the Negritos, who are not Malayan. The Malayan

origin of the Zambals can be easily seen from Perez's description.

[82] Fray Vicente Salazar in his Historia, chapter xxx, pp. 134-138

("Description of the province of Zambales, and the genius, customs,

and ceremonies of its Indians") makes use of this document by Perez,

which he greatly condenses. Indeed, it forms his sole authority on

the Zambals. In the two following chapters ("Fruit of the preaching

of our religious in the changing of the customs of the Zambals;" and

"Of some miracles which our Lord worked in this mission and reduction

of the Zambals") also he uses considerable of the material of Perez.

[83] Carrizal: land which is full of reed-grass.

[84] Tapis is a Tagálog word, being the name of a garment worn by women

as a skirt. See Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario de la lengua tagala.

[85] Iua: a Tagálog word for a weapon resembling a dagger. See

ut supra.

[86] Wm. A. Reed (Negritos of Zambales, p. 26), commenting on Salazar's

description of the Zambals, which is condensed from Perez, says:

"Of course it is impossible to tell how much of this is the product

of the writer's imagination, or at least of the imagination of those

earlier chroniclers from whom he got his information, but it can well

be believed that the natives had a religion of their own and that

the work of the missionaries was exceedingly difficult." In this

connection, it is interesting to note that Perez later vouches for

the entire truth of whatever he has written.

[87] The original reads: presidiendo las ceremonias Bis. The

transcriber of the document for the present editors has added the

following note: "The structure and meaning of this word is not well

understood." It is the Latin word Bis, meaning "in a twofold manner,"

indicating that the god Malyari presides over both the feast and the

honors to the deceased.

[88] Balata is also used by the Tagálogs to signify "abstinence

from something in memory of any person." See Noceda and Sanlucar's

Vocabulario.

[89] The Spanish for "to play at ring" is correr á la sortija. This is

an equestrian sport, which is played by taking an iron ring as large

as a Segovian ochavo (a small brass coin). This ring is fitted into

another piece of iron, from which it can be easily withdrawn. The

latter is hung from a cord or pole a few feet from the ground, and

the horsemen and others who take part in the game, taking the proper

distance, go toward the ring at a run. The one who bears off the ring

on his lance is declared the winner. See Dominguez's Diccionario.

[90] A word of respect in the Tagálog dialect.

[91] Even when I was a missionary to the heathens from 1882 to 1892,

I had occasion to observe the said policy, to inform the chief of

the fortress of the measures that he ought to take, and to make a

false show on the other side so that it might have no influence on

the fortress. (Note by Dominican transcriber.)

[92] The same thing was advised by father Fray Remigio Rodriguez del

Alamo to Don Narciso Claveria y Oscariz, in respect to the different

tribes of Ifugaos. (Note by Dominican transcriber.)

[93] This was Gregorio Giraldez, who reached the Philippines in

1679. He was a Galician by birth and professed in the Dominican order

August 31, 1666. He was immediately sent to the province of Zambales,

being appointed in 1682 vicar of Alalang, and in 1684, of Paynaven. In

1686 he became superior of the Manila convent. He filled the offices

also of procurator-general, president of San Juan de Letran, and

vicar-provincial. His death occurred at Manila, May 28, 1702. See

Salazar's Historia, p. 130; and Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 215, 216.

[94] Juan de la Nava went to the Philippines in 1684, and was assigned

immediately to Masinloc, in the province of Zambales, which post

he filled for four years. In 1690 he was appointed vicar-provincial

there, at the same time having in charge the house at Paynaven. His

death occurred August 24, 1691. See Salazar's Historia, pp. 583, 584,

and Reseña biográfica, ii, p. 252.

[95] Juan Fernandez was born in the province of Asturias, and professed

at Valladolid, September 8, 1674. Reaching the Philippines in 1679

at the age of twenty-six, he was sent to the province of Zambales,

being assigned in 1680 to Masinloc, where he remained until 1686. He

was also vicar of Santiago Apostol de Bolinao (1688-96) and of Santa

Catalina V. y M. de Agno; vicar-provincial (1692-94); at Bolinao again

(1696-98); superior of Manila convent (1698-1702); president of the

house of Santa Mónica de Marihumo, in Zambales, from 1702 until his

death in the first half of 1703. See Salazar's Historia, p. 130;

and Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 223, 224.

[96] This was Juan Rois. See VOL. XLI, p. 250, note 76.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 47, 1728-1759 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 25 / 25 章

I believe that the errors which they possess in this matter of