Colleges, hospitals, and other houses
without administration 15,326 4 4,924 158 2,319
Grants of encomiendas, and their net
product 7,817 4 1
Encomiendas in which collections are
made by the royal treasury
Active missions, summary 9,239 1 4 10,376 3 300
Stipends of ministers in charge of
doctrinas 41,713 2 1 69,839 473 25,575
------------- ------ --- ------
Totals 100,586 3 6 85,139 634 28,194
p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas
This is, in brief, what his Catholic Majesty piously expends
and distributes every year from his royal exchequer in aiding the
ecclesiastical estate and the divine worship in these islands, not only
in money but in rice, wine, and oil--in everything conforming to the
royal decrees and other provisions, on which is based the certified
statement furnished by the royal officials to this government. And,
in order that the total amount from both [these kinds of aid] may be
better understood, I have thought it best to proceed to the reduction
of commodities [to a cash basis], by which may be exhibited the actual
cash value [of all that is given for this purpose].
Reduction of commodities for the computation of the whole in cash
[Class of aid] Commodities Rates of cost Cash value,
furnished p. t. gr.
Actual cash 100,586 3 6
Rice (24 gantas in a cavan) 85,139 cavans 4 tomins a cavan 42,569 4
Wine for masses (arrobas) 634 arrobas 25 pesos an arroba 15,850
Oil for the lamps (gantas) 28,194 gantas 1 tomin a ganta 3,524 2
Sum total 162,530 p., 1 t., 6 gr.
Consequently, the payments in kind being reduced to money at the
prices which are indicated, according to the estimate made every five
years--in which are considered the transportation expenses, items
of waste, and cost of administration--the whole amounts to 162,530
pesos, 1 tomin, and 6 granos, according to the computation. This
amount is annually requisitioned by the royal officials from the
amount of the tributes and other branches of income indifferently,
in such a manner that when the Indians fail--either in order to keep
a reserve, or for some other special reason of scarcity--to pay the
portion of rice which is required from them, it is necessary to make
extraordinary purchases on his Majesty's account, at the prices which
at the time are current, in order to furnish the ecclesiastical estate
with a suitable amount for their stipend. It is also necessary that
the aid for each individual ecclesiastic be delivered, at the cost of
the royal treasury, in his respective place of ministry, from which
follows an increased and extraordinary expense in the transportation
of these succors.
As regards the wine for masses, the royal officials of this treasury
usually ask those of Mexico to send in each ship 500 arrobas of
wine, which, it is estimated, ought to be distributed among the
communities and ministries of the religious--considering that the
secular ecclesiastics are accustomed to receive this in money,
at the same rate of twenty-five pesos [an arroba]. The officials
of Mexico punctually fill this order, deducting from the situado
the cost of purchasing the wine and transporting it to the port of
Acapulco--so that, when delivered in this city, and allowance being
made for the waste, the total cost never falls below twenty-five
pesos [an arroba]. As the aforesaid waste is usually considerable,
on account of the long navigation and carrying the wine in [mule-]
loads by land--and from the amount thus sent is separated, in the
first place, the wine necessary for the use of the royal chapel and
of the chaplains of the royal Audiencia, [and for the celebration of
mass in] the forts of Santiago and San Phelipe, at the timber-cutting
[by the Indians], and in the ships of his Majesty--there is seldom
enough wine to furnish the entire arroba which belongs to each
priest. For this reason the net amount of what remains is divided
pro rata among the aforesaid communities and ministries of religious,
without keeping back the third part (as formerly was the custom) for
emergency cases, on account of the urgent representations made on this
point by the general procurators of the aforesaid communities--giving
as their reason that this reserve would be safer and better guarded in
their hands than in the royal storehouses, and there would be reason
to fear that the wine would be consumed or adulterated. The matter
having been considered at a session of the royal treasury officials
on December 5, 1738, it was decided that the royal officials should
proceed to deliver the wine, obliging the parties concerned to provide
for themselves whatever lack might occur in the future, to which all
agreed; in virtue of this, from that time was delivered to them all
that was their share in the pro rata division of the net amount of
all the wine that was on hand for this purpose.
As for the cocoanut-oil for the lamps, there is seldom any change in
the amount paid to the churches; for it is the current practice, in
all the provinces where that tree grows, that the Indians contribute it
on account of the tribute, at the fixed price of one real for a ganta,
and at the same price when it must be purchased, which the natives call
"bandala." If there is any excess of cost, it is in the fact that oil
is bought on urgent occasions in this city for the careening of the
vessels and other special needs of the royal service--for which as
regards the contributions [to the churches], only so much is levied
[from the Indians] as accords with the amount agreed on [with them].
Besides this enormous amount of stipends and offerings with which his
Majesty aids the ecclesiastical estate, the ministers in charge of
the villages of Indian converts have generally introduced the annual
collection, from the parishioners under their administration, of three
reals from each whole tribute (that is, a man and wife) and from an
unmarried man half that amount, as an offering, for the feasts of the
titular saint of the village, the monument, and All Saints' day; this
also realizes a considerable sum for them, which may be more clearly
understood by the statement which is presented in the following table:
Summary of what the ministers who are in charge of the Indian villages
receive from their parishioners, as an offering, for the three feast
days of each village.
[Class] Ministers Villages Tributes Offerings,
p. t. gr.
Secular ecclesiastics 49 86 32,254 12,095 2
Religious of St. Dominic 42 42 23,316 1/2 8,743 5 6
Religious of St. Francis 62 66 25,520 9,570
Calced religious of St.Augustine 89 93 56,923 21,346 1
Society of Jesus 71 90 35,524 1/2 13,321 5 6
Discalced Augustinians 28 38 11,276 1/2 4,228 5 6
--- --- ----------- ------------
Totals 341 415 184,814 1/2 69,305 3 6
Consequently the 341 ministers in charge who administer the 415
villages and 53 visitas, and in them the number of 184,814 1/2 tributes
of native Indians, mestizos, and Christian Sangleys--according to the
latest estimate, in which is included the enumeration of strolling
Indians--receive for the aforesaid offering each year 69,305 pesos,
3 tomins, and 6 granos, according to those figures. It cannot be
learned that for the exaction of this offering they have further
permission or privilege than the custom itself, introduced by those
very ecclesiastics and religious in their respective parishes;
nor in this accountancy is there any other evidence for it than the
extra-judicial information acquired by the alcaldes, the natives, and
the business men of the provinces, who have seen this practice in use
in the manner which is here stated. The amount of this offering added
to the 162,530 pesos, 1 tomin, and 6 granos which those ministers
receive in stipends and contributions on his Majesty's account,
makes the sum of 231,835 pesos, and 5 tomins, which is the amount of
the fixed revenue which they receive. Besides this, they have the
proceeds of the occasional fees from marriages, burials, baptisms,
and other parochial dues, which are collected in all the parishes
that are called curacies and ministries; and no account is rendered
of the value of these, because it has not been possible to calculate
it everywhere for the total computation of the usufruct, but it has
always been considered as a large amount. Notwithstanding all this,
the religious orders have their incomes lessened by transporting
a large number of religious from the kingdoms of Castilla to these
islands, at least every six years. In this way they consume a great
part of their means, since the passage-money which his Majesty grants
them for their transportation is a very limited sum. More than all,
we must not fail to remark that the fine appearance of the churches,
and the care taken for divine worship and education, and the zeal for
souls, which are so conspicuous in the ministries of the religious,
cause more admiration than can be expressed, in places so remote as
these and in a Christian church so recently formed. The point most
worthy of consideration is the subordination and reverence which
these natives maintain toward their religious teachers, permitting
the latter to flog them, impose penances on them, and rebuke them,
when they incur blame in any omissions or faults, without their being
offended at the minister. It may therefore truthfully be affirmed
that it is these ministers who preserve in obedience, vassalage,
and subjection all the neophytes, gathered into settlements--more
being due to the authority and despotic manner in which the fathers
rule them than to the political scheme of the alcaldes who govern
them. This arises, as the Indians themselves admit, from a natural
fear which they conceive for the father's superiority, through a
hidden influence which constrains them to feel thus, without knowing
how, but which we understand--supernatural effects of the lofty
and supreme Providence. This result is greatly aided by the care
which the fathers take in instructing, encouraging, and stimulating
them in labor and cultivation, and the management of their domestic
affairs, in which they are thereby benefited. Would that they might
devote themselves at once to suppressing the variety of languages
which the natives use (which serve only to keep alive the root of
their abuses and idolatries), as is done by the crown of Portugal
in all its conquests--gradually bringing them to the use of the
Castilian language, and endeavoring to secure instruction therein
in all the schools, as is ordained by law xviii, book vi, tit. i
of the Recopilación of these kingdoms, in order that its purpose,
so holy and just, may be attained. But I have not been able to find
a convincing reason for their not putting this law into execution,
although I have made efforts to ascertain if there were any. It may
therefore be inferred that some insuperable and hidden difficulty must
have been encountered on the part of the religious who are ministers
in the doctrinas, which has hindered the useful and desirable progress
of this Christian maxim of policy.
Index of the plans, relations, and descriptions which are contained
in this book
Reason for this work; with letter by Don Joseph Patiño, [20]
stating it. Folio 1.
Concise description of the city of Manila. Fol. 3.
Description of the castle of Santiago. Fol. 9.
Plan and topographical chart of the capital, Manila, and of the castle
of Santiago. Fol. 11.
Description of Cavite, with all the industries which are contained
therein. Fol. 13.
Plan of Cavite, and of the castle and Ribera. Fol. 23.
Description of Playahonda, with its plan. Fol. 25.
Description of Fort San Francisco at Cagayàn, with its plan annexed.
Fol. 29.
Description of Fort Santiago at Ytugud, with its plan. Fol. 23.
Description of the fortification San Joseph at Cabicungan, with
its plan. Fol. 37.
Delineation of Fort San Pablo at Tuao, with its plan. Fol. 43.
Description of Fort San Joseph at Capinatan. Fol. 47.
Description of Fort Santa Ysabel at Calamianes, with its plan.
Fol. 51.
Description of the fort of Cuyo. Fol. 55.
Description of the fort of Linapacan. Fol. 59.
Description of Fort San Juan Bauptista of Lutaya. Fol. 63.
Description of the fort of Culion. Fol. 67.
Description of the fort at Capis, capital of the province of Panay,
with its plan annexed. Fol. 71.
Description of the fortification of Romblon. Fol. 75.
Description of Fort Nuestra Señora del Rossario at the port of Yloylo,
with its plan. Fol. 79.
Description of Fort San Pedro at the city of Zebu, with its plan.
Fol. 83.
Description of Fort San Joseph at Cagayàn, [21] with its plan.
Fol. 87.
Description of Fort San Francisco Xavier at Yligan, with its plan.
Fol. 91.
Description of Fort Santiago at Dapitan, with its plan. Fol. 95.
Description of Fort San Joseph at Tandag, capital of the province of
Caraga, with its plan annexed. Fol. 99.
Description of Fort San Francisco at Cateel, with its plan. Fol. 103.
Description of Fort San Juan Bauptista at Liñao, with its plan.
Fol. 107.
Description of Fort Nuestra Señora del Pilar at Samboangan. Fol. 115.
Plan of Samboangan. Fol. 115.
General résumé of the fortifications, their various constructions,
situations, etc. Fol. 117.
General résumé of the military supplies. Fol. 118.
General résumé of the military forces, pay of the men, etc. Fol. 119.
Description of the provinces. Fol. 120.
Province of Tongdo. Fol. 120.
Province of Bulacan. Fol. 122.
Province of Pampanga. Fol. 124.
Province of Pangasinan. Fol. 126.
Province of Ylocos. Fol. 128.
Province of Cagayàn. Fol. 130.
Province of Laguna de Bay. Fol. 133.
Province of Balayan. Fol. 136.
Province of Tayabas. Fol. 138.
Province of Camarines. Fol. 140.
Province of Albay. Fol. 142.
Province of Leyte. Fol. 145.
Province of Caraga. Fol. 148.
Province of Zebu. Fol. 150.
Jurisdiction of Island of Negros. Fol. 153.
Province of Ogton. Fol. 154.
Province of Panay. Fol. 156.
Province of Calamianes. Fol. 158.
Jurisdiction of Mindoro. Fol. 160.
Jurisdiction of Marivelez. Fol. 162.
Jurisdiction of Cavite. Fol. 163.
Government of Samboangan. Fol. 164.
General résumé of what is included in the description of the provinces.
Fol. 166.
Notice of the royal treasury of Manila. Fol. 168.
Résumé of what is produced and expended from the royal treasury
of Manila. Fol. 169.
Hydrographic and chorographic chart of all the Philipinas Islands.
Fol. 172.
[A similar index is given of the second part, that regarding the
ecclesiastical estate; but we omit this, as all the matter in that part
is presented in the foregoing pages--save the preliminary statement
of the "new reason for this work, with the letter of Don Joseph de
la Quintana, [22] which states it;" and, at the end, "Remarks, and
conclusion of the work."]
THE ORDER OF ST. JOHN OF GOD
[The following account of the work done in the Philippines by this
hospital order is summarized from the history written by Maldonado
de Puga.] [23]
CHAPTERS I-IV
[Chapter i relates "the urgent reasons for the present treatise;
and the necessity for, and usefulness of, our hospital order in
Philipinas." In the last paragraph of the chapter Maldonado says:
"These islands are in need of physicians and surgeons, as well
as of medicines; for excepting the capital Manila and the port of
Cabite--where we have hospitals, and where the few secular persons
who exercise the profession [of medicine] can render assistance--the
rest of the provinces, and the many dependent towns, are supported
by Providence alone, being helped by herbs and other simples about
which they have been instructed by continual use. But, as this is so
complicated a matter, whenever the patient's constitution and the dose
disagree, or when other substances are added to make the latter more
effective, the very article which was regarded as a remedy usually
aggravates the sickness, and consequently there are continual deaths
among those who make mistakes. In this capital, although there are
apothecary shops, and practitioners who write prescriptions--whose
charity is taken for granted, so far as they can exercise it--the
crowd of patients who resort to them does not allow them to succor
all, and it results that there is a great number who are unprovided
[with medical aid]. Others, because their poverty cannot bear the cost
of the medicines, and who have no one from whom to obtain food, find
their only asylum in our hospitals--where, without any hesitation,
all are received; and, making a distinction in the respect paid
to them, in regard to the rank or character of various persons who
have entered these houses, in so far as our abilities extend, the
institution has succeeded in giving entire satisfaction. Although the
royal charity maintains here a hospital and chapel at enormous cost,
it is understood that this is only for officers, soldiers, seamen,
and Pampangos who have positions and render actual service; for the
men retired from service are excluded by this rule, except by special
favor of the superior government. On this account, our attention to
our duties brings us in contact with a variety of people--priests,
citizens, militiamen, retired officers, Indians, negroes, besides
foreigners who trade in these ports. [These constitute] a great throng
of patients, and convince us that if so important a charity were to
fail or be neglected many dead persons would, to our sorrow, be found
in the streets and entresuelos [24] (the dwellings of the poor); and
others, worn out by their afflictions, would be suffering the pangs of
their necessities. These are relieved, in the present circumstances;
but the permanency of the work demands that the superiors to whom the
matter belongs shall aid us with laborers and encourage us with their
support, obtaining from the Catholic royal piety what they shall deem
suitable for this purpose."]
[Chapter ii recounts the royal decrees for the aid of the hospitals
at Manila, dated in the years 1590-96; the foundation (April 16,
1594) of the Misericordia brotherhood, and their establishment of
a hospital, which after 1596 opened its doors to all who needed its
aid; and the surrender of the royal hospital to their care (January
8, 1598), at the instance of Governor Francisco Tello--their labors
therein making evident the difference between the work accomplished
by pure charity and that done by persons hired to do it; they also
maintained Franciscan ministers for attending to the spiritual needs
of the sick. In the conflagration of May 1, 1603, the royal hospital
was utterly destroyed, "with the third part of the buildings of this
city, a loss which amounted to more than a million of pesos." Then
are enumerated the losses and calamities which rendered this loss
more grievous to the colony, the destructive earthquake of June 21,
1599, followed by lesser shocks and disturbances until the following
year of 1600; the loss of two richly-laden galleons (1599), the
"Santa Margarita" and "San Gerónimo;" the attack of Oliver van Noordt
(December, 1600); the wreck of the "Santo Thomas" (1601), and of
another galleon which was about to be launched at Panamao; the return
to port of the galleons despatched in 1602 and 1604; and the revolt
of the Chinese in May, 1603. A royal decree dated November 4, 1606,
directed Acuña to make every effort to rebuild the royal hospital;
meanwhile the Misericordia were aiding the throngs of people who,
made destitute by the various disasters above mentioned, implored
their help, and they spent in these exercises of charity eighty
thousand pesos in five years. Another royal decree (February 10,
1617) directed the Audiencia of Manila to place the hospitals there
in charge of the brethren of St. John of God, who were going thither
for that purpose; but the war with the Dutch and other hindrances
prevented them from carrying out this enterprise]
[Chapter iii states that about the year 1611 two brethren of this
order, Fray Juan de Gamboa and Fray Lucas de los Angeles, had arrived
in Manila, desirous to found a hospital; but that the authorities
there discouraged their plan. Some writer has stated that these
brethren returned in 1621 and founded a hospital for convalescents
at Bagumbaya; but Maldonado regards this as uncertain, and difficult
to verify, although some circumstances would indicate the probability
that they made a second attempt to establish their order at Manila. At
various times requests were sent from Manila for these hospitalers,
and in chapter iv are related the arrangements finally made by
the superiors of the order in Nueva España to send laborers to the
Philippines, which was accomplished in the spring of 1641; these were
Fray Andrés de San Joseph (a priest) and Fray Antonio de Santiago
(a lay brother). The warrant given them and other official documents
connected with their going are reproduced in full by Maldonado.]
CHAPTER V
[The brethren of St. John of God began their labors at Cavite, in
November of 1641. Corcuera provided lodgings for them in the royal
buildings, and the inhabitants contributed so liberally that they
were able to open a hospital of ten beds; but so great was the number
of applicants for its aid that in January following, the hospital
brethren asked for and received the surrender (January 30) to their
management of the royal hospital at Cavite, with all its property
and slaves--provided that within four years they obtain the royal
confirmation of this grant. An inventory of this hospital and its
equipment is more curious than edifying: "The house which served
as a hospital was of wood and piles, covered with tiling that was
old and in bad condition; for dispensary [botica], it had a wooden
framework containing various gallipots, vials, and earthen jars. In the
infirmary were sixteen mattresses, ten pillows, twenty-seven sheets,
two coverlets, and fourteen blankets; and its larder contained eighty
cabans of rice, forty gantas of oil, fifteen arrobas of sugar, and
four jars of conserves. For divine worship it had a box for an altar,
hardly fit [for such use]; a chalice with its paten, without any
ornament; a bell of medium size, and two small ones. For its service,
it had some slaves, five men and seven women. As for revenues, it
had three and a half residence lots and two lots occupied by shops,
which yielded twenty-six pesos and [word omitted?] granos a month;
also some woodlands, and a grazing tract in Leyton, a place near
the said port, with several head of horses and cattle. The most
important [of its assets] were the deliveries made from the [royal]
storehouses, for these were permanent; they had been ordered when
the said hospital was in charge of the religious of our seraphic
father St. Francis." These supplies, as appears from the records
of the treasury board of Manila, had been furnished since January
12, 1619, at the request of the Franciscans in charge of the Cavite
hospital. They asked, for immediate use, for "a dozen blankets, a dozen
cupping-glasses, two syringes, two pairs of Castilian scissors, two
clasp-knives, six lancets, two scarifiers; some wool for mattresses;
two books, one entitled De Medicina, by the author Barrios, and the
other by Dioscorides; four arrobas of Castilian wine; a barrel of
raisins and almonds; and half an arroba of rosado sugar." [25] For
regular annual supplies, they asked two hundred fanegas of cleaned
rice, as hitherto they had had no amount allotted for the hospital;
six hundred fowls, since they received only little more than two
hundred a year from those assigned them by his Majesty in Balayán;
and three hundred pesos from the royal treasury, to be spent for meat,
sugar, flour, and eggs, drugs from China, clothing for the slaves and
servants, and other needs of the hospital. All these were granted them,
and paid regularly until the hospital was placed in charge of the
Order of St. John of God (1642); "from that time there was a gradual
diminution, to such an extent that, by another general conference of
the treasury officials in 1657 the whole was reduced, so that by way
of contribution [from the government] only two hundred pesos should be
given, in the articles which should be required each year, and this
[only] in the interval until other provision should be made." At the
time when Maldonado wrote, all government aid had been taken away;
moreover, in 1645 the brethren had been obliged to vacate the royal
buildings, in which they had been conducting the Cavite hospital,
and were incommodiously quartered in some poor shops of the Sangleys;
but in October of that year the authorities granted them the use of an
empty building belonging to his Majesty; it was constructed of nipa and
bamboo, and had been occupied by some fishermen. The Cavite hospital
was rebuilt four times by the brethren of St. John: "the first time,
by the reverend father Fray Francisco de Magallanes, which lasted until
the year 1682; the second, by the reverend father Fray Marcos de Mesa,
a priest of the order, which lasted until the year 1699; the third,
by the reverend father Fray Juan de Alarcòn, a priest, which lasted
until the year 1728; and lastly, the one which is being built by the
present superior, Fray Antonio de Arçe. There is no doubt that this
will be established in so good order that it will be an improvement
on the previous ones; and meanwhile a house has been made ready,
with sufficient space for lodgings. This was given as a contribution
by Captain Don Miguel Cordero; and in it are maintained eight beds,
and the corresponding offices. The title of this hospital always was,
and still is, that of St. Joseph. All its receipts in the year hardly
reach two hundred and sixty pesos, a support so scanty that it is not
necessary to emphasize the straitened manner in which the religious
who minister in it must support themselves; the one who directs it has
the appointment of prior." The sick soldiers and seamen at Cavite are
sent to the royal hospital of Manila for treatment; if the money which
they cost there were handed over to the Cavite hospital it could take
better care of them than they now receive.]
CHAPTER VI
[A little more than two years after founding the Cavite hospital, the
hospitalers undertook to open a hospital for convalescents, where these
could have the dieting, rest, and care necessary for fully regaining
their health after they were discharged from the general hospitals;
for lack of these, many persons had before perished. Accordingly, they
obtained from Governor Corcuera permission (April 16, 1644) to erect
or buy a house for this purpose, to be situated on the Pasig River
above Manila; but circumstances afterward induced them to locate it at
Bagumbaya, a suburb south of the city, outside the walls--permission
being given for this by Faxardo in the following September. Here,
as in other places, Maldonado mentions this enterprise as a revival
of the one supposed to have been undertaken in 1621. It contained two
wards, one for men and one for women, in which twenty persons could be
cared for. This work was continued but a short time--partly for lack
of hospitalers, who had to devote their main energies to the hospital
in Manila; and partly because the Bagumbaya house had not sufficient
facilities for the entertainment of its inmates, who quickly grew
tired of remaining there and of the strict dieting necessary for
their full recovery, and went away--in the majority of cases, to die.]
SECTION VII
CHAPTER VII
[The religious of the order then devoted themselves to the Cavite
hospital, and to the one established by the Misericordia in Manila,
which that brotherhood placed in their charge in March, 1650; they
took possession of it on May 31 following. The conditions of this
transfer are given by Maldonado in full (pp. 86-93). The donation is
full and irrevocable, including all the property, servants, and incomes
of the hospital. The hospitalers are obliged to treat poor women who
are ill, both Spaniards and mestizas; also the slaves (both men and
women) of the citizens, who in such cases are expected to make an
offering to the hospital of three pesos each--save that for slaves
belonging to the seminary of Santa Isabel and to the Misericordia
this offering shall not be made. The latter institution shall be
regarded as the patron of the hospital, and shall aid it every year
with such contribution as is in its power, for necessary expenses and
the support of the sick. The women who are inmates of Santa Isabel
shall be treated by the brethren of St. John, so far as possible
in the seminary itself; and the medicines needed for these patients
shall be provided by the Misericordia, to the extent of two hundred
pesos a year in advance. The officers of that confraternity may visit
the hospital, and shall have the right to notify the superior of the
hospitalers of any deficiency or neglect they may find therein. Any
charitable person may erect a church or additional ward or wards in
connection with the institution, and be regarded as a patron thereof;
and such addition shall not be under the control of the officers of
the Misericordia. The hospital, however, shall retain the name of
that brotherhood, and alms or contributions for its benefit shall be
asked in its name. All property, incomes, rights, and credentials of
the institution shall be surrendered to the brethren of St. John,
who shall not be expected to give account to the Misericordia of
any contributions which they may receive; that association shall
also use all its influence with the authorities to secure their aid
and favor for the hospital in all ways, and to defend it from any
objections or difficulties which may arise against it, particularly
from the Franciscans, who formerly had been connected with it. In
case the hospital order shall lose all its laborers in the islands,
the Misericordia shall administer the hospital until the provincial of
St. John in Nueva España shall be able to send more of his brethren
to Manila; and provision is made for the final settlement of affairs
between that order and the Misericordia, in case they decide to sever
the present relations. The latter association shall pay at once to
the order eight hundred pesos in cash, for the necessary expenses
and equipment of the brethren in opening their hospital labors. All
the documents regarding this affair and other important transactions
of the Order of St. John are reproduced in full by Maldonado. On
taking possession of the hospital (May 31, 1656) the hospitalers
equipped three wards, with twelve beds in each, where men and women
might be cared for separately, and the Indians and Morenos apart
from the Spaniards. A small church was also erected, with lodgings
for the religious of the order; these buildings were injured in the
earthquake of July 19, 1664, but were repaired for use until new ones
could be erected. A new and large church was built, but this also was
wrecked by an earthquake in 1674; a new church and convent were then
built, which lasted until 1727, when they were found to be in so bad
condition from the repeated seismic shocks which they had undergone
that they must be reconstructed. This was accordingly done, the new
edifice being dedicated on May 10, 1732 (see chapters ix and x for full
description of it). This was the building which was standing at the
time of Maldonado's writing, and it had three wards, each containing
more than twenty beds; that for the women is especially praised for its
comfort and convenience. "During these last twelve years" [Zaragoza's
approbation states that the book was written in 1739] "there have been
admitted sixteen priests, secular clergy, one religious of our father
St. Dominic, two other religious of our seraphic father St. Francis,
seventy-six students from the four colleges which are in this city;
and from the laity, the licentiate Don Juan Francisco de Velasco,
auditor of this royal Audiencia, and a large number of citizens--not
to mention eight thousand poor persons of inferior condition and
rank. This appears from the books of registration, from which this
enumeration has been made. Attention was given to all these patients,
in accordance with their respective stations; and with the same
consideration burial was given to those who died."]
CHAPTER VIII
[Later, doubts arose as to the exercise of the right and title of
patronage which was reserved to the Misericordia in the foregoing
agreement; and certain individual members of that association,
"moved (as it is inferred) by pious although very indiscreet zeal,"
stirred up these doubts and made officious inquiries. Although they
did no harm, it was thought best to consult the heads of the Jesuit
university in regard to the objections thus raised; and their opinion
(undated) is given by Maldonado. Those learned professors declared
in favor of the hospitalers, saying that any official visitation and
inspection of their work could be made only by the archbishop of the
islands; the officers of the Misericordia might visit the hospital,
but could not, even as its patrons, exercise any legal authority or
compulsion over the brethren of St. John, or bring against them any
legal claim. The Jesuits refer to such a stipulation in the original
document transferring the hospital (chap, vii); they also remind the
Misericordia of the wretched condition in which the hospital was when
that association gave it up--for this purpose citing the inventory
made at that time of the property thus transferred. Some curious
particulars are found therein. The old hospital had but one ward,
under which was "the old chapel, where the dead were buried." One of
the items is, "Twelve head of slaves, most of them more than fifty
years old, and some past sixty." Its equipment of bedding, etc.,
comprises "four old tents of medriñaque; seven mattresses, made of
Ilocos blankets, with their outside badly worn; ten pillows, with
their covers of medriñaque, old; two tables, with tablecovers, with
six napkins, old; twelve sheets of Ilocos weave." Various articles
for the use or adornment of the altar in the church are listed, most
of them characterized as "old;" while an image of St. Joseph and the
Holy Child is "old and battered." There are "nine old cots for beds;"
"a large chest, old, without any key;" "an old wooden table, on which
the food is distributed;" "two old chairs for seats;" "four large
cots, for Spanish women;" "two old books which treat of medicine"
(evidently those asked for by the Franciscans in 1619); "one hundred
and twelve porcelain vials, empty;" "sixty-one gallipots of Chinese
porcelain, empty;" "two stone kitchen mortars, without handles;"
and some few other articles suitable for hospital use, that are
presumably in good condition. In view of these facts, there is no
ground for bringing complaints against the brethren of St. John,
especially since they were not obliged by the document of donation
to conform to any given standard in their management of the hospital,
nor was any provision made therein for summoning them to give account
thereof to the ordinary. The labors of conducting the hospital and
providing means for its support are quite arduous enough for the
order, without imposing upon it the burden of keeping accounts of
all the receipts and expenses--a charge which it probably would
not have accepted, and which cannot be now imposed upon it. The
income of the institution from the property surrendered with it--a
legacy from the late Captain Nicolas de Luzurriaga--does not exceed
a thousand pesos, which is a very inadequate endowment for meeting
all the expenses which must be incurred for the patients sent to
the hospital by the Misericordia, even if these number no more than
eight; and its scantiness prevents that association from making any
just claim to the exercise of authority over the hospital. Indeed,
the Jesuits censure the Misericordia for having done so little
for the institution since they surrendered it to the brethren of
St. John. Further: "Apparently the mistake of the Board [of the
Misericordia] consists in their being surprised that the sick are not
better treated or regaled in the said hospital, when they see that the
Order of St. John of God has an encomienda granted by his Majesty the
king (whom may God preserve), a ranch of cattle and cultivated lands,
some lots occupied by shops in the Parian outside the walls of Manila,
and other considerable revenues--which, as evidently appears, are all
considered as possessions of the said hospital of the Misericordia,
of which they are patrons--[a mistake which arises] from seeing that
all these are possessed by the religious of St. John of God, but not
making a distinction in regard to what belongs to that order as an
order, for the support of its brethren. Such is the ranch; when, in
the year 49, Captain Don Pedro Gomez Cañete lay sick in the hospital
for convalescents at Bagumbaya, without the walls of this city, he
made a donation, by a clause of his last will and testament, of the
said farms to the said religious order. Suit having been brought by
Captain Geronimo Fuentes for a sum of money which the said Captain
Don Pedro Gomez Cañete owed, the aforesaid properties were placed
at public auction, and the said religious order secured in the said
auction, for a bid of 12,100 pesos, the said ranch and some shops
in the Parian--nineteen of them upper, and twenty lower; and eight
other shops for the peddlers, with their lodging-rooms above. The
said order also obtained at public auction eight residence lots in
the locality of La Hermita and Santiago de Bagumbaya (which were
the ones where they started their work), and some others which they
bought. The site and locality where the church and convent of the
said order are at present built were the houses which belonged to
Captain Don Alonso Parrilla; these also were secured at auction, for
the price of 3,000 pesos, by paying in cash (as it did) 2,650 pesos,
and the remainder of the 3,000 was left in a mortgage that could be
paid up, the said order paying the amount due every year to this same
Board of the holy Misericordia. Another [resource is] a chaplaincy
of masses to the Holy Ghost and the Conception, which was founded by
Doña Hypolita de Zarate y Osseguerra. These incomes have nothing to
do with the hospital as a hospital; and therefore, in accordance with
this, the members of the Board cannot require that these revenues
be subjected to official investigation, any more than in the case
of other contributions and incomes which other benefactors had left
to the said hospital, even though the proceeds of these are handled,
and surrendered to the said religious, by this same Misericordia as
administrators for the said benefactors; for the members of the Board
have no rights as patrons over any of these, as is clearly stated in
the agreement made in the conditions of donation." "From all this,
the fathers rector and masters of this university of the Society of
Jesus conclude that only with the gravest scruples of conscience,
and at the risk of defaming the said religious order by accusations
of omission or negligence in fulfilling their obligation to render
assistance to the said sick persons, can the members of the Board
on this pretext demand before the illustrious archbishop that the
said religious be visited, and account be demanded from them of the
expenses and receipts, and of other matters pertaining to the said
assistance--not only in regard to all the incomes which the hospital
order, as such, possesses, noting down the contributions from all the
benefactors of it; but as little even the proceeds which by the said
donation the religious received from this same brotherhood of the
holy Misericordia--since that is expressly contrary to the agreement
made with the said religious order in the instrument of donation, and
would be a very heavy and onerous new burden upon it, if imposed now,
after sixty years, on a donation which was originally free, complete,
and irrevocable." This opinion is signed by Joseph Hernandéz, Antonio
Arias, Pablo Clain, Nicolas de Zarate, and Joseph de Bobadilla. [26]
It brought about a cessation of the controversy, and afterward, the
hospital and its labors grew in public esteem and many favors were
bestowed on it.]
CHAPTERS IX-XII
[These chapters are devoted to a history and description of the church
and convent erected in 1727, an account of the solemn functions
annually celebrated therein, instances of miraculous intervention
by the Virgin, etc. The church was dedicated on May 10, 1732, with
festivities and solemn ceremonies which lasted during eight days. On
the last day an oration was delivered by the Dominican Fray Juan de
Arrechedera, who is styled by our writer "the Tullius of Manila." The
church measured one hundred and fifty feet in length, and forty-two
in breadth; Maldonado describes it, both within and without, with
much detail, and presents a large illustration of the exterior of the
edifice, which is herewith reproduced on a smaller scale. Among the
notable donors to the adornment and furnishing are Don Buenaventura
Morales, a physician in Manila; Don Juan Monroy, court secretary of the
Audiencia; General Antonio Gonzalez Quijano; Don Joseph Antonio Nuño
de Villavicencio, a regidor of Manila; General Miguel de Allanegui,
secretary of the government; Doctor Joseph Correa Villareal, an
advocate of the Audiencia; and General Joseph de Morales.]
[In chapter xi occurs a curious digression in the midst of the
descriptions of the solemn functions solemnized in the hospital
church; enumeration of the instances of miraculous aid afforded
by the Virgin to her devotees gives occasion for an account of the
system of weights used by the Chinese traders in the islands, and
the change made from these to the Castilian system. General Joseph
Antonio Nuño de Villavicencio "also relates that commission had been
given to him to abolish the use of a certain make of steelyards
[pesadores] customary with the Chinese and other foreigners, with
which commerce had been carried on in this city from the earliest
times; and to establish [a system of] weights and measures modeled
on the Castilian, according to the provisions of the laws of both
kingdoms. He recognized that the serious nature of this charge demanded
the most extraordinary exertions, or else that the hindrances should
be removed which had hindered it from being effective on occasions
when, at various times, the [same] attempt had been made. But, being
also stimulated by his own reputation, in order not to be conquered
by the difficulty without a previous investigation, and being incited
to close application by his interest in a transaction as much to the
service of his Majesty as to the general welfare of the commonwealth,
he proceeded to the consideration of the importance of this business
(the serious inconveniences of which might defeat his efforts), and
of the risk incurred for his reputation if, after he had accepted the
commission, he could not fulfil it; and the more he thought about
it, the less did he unravel the tangle. At last, in his anxiety he
found no recourse more certain of success than to offer himself
to the divine favor [as expressed] in that sovereign object, the
holy image [of the Virgin]; and in this confidence he carried on the
enterprise, heedless of any risk, and succeeded in his object, to the
satisfaction of the many who before were disparaging it as chimerical,
or who regarded it as impracticable. He gained the approbation of the
royal Audiencia so thoroughly that it conferred upon him new powers
for [introducing] the same arrangement in all the provinces of its
jurisdiction in these islands, where the same injurious effect was
experienced; and he executed this commission with exactness, sending
[to all places] carefully regulated models and instructions for making
it effective." Maldonado then goes on to describe the mode of weight
formerly in vogue among the Chinese traders, as well as the Castilian
system, thus:]
Form of the Chinese balances
Let me be the first to explain the construction of the Chinese balances
which were in use; they were called da-Chens. In shape it resembled
a steelyard [romana]; the yard or beam was made of a kind of wood
which they call palma brava, [27] and in its form was like a mace
for playing truck [trucos]--except the butt, which at the extremity
was thicker. It had a sort of frame of copper, octagonal in shape,
with its movable pointer in the middle [con su espiga en medio de
movimiento], and some pendent hooks. For indicating the weights, there
were certain points marked by nails, set at proportionate distances,
but without any numbers or any other characters to show the weight
definitely. For counterweight there was a piece of metal or of stone
hanging by a cord, but without any sign or mark by which the dachen
or balance could make known what was entrusted to it. [28] To this
badly-constructed instrument the handling of all kinds of merchandise
had been reduced, and the trade was carried on [by it] among Spaniards,
Chinese, Indians, and Morenos; and through necessity they--even the
superiors and prelates--employed this balance on all occasions that
arose, from the earliest times of the conquest until the year 1727,
when the measure that is here discussed was carried into effect. This
was not because the project had not been brought forward repeatedly,
and at various times, but because the difficulties which hindered it
could not be obviated. But, to continue the subject, so well known
was the uncertainty of those dachens that even the very Chinese,
although it originated in their own country, stipulated beforehand for
every transaction the balance by which [the goods] must be received or
delivered; for each one of them regarded the balance which he himself
used as the better reckoner. There were small ones, for weighing gold
and silver; and others that were larger, for bulky goods. The weights
by the smaller ones were computed in taels, each one corresponding
to twenty adarmes of our Castilian weight. From the tael there was
a diminution down to granos, of which six were worth one adarme;
but these names were never common in our language. [29] The chief
weight consisted of cates, each about twenty-two onzas; the chinanta,
which was equivalent to about ten cates, and in our Castilian weight
to thirteen libras and twelve onzas; the quintal, which was worth
about eight chinantas, or eighty cates, and corresponded to about one
hundred and ten libras of our weight; and the largest was called pico,
which was reckoned at ten chinantas, or one hundred cates, and in our
weight five and a half arrobas. But as this correspondence of weight
to weight was prevented as people understood more thoroughly the lack
of accuracy in the said balances, and the [cause for] suspicion of
the way in which they were managed by the Chinese--a people of such
cunning that in their own land fraud is a science, in which degrees are
given--the Spaniards found themselves compelled to depend on computing
the equivalent [in Castilian weight], according to the greater or less
skill of each person [in reckoning]; but the ignorance of the Indians
and the common people, exposed [as they were] to the insatiable greed,
lack of piety, and unscrupulousness of the said Sangleys, who gained
great profits from this practice, aided the subtlety of the latter.
Difficulties which arose in regard to the introduction of new weights
This fact being established, from it follows the reason of the
difficulty, which is the subject (and to this end the considerations)
on which argument arises. In order to suppress the use of the
said dachens, it was necessary to have in reserve other weighing
instruments, with which the commerce, both wholesale and retail,
could be regulated. In order to establish the Castilian weights, there
must be specimens of the original standards which had to be followed,
according to the royal decrees, to which weights must be conformed;
and a factory must be established for the number of instruments which
the new order of things would require. There was an absolute lack of
everything; and therefore it was necessary either to permit the use
of the dachens, or to make a general prohibition of commerce in the
commodities for which the said balances served. To adopt any expedient
less onerous was not allowed in the commission; that the former [i.e.,
the use of the Chinese weights] should be continued was the very
thing which he [i.e., General Villavicencio] was ordered to prevent;
to deny trade to the people would be ridiculous and ineffectual. The
custom was as old as the Spanish occupancy of the country; the serious
danger of disturbances, [if he undertook] to regulate steelyards by
guess, without observing the exactness [required by] the laws, was a
new difficulty; delay [would be ir]remediable, and the general injury
irreparable! Let the most discreet person, then, infer from these
circumstances whether the undertaking was an arduous one, whether
the least [in]advertence would be conspicuous, and [what were] the
risks to his reputation for good judgment; and whether recourse to
sovereign aid would be urgent for his success....
Castilian weight
The reckoning of our Castilian marco in accordance with the laws
which prescribe its form originates with grains of wheat. The weight
of thirty-six grains is computed as an adarme; sixteen of these
make one onza, and sixteen onzas one libra; twenty-five libras
make one arroba, and four arrobas the greatest weight, which is a
quintal. Laying aside the declarations that wheat may not be used
to supplement the established weights of metal (a custom of various
ports and provinces), it appears that, with only this information,
a corresponding standard could not be made in Manila, since it was
deficient in that species of wheat to which the laws refer, and
although there is likewise a harvest of these grains in Philipinas,
and quantities of wheat are also brought hither from China--some
[having grains] of larger size and less weight, and others that are
small and compact--the variety in them arouses great uncertainty, for a
matter so delicate. Certain it is that, whatever might be taken for the
origin [of this computation], it must produce a system corresponding
[to the Castilian]; and, by being made general for both buying and
selling goods, it would furnish due fulfilment to the form prescribed
in the respective laws. But, as that system would always be deemed
more conformable to the intention of the laws the more [nearly] its
ratios were identical [with those of Castilla], and when the variety
of weights and measures (which, considering the laborious nature of
mercantile operations and the interests at stake in them, is at times
a very onerous burden) in the provinces with which trade is carried on
should be reduced to a common basis: as these islands possess the trade
with Nueva España, the importance which any unforeseen disagreement
might indicate could not be overlooked. This consideration led to
the most careful investigation of the basis to which the matter
could be reduced; and, in order to find the system equivalent [to
that of Castilla], various standards were adjusted to one another,
from which a safe conclusion might be drawn. Accordingly, grains of
lentils (which give name to the marco [30] of Aragon) were taken, and
search was made for grains of wheat whose weight would correspond,
with the difference of one-eighth. The same was done with grains of
alberjones [31] (from which sort originated the marco of Venecia),
and it was found that the weight of each one agreed with that of
four grains of separated wheat. The same was done with chick-peas
[garvanzos] (from which the marco of Flandes took its origin), and it
was found that one of these weighed the same as thirty-six grains of
wheat. As a result, through the weight of the aforesaid legumes, in
the respective ratios of the marcos of Aragon, Venecia, and Flandez,
and the corresponding weight of the grains of wheat, to which reference
is made by our Castilian marco, sufficient basis was formed on which
to make the standards [of weight]. In fact, they were made by this
rule, weights of metal being made which should correspond to one,
two, and three grains of wheat, and which together should weigh as
much as the weight which is called a grano of silver; another of one,
two, and three granos of this sort, the aggregate of which should be
equivalent to the weight of one adarme; and by this [were established]
the rest of the weights corresponding [to those of Castilla], as far
as that one which would contain one onza, from which resulted the
greater weights of libras and arrobas. Metal weights were also made
equivalent to half a grain of wheat, and to one-fourth, one-eighth,
one-sixteenth, and one-thirty-second of a grain, which last is the
same as the eleven hundred and fifty-second part of the adarme; or,
if this latter weight were divided into so many and small parts,
each one of them would alike agree with the weight made for the
thirty-second part of the grain of wheat.
The standard of weight kept in the repository
This careful attention to details is better set forth by a statement of
the skill and delicacy [displayed] in the construction of the weighing
instrument which serves as standard in this capital, and is kept in the
archives in the building of the municipal cabildo; it is a work which
for its elegance might be valued in any one of the principal cities
of España and of the Indias. It is a small one, such as is required
by the weights which it carries; it is made in the form of a cross, of
rich tombac [32] and the finest gold. In the semicircle which indicates
the play of the index needle, a pendent pearl serves as ornament. The
scales are of the same metal, gold and tombac, and the silken threads
which sustain them of silk dyed red. The whole instrument works with
so rigid exactness that when the smallest weight--a thirty-second of
a grain of wheat, or the eleven hundred and fifty-second part of an
adarme--which is an almost imperceptible amount, is placed in either
of the said scales the index of this steelyard shows the difference.
Remarkable agreement of weights
[That which had been] the physical probability of conformity of this
construction [with the standard of Castilla] was rendered certain
with remarkable exactness. Commission was given by the cabildo
of this city that twenty-five steelyards should be sent from the
kingdom of Nueva España; and, these having been brought hither at
the time when the aforesaid steelyards and the weights, both large
and small, were already made, [the cabildo] proceeded to make the
comparison [between these and those] with judicial solemnity and the
assistance of experts. This transaction having been completed with
the exactness which its importance rendered urgent, the two sets of
steelyards were found to agree so closely that it appeared that in
those sent from Nueva España the scales were balanced by the weights
made in Manila, or that these were the regular weights for the said
steelyards!... This measure, be it worthy of record, began with the
benefit to the common people of these islands in the suppression [33]
of the da-chens, or Chinese steelyards; for the easy and continual
fraud therein was computed by an official as being, in the limits
of Manila alone, more than thirty thousand pesos a year--an evil so
deeply rooted that few persons supposed that it could be remedied. So
far did this go that the Marquès de Torre-Campo, then governor of
these islands (whose prudent moderation was always honored), at the
time when permission was asked from him for the publication of the
proclamation by which the new usage was established and the old one
prohibited, made very sententious remarks expressing his opinion that
the said effort would be useless on account of the difficulties which,
he inferred, would obstruct its effectiveness. But experience proved
that he was mistaken; for in twenty-four hours [from that time] it
would have been difficult to find any Chinese steelyard, if search
had been made. It appears from the original acts--and these have been
furnished to us for this relation, which in everything punctually
follows and refers to them--that before reaching this last step, the
publication of the prohibition of Chinese weights, the authorities
caused to be made as large a number of properly regulated steelyards
as the shops and guilds which use them might reasonably be expected
to need. Then the Chinese were notified that the da-chens which
they used should be brought forward; these were retained [by the
authorities], and Castilian steelyards were given [in place of them],
with printed instructions for observance by those who used them;
and steelyards for the use of the public were set in various places,
with trustworthy persons [in charge], who could instruct persons of
little understanding. And it is generally known that, although this was
a matter of so serious tendency, and included every class of persons,
not the slightest disturbance arose; for all knew its importance, and
in order to enjoy the convenience [of the new weights] submitted to
learn the first rudiments of knowledge [about them]; and perplexity
[on this point] lasted but a short time, or was not evident at all,
for in matters which concern one's interests close application makes
progress, even in the dullest persons.
[In chapter xii are enumerated the distinguished persons who have been
buried in the new hospital church since its erection. Among these
were five infant children (1728-36) of Villavicencio, the regidor
who had so liberally aided the institution; at two of these funerals
disputes arose over the rights of certain officials to precedence
as pallbearers. Another benefactor, General Allanegui, was buried in
the church (April, 1736); and three years later General Don Gregório
Padilla y Escalante, who lived in the village of Binondo. A sad
tragedy is hinted at in the record, although it is mentioned chiefly
in connection with ecclesiastical quarrels over parish dues and the
disputed right of interring the poor corpse. On January 26, 1736,
a Spanish girl of about fifteen years was brought to the hospital;
she had been found stretched on the ground near the door of the
seminary church of Santa Isabel, bruised and senseless, and died in
about an hour, without recovering consciousness. No one knew who she
was; but her body was placed near the door of the hospital church,
to see if any person would recognize it. Several identified it as
that of Doña Josepha de Leon, a pupil in the said seminary, who in a
temporary insanity had flung herself from the roof of that building
to the street below.]
CHAPTER XIII
[This chapter is devoted to an account of the government of the
province of the Order of St. John; a list of its provincials, with
their terms of office; and a list of all the members of the order
therein, at the time of writing this history. This province had
always been subject to the very reverend commissary-general of the
order resident in Nueva España; and, as its funds did not permit
it to bring men from Europe, the superior at Manila would admit
novices who wished to engage in the work of the order. These, when
sufficiently instructed, if they showed a true vocation for that work
were received into the order, and thus its numbers were sufficiently
recruited to sustain its labors. The choice of a provincial for the
islands was always reserved to the said commissary at Mexico, who
usually reappointed the same man, when he had been found competent for
that office; this appointee was regarded as the vicar and visitor
for the commissary (except in the matter of authority to grant
dismissory letters to members of the order), and those titles were
bestowed on the prior of the Manila convent (the principal house),
regarded to all intents and purposes as provincial, but with the
modest title of "superior" [prelado]. The province had four houses:
those at Cabite and Manila, and two others, at Bagumbaya and Zebù
respectively. When Maldonado wrote, the two former alone remained. The
prior at Cabite was nominally appointed by the commissary at Mexico;
but the uncertainties, delays, and costs caused by the distance thither
and the long and dangerous voyage rendered it necessary to leave this
choice practically in the hands of the superior at Manila. The brethren
of the community met every three years to elect councilors and transact
other business. The superior appointed a procurator-general, manager
of the hospital, and other minor officials. Besides the priests and
brethren of the order, certain men called donados were admitted to
its ranks for the service of the poor and for the commoner duties of
the convent. In the month of November of each year, the officers of
the Misericordia visited the hospital officially--it being definitely
understood that they had no right to meddle with its management in
any way. On New Year's day of each year, the community assembled and
chose by lot a patron saint for the coming year.]
[Following is the list of superiors (not counting Fray Juan de Gamboa,
who came in 1621, because his attempt to establish the order proved
abortive): (1) Father Fray Andrès de San Joseph, a native of Mexico;
his patent was dated February 20, 1641 and he ruled the province until
August 3, 1643. (2) Father Fray Francisco Magallanes, a Portuguese;
he received his credentials on March 10, 1643, but did not go to the
islands that year; he took possession on August 3, 1644, and held
the office until August 4, 1662. (3) Father Fray Francisco Cardoso,
a Portuguese; he immediately succeeded Magallanes (by whom he was
appointed, under special authority conferred by the commissary), and
held the office for four years. (4) Father Fray Christoval Nieto de
Salazar, a native of Mexico; he ruled from September 4, 1666 until
August 9, 1669. (5) Father Fray Marcos de Mesa, a native of Tescuco,
Mexico, held office from August 9, 1669 until his death in 1682. (6)
Father Fray Luis de la Cruz, a Canari by birth, next held the office,
from 1682 until his death on January 25, 1683; he came to Manila as
alternate for the regular appointee, Fray Fructuoso de Texada (who
died three days after he reached the port of Cavite); opposition
to his rule arose in the order itself, but he was finally placed in
possession of the office by the provisor of the archdiocese, aided by
military force. (7) Father Fray Phelipe de Jesus, a native of Manila,
was superior from January 25, 1683 until September 2, 1684. (8) Father
Fray Antonio de Robles, a native of Mexico, ruled from September 2,
1684 until 1687; he then went to Zebù, and was ordained a secular
priest (9) Father Fray Phelipe de Jesus, as chief councilor, took the
place of Fray Robles, and held office for three years. (10) Father Fray
Domingo de Santa Maria, a Vizcayan, governed the province from July 16,
1690 until 1692, when he also entered the secular priesthood. (11) For
the third time, Fray Phelipe de Jesus held the office of superior, this
time from July 21, 1692 until July 8, 1694. (12) Father Fray Manuel
de San Romàn then took his place, ruling until August 13, 1697. (13)
Father Fray Francisco Beltràn, a native of Manila; as chief councilor,
he took the place of Fray Phelipe de Jesus, who died after having
been appointed superior by the commissary; Beltràn held the office
only one year. (14) Father Fray Geronimo Nadales, a native of Habana,
was sent over by the commissary, and ruled from August 28, 1698 until
his death, January 20, 1703. (15) Father Fray Ignacio Gil de Arevalo,
a native of Mexico; as chief councilor, he took Nadales's place,
which he filled until his death in 1706. (16) Father Fray Francisco
Hurtado, a native of Mexico; he was second in the council, and became
superior through election by the community after the death of Fray Gil;
much opposition arose from a disaffected faction, but Hurtado held
the office (although with some subsequent limitations of authority)
from 1706 until August 11, 1708. (17) Father Fray Juan de Santacruz,
a native of Manila, was superior during the next three years. (18)
Father Fray Francisco Hurtado secured the commissary's nomination,
and held the office from August 11, 1711 to July 13, 1720; "in his
time there was a notable decline in this province." (19) Father Fray
Santiago Gutierrez, a native of Manila, ruled from July 13, 1720 to
August 12, 1724; he was then deposed and secluded by the archdiocesan
ordinary: Maldonado regrets the injury thus inflicted on the order
and its privileges, but discreetly refrains from open censure of
this proceeding. (20) Father Fray Lucas de San Joseph, a native of
Manila; he was prior of Cabite, and took the place of Fray Gutierrez;
he entered the office on August 19, 1724, and ruled only two months,
being requested to resign, as a result of various discords among the
brethren. (21) Father Fray Eugenio Antonio del Niño Jesus, a native of
La Puebla, Mexico; he was chosen by the community, in place of Fray San
Joseph, and held office from October 3, 1724 until June 17, 1726. He
restrained the discontent and disputes which were rife in the order,
and his firmness and good management prevented what would have been
great disasters to the province. (22) Fray Antonio de Arce, a native
of Mexico City (the superior at the time when Maldonado wrote); he was
sent by the commissary with additional powers, assumed his office on
June 17, 1726, and completed the good work begun by his predecessor;
he restored harmony in the province, replaced the dilapidated buildings
with new ones, and secured for his order the respect and prestige which
it had largely lost under inefficient superiors. Maldonado eulogizes
Fray Arce's abilities, energy, and good judgment--qualities which
have advanced the order in Manila to equality with the others there.]
[Our writer enumerates the minor officials of the order at the time
of his writing. There are three chaplains and preachers: father Fray
Marcos Beltràn (who made his profession in 1740), a native of Cabite;
father Fray Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, a native of Quautla,
Mexico, who came to the islands in 1727; and father Fray Raphael
Fernandez (professed in 1732), a native of Manila. The two councilors
are father Fray Santiago Gutierrez (professed in 1700), a native of
Manila; and father Fray Joseph Hidalgo (professed in 1732), a native
of Mexico. The hospital is in charge of father Fray Joseph Guerrero,
a native of Chalco, Mexico, who came to the islands in 1726. The
procurator-general is father Fray Joseph Mariano (professed in 1722),
a native of Manila; and the chief sacristan is father Fray Joachin
de San Joseph (professed in 1729), a native of Mexico. The prior of
the Cabite convent is father Fray Diego de San Raphael (professed in
1724), a native of Octumba, Mexico. The list of brethren then in the
convent is as follows:]
Conventual religious.--Father Fray Eugenio Antonio del Niño Jesus,
former prior of this convent (where he professed on March 8, 1709),
a native of the city of Los Angeles in Nueva España; it has been
ten years during which he has remained in a continual suspension of
natural motions--his head bowed, in profound silence (not speaking,
unless he is questioned, and then only what is strictly necessary);
he is, in the opinion of many, crazy, but, in the judgment of those who
direct his conscience, he is sane. Father Fray Jacinto de los Dolores,
a native of this city; a son of this convent, where he professed on
January 15, 1717. Father Fray Lucas de San Joseph, a native of this
city; formerly prior of this convent, where he professed on July 25,
1717. Father Fray Andrès Gonzalez, a native of Mexico in Nueva España,
from which he came to this convent in the year 1726. Father Fray
Francisco Diaz de Rivera, a native of Mexico in Nueva España, from
which he came to this country in the year 1735. Father Fray Pedro
de Noroña, a native of Queretaro in the archbishopric of Mexico; he
professed in this convent on October 24, 1730. Father Fray Francisco
Varaona y Velazques, a native of Mexico in Nueva España; he professed
in this convent on February 20, 1735. Father Fray Thomàs Bernardo de
Herrera, a native of Zafra in Estremadura, in the bishopric of Badajòz,
in the kingdoms of España; he professed in this convent on June 13,
1736. Father Fray Pedro Ladron de Guevara, a native of Mexico in
Nueva España; he professed in this convent on June 13, 1736.
Junior religious.--Fray Bernardino de Vilches y Padilla, a native
of the city of Sevilla in the kingdoms of España; he professed in
this convent on March 7, 1739. Fray Lorenzo Velasco y Castroverde,
a native of Mexico in Nueva España; he professed in this convent on
May 7, 1739. Fray Feliciano Leal del Castillo, a native of the city of
Zebù, the chief city of the bishopric of that name in these islands;
he professed in this convent on April 26, 1739.
Brothers who are novices.--Brother Santiago Mariano San Ginès, who
comes from the port of Cabite in the Philipinas Islands; he took
the habit on December 7, 1739. Brother Juan Maldonado, a native of
this city of Manila; he took the habit on the said day, December 7,
1739. Brother Nicolàs Mariano del Rio, a native of the village of
Binondo, outside the walls of this city; he took the habit on the said
day, December 7 of the said year, 1739. Brother Perez de Albornòz,
a native of the City of Mexico in Nueva España; he took the habit on
the said day, December 7, in the said year.
Brothers who are donados.--Brother Salvador de la Soledad, a native
of Bacolor, in the province of Pampanga; he is punctual in obedience,
silence, and humility, continual in prayer, very austere, and of
fervent charity. Brother Francisco de los Dolores, a native of
the city of Gorgota, in the kingdom of Vengala, in the territory of
India. Brother Luis Casimiro, a native of this city. Brother Cayetano
del Castillo, a native of this city. Brother Juan Ferrer, a native
of this city. Brother Pablo Bertucio de San Antonio, a native of the
village of Biñàn in this archbishopric.
[Maldonado makes special mention of a few distinguished members of
the order in Manila, who have flourished in recent years; regarding
others, he states that he lacks information. Father Fray Marzelo
del Arroyo, a native of Manila, entered the order at Cabite, and
died at Manila, past the age of ninety years; he was "an excellent
physician, and a strong defender of the privileges of the regulars;"
and he filled with distinction all the offices of the order except
that of superior. Father Fray Francisco Alabes, a native of the city
of Oaxaca, Mexico, was the first who took the habit of St. John (1647)
in these islands; he rendered excellent service in the Cabite hospital,
and assisted Father Magallanes in founding the one at Bagumbaya. Father
Fray Juan de Alarcòn had many gifts; he was a noted orator, who was
called "Golden Mouth," [34] a famous poet, and a zealous defender
of the order; for a long time he was physician for the entire city,
and administrator of the convent at Cabite and of the ranch of San
Juan de Buenavista, belonging to the order; he died at an advanced
age. Father Fray Bernardo Xavier, a native of La Puebla in Mexico;
he had held the chair of theology in the Jesuit university in Manila,
and his brethren there called him "a sun eclipsed;" in disposition
retiring, humble, austere, devout, and charitable, he was attracted
to the labors of the brethren of St. John, and entered their ranks
on November 25, 1671; he died on August 14, 1720. Three religious
of this order were slain by the natives: Fray Antonio de Santiago,
manager of the ranch, slain by the savage Negritos (probably before
1650); Fray Lorenzo Gomez, killed while traveling in Ilocos by
the savage Tinguianes of the mountains; Fray Juan Antonio Guemez,
killed with lances by the native bandits "who infested our estate
of Buenavista." Maldonado suggests that some member of the order act
as recorder of its annals and labors, so that hereafter these may be
kept in remembrance, and published for its benefit.]
CHAPTER XIV
Incomes and contributions which belong to the hospital order for its
maintenance and that of the religious in this province.
[Estate of Buenavista.--"By donation from Captain Don Pedro Gomez
Cañete, various farm-sites and cavallerías [35] of lands belonged to us
in an estate called Buenavista, Pinaot, and Bolo, in the jurisdiction
of Bulacan, provinces close to Manila. But as the donor when he died
left debts behind, the lands were appraised, with preference of the
legacies to the debts of justice; [36] and the said property being
placed at royal auction, with the offerings of other benefactors, the
highest bid was made on the part of our order, in the sum of twelve
thousand one hundred pesos. Afterward other lands were added to this
estate, by donations and purchases which were made, and questions
arose over the boundaries; but, as we have for our defense the just
titles, the crown [37] has maintained us in the legitimate possession
of the lands, which is evident from the records and decisions, which
are here set down verbatim, and which declare it." Here follow the
documents which show that Cañete received a grant, April 4, 1629,
of two farm-sites and three cavallerías of land in the village of San
Miguel, the former part of the grant being opposed by the Indians of
Candaba; another was made to Gonzalo Ronquillo Ballesteros, September
26, 1601, of "two farms for horned cattle, and four cavallerías of
land, in the district of Alatib, toward Candaba, close to Canagoan;"
and the boundaries were settled by acts of the Audiencia, March 2 and
May 14, 1715. "These said lands, those which were likewise obtained
by the accountant Pedro de Almansa, and others which belonged to the
monastery of Santa Clara, were sold to the aforesaid Don Pedro Gomez
Cañete, and are among those which were purchased, as was related in
the beginning [of this book]; and afterward were added to it other lots
of land, all which compose the estate of Buenavista, which belongs to
our order in these islands." In 1715 the hospital brethren complained
that the Augustinians had intruded upon their lands, and were even
building a house thereon, paying no heed to the repeated remonstrances
of the superior of St. John; but the acts above cited confirmed the
order in its possession of the lands, and ordered the Augustinians
to cease work on their house and give account of their procedure. "In
this estate there are arable lands, pastures for the many cattle with
which it is stocked, fruit-trees, and woodlands where the trees are
cut for lumber. It was always maintained with one religious, who, as
administrator, had charge of its produce; but when an opportunity to
rent it occurred, it was considered best, and even more profitable,
to do so. For it we receive five hundred pesos, and three hundred
cabans of rice, annually for the period of five years, which is the
present agreement, and it is well guaranteed."]
Irrigated lands in the district of Polo.--By a donation which Fray
Thomas Ortiz, one of our religious, made to this convent--it belonged
to the lawful share which he inherited from his parents--we possess
certain irrigated lands [38] in the place which is called Colòn, within
the limits of the village of Polo, in the province of Bulacàn. The
co-heirs brought suit in regard to these lands; but this, when tried
in the courts, was declared in our favor. The said lands yield forty
pesos as yearly rent.
Grainfields in Bonga.--By purchase made of six quiñons of land,
[irrigated?] grainfields, [39] in a place which they call Bonga, within
the limits of Balivag, a village in the said province of Bulacàn,
[our order] enjoys the usufruct of one hundred and twenty pesos,
which these lands pay as annual rent.
Lots outside the walls.--By the donations and contributions of
different benefactors, we possess eight lots in various places,
from the village of La Hermita to that of Bagumbaya; these pay
in land-rents eighteen pesos a year. In this land is included the
original site on which was located the hospital for convalescents,
which was founded by the first religious [of our order] who came to
these islands, as is elsewhere related.
Properties in the Pariàn.--In the Alcayzerìa, the Pariàn of the
Sangleys, outside the walls, were purchased two properties, on which
there are forty-seven shops and upper lodgings; these, when occupied,
yield ninety-seven pesos a month, which amounts through the year to
one thousand one hundred and sixty-four pesos.
Lots in Manila.--For two houses, and two lots besides, which belong
to this convent within Manila, are collected thirteen pesos a month
for rent, which amounts to one hundred and fifty-six pesos a year.
Contribution from the brothers of our order.--The present superior,
father Fray Antonio de Arze, by his great affability established the
roll of lay brothers devoted to our order. Those who at present appear
on it regularly number one hundred and thirty-four and each one has a
certain day for supplying food to the sick; this he compensates with
six pesos, which he contributes as an offering, the amount being thus
regulated--in all, amounting to eight hundred and four pesos a year.
The contribution-plate.--The contribution-plate which, with the image
of our holy father, [40] [is carried] through the streets to ask for
offerings gathers during the week at least eight pesos, which amount
to two hundred and eighty-eight pesos a year.
Contribution for the feast of our holy father.--For the feast-day
of our holy father two of our religious go out a few days before,
as representatives of our community, to ask for contributions among
the citizens; and they collect very nearly two hundred pesos a year.
Contribution of rice.--In the month of October in each year a religious
is despatched to the province of Ilocos, in order to push forward the
collection and remittance of the proceeds from the encomienda which
is assigned to us in that province, and at the same time he asks for
contributions among the farmers of that region; he carries, by way
of precaution, some medicine, and benevolently exercises the office
of his calling; and if the harvests are good he collects offerings
of about seven hundred baskets of rice. And so great is the esteem
felt in that province for our religious, as they have acknowledged,
that when they go away in the month of March (which is the time of the
monsoon) the people display to them their regret that they must lack
the consolation which they receive during the stay of our religious, in
the assistance given by them to the many persons stricken by disease.
CHAPTER XV
[This chapter is devoted to enumeration of the favors extended by
the crown to the hospital order. Maldonado states that the royal
grants to the ecclesiastical estate in the islands (in stipends
and contributions) amount to more than 81,000 pesos a year, without
counting over 11,000 pesos more which are allowed to the royal chapel
and the hospitals. The brethren of St. John share in this bounty, to a
liberal extent. A royal decree of June 19, 1680, granted to the order
an encomienda of 500 tributes for twenty years, in order to repair
the injuries caused to the hospital buildings by the earthquake of
March 15, 1676, and to aid in carrying on its good work. In accordance
therewith, Governor Cruzelaegui assigned to the order (February 9,
1685) the following encomiendas: "The rest of Purao and Tagurin,
and the village of Pedic in the province of Ilocos, which consists
of 115 tributes, vacant by the death of Captain Don Nicolàs de Ibar,
who was enjoying it for the second life. Also the encomienda of
three-fourths of Pilitan and its subjects in the province of Cagayan,
which consists of 287 tributes, vacant by the death of Juan de Robles
Aldaba, which he was enjoying for the second life. The two amount to
402 tributes;" and they were adjudged to the said order, for the repair
of its buildings, etc., with the charge of paying from the amount thus
collected the amount allowed by the crown for religious purposes and
the stipends of ministers, in the same manner as other encomenderos
must. This grant was afterward extended (by decrees of September 17,
1705, and July 2, 1735); but the assignment of tributes in Cagayan
was later exchanged for another in Ilocos. The net annual proceeds
of this encomienda amount to 500 baskets of rice and 250 blankets;
"but if those who make the collections dispense with the fees through
charity, and if the aforesaid goods are conveyed to us at Manila
in the same way, these favors amount to over 100 pesos more." On
November 5, 1704, the treasury officials of Manila assigned to the
brethren of St. John an annual allowance of two arrobas of wine and
seventy-five gantas of cocoanut oil for the use of their church,
in the same manner as to the other churches of the city, with the
customary provision that royal confirmation must be obtained within
six years. This was done, but the papers were lost in shipwreck, and
the grant was therefore extended another six years. A royal decree
dated June 29, 1707 (evidently a misprint for 1717), ordered the
treasury officials at Manila to pay the hospital order annually the
value of the said oil and wine; this was received at Manila in 1718,
and from that time the brethren of St. John were paid from the treasury
fifty-nine pesos three reals a year. Governor Zabalburu allotted to
the hospital the services of twelve men from the "reserve," a form
of personal service which is thus described:]
This grant, which is called Reserva, and among the natives is
distinguished by the name of Polo, takes substantially this form: The
natives, or Indians of the four provinces which are next to Manila,
are under this impost (besides the tributes which they pay to the
king), that their laboring men must render service, at the tasks
assigned to them, for the time of one month in each year. By this
measure are furnished [the men for] the timber-cutting, shipbuilding,
and other royal works. To this end, [the names of] all stand in a
very detailed enumeration, each being numbered for the alternation
[in such service] which belongs to each one, and the apportionment,
which is made according to the number of laborers which each village
has. From this levy no one can escape, or excuse himself; for their
mandons, or headmen, even when they find the laborers hindered by other
occupations compel them, since any deficiency affects the service of
the king, to pay for other men to act as substitutes in place of those
who obtain excuses. This is all the harder because the substitutes
do not content themselves with the wages which are assigned to them
in the occupation itself, but collect three pesos besides, at which
amount the bonus is settled (unless those who manage the business have
somewhat more for their share) ; and it is an established custom that
this bonus is shared by those whom their turn exempts. Request is being
made to the authorities that for the churches and other unavoidable
needs men be granted for service, to the number stated, [but] with
exemption from these oppressive circumstances; and that, as a just
concession, the warrant for this be issued, in which is stated the
number [of men] and the village from which they are assigned to this
[service, which] is distinguished by the title "reserve." As a fact,
those who have to render this service remain exempt from the turn and
apportionment [of service] of which mention has already been made,
without any obligation to furnish a substitute, or to pay for others
to serve. With this, and with the wages which are paid to them for
their labor, we succeed in obtaining people to assist us.
By other grants, also from this government, there have been
allowed to us fifty "reserve" vagrants, in order that our ranch
may be cultivated. This is different [from the other], because the
distinctive vagrant is understood as not having a fixed residence,
and not being included in the enumerations of the men liable to polo;
but they burden the lists on account of tribute in double pay. These
men are governed by certain officers, who also impose upon them various
works for the royal service; but those who by means of these "reserves"
reside on ranches remain exempt, and therefore are occupied in the
cultivation of the grainfields. From this it results that there are
laborers for gathering the harvests, the commonwealth is furnished
with provisions, those men gain the means for their support, and our
estates are not lost to us by lying untilled.
Allowance for the dispensary.--By this superior government, and in an
ordinance of September 27, 1709, fifty pesos were applied every year in
medicines for the medical treatment of the sick in our hospitals; and,
the expenses of the royal dispensary having been permanently charged
[on the treasury] from the year 1717, Bachelor Don Miguel de la Torre,
a physician of this city, besides the known saving of expense which
he made easy for his Majesty in this respect, made the offer to
increase the allowance for medicines to a hundred pesos, which was
not [formally] assigned, and remains verbal. This he has fulfilled,
but so liberally that without any limitation all the medicines which
have been necessary for the treatment of the sick have been furnished
to us; and our order, always mindful of this kindness, recognizes
the aforesaid Don Miguel de la Torre as one of its special benefactors.
These are the grants and allowances which this province at present
enjoys, and, most grateful therefor, in all the spiritual exercises we
ask and implore the exaltation of our pious king, a munificent patron,
and we make such return as is possible in our estate of poverty. For,
although in the royal hospital the soldiers receive treatment, this
provision is not extended to their children and wives, or to the
mariners of Cabite when sickness prevents their passage [from that
place to Manila]; but all these find succor in our infirmaries, where
they are aided with the comforts which are permitted by the scanty
donations which we obtain. And although we know well how little merit
there is in our labors, as being the proper function of our Institute,
we nevertheless take comfort in this, that in the large number of
those who in these islands are maintained at the royal expense, we
cost the royal treasury least; nor do we count in this the cost of
transportation, or other extraordinary expenses (of which thus far
we have had no benefit [from the crown]); for, as has been stated in
the proper place, this humble province has always maintained itself
by asking for alms.
CHAPTER XVI
[Herein are enumerated the charitable foundations (obras pias)
[41] placed at the disposal of the Misericordia or of the brethren
of St. John. The earliest of these (although its date is not given)
appears to be that of General Thomàs Garcia de Cardenas; he gave the
Misericordia 12,000 pesos, of which 6,000 should be invested in the
Acapulco trade, and the profits applied to different charities--among
them, 100 pesos being given to the hospital, which sum is still
received by that institution whenever the Acapulco galleons make
successful voyages. Another and similar one was founded by Governor
Manuel de Leon, with 50,000 pesos of principal; from the returns
of this, 400 pesos were to be applied "for the care and comfort of
the sick in our hospitals." Master-of-camp Thomàs de Endaya in 1703
gave 8,000 pesos to the Misericordia, one-half to be invested in the
Acapulco trade for the benefit of various charities; among these,
the hospital was to receive 100 pesos for purchasing rice for the
sick. Abbot Juan Bautista Sidot (by other writers written Sidoti)
in 1705 collected among the citizens of Manila 12,000 pesos, which
he invested in trade--one-third each in Nueva España, China, and the
coast of Yaba (i.e., Java)--the returns on all these being held and
added to the principal until they should be equal to 40,000 pesos,
which sum was to be invested in the same manner, and its proceeds
devoted to various charities. Of these, the hospital was to receive
240 pesos annually, thus: 100 pesos for the salary of a physician,
100 for the cost of the dispensary, and 40 for the salary of a
surgeon. The further sum of 1,100 pesos a year afterward was assigned
to the hospital, since some of Sidoti's plans for aiding other
works proved abortive. A fund of 50,000 pesos, similarly invested
in the Acapulco trade, was given in 1706 by Fray Andrès Gonzalez,
O.P., bishop of Nueva Cazeres, from which 400 pesos a year were to
be given to the hospital; he also made provision for distributing
every year certain sums to the curas and missionary fathers in his
diocese, to be spent in aiding the sick poor in their charge--"for
the reason that, having asked permission from the royal Audiencia
of Manila to found a hospital in this city of Nueva Cazeres and
this not having been granted me, I desire that, since there is no
actual hospital, there shall be one in substance." From this wording
Maldonado argues that, in case a hospital should be founded there,
the fund left by Gonzalez for his diocese--1,305 pesos, presumably for
each year--might properly be claimed for the aid of such institution;
"with the said contribution, and if the natives of the said province
would agree to give [each] a ganta of rice or of oil, or some other
little offering of that sort, a hospital could be supported which was
suitable for aiding the many necessities which those helpless people
suffer." Sargento-mayor Don Antonio Basarte, a citizen of Manila,
established another foundation for the Misericordia in 1708; he left
50,000 pesos for this, but after the claims of his legal creditors
were satisfied, only 9,849 pesos remained; this was duly invested,
but the proceeds did not reach the amount of the original 50,000
pesos until 1726, at which time the returns became available for
charitable uses; among these, 250 pesos were allotted for the meat
necessary for the support of the sick in the hospitals. Captain Manuel
Martinez Lobo left a bequest to the Misericordia; [42] in 1727 this
yielded the net sum of 3,300 pesos, which was invested in the trade of
Acapulco and Yaba; from the proceeds the officers of the Misericordia
were to apply 50 pesos annually for the poor of the hospital, at the
time when they should make their yearly visitation of that house. In
1727 General Don Joseph de Morales (then steward of the Misericordia)
gave 600 pesos to be invested in trade, from the profits of which 100
pesos annually were to be given for comforts for the sick poor in the
hospitals. The same officer at dying left a bequest for charities,
in which were included the brethren of St. John; they were to receive
(presumably from the returns made on each galleon) 100 pesos for
buying shrouds for the sick who should die in the hospitals, 100 for
clothing for the religious, and 100 for certain religious functions to
be celebrated in their church. Morales's successor as steward, General
Don Domingo Antonio de Otero Vermudes (who was also chief alguazil
[43] of the Inquisition), in 1729 founded an obra pia with 3,000
pesos; from its returns 100 pesos were to be applied for the support
of the poor sick in the hospital. Doña Maria Joachina, the unmarried
daughter of Sargento-mayor Don Juan Antonio Collantes y Peredo, having
property in her own right, left 4,000 pesos for charitable purposes,
which included the payment of 500 pesos yearly for the convalescents
from the hospital; this became available in 1736. Licentiate Manuel
Suarez de Olivera and Doña Maria Gomez del Castillo (his wife?) left
some real estate, on which shops were located, at the place called
Los Arroceros (i.e., "the rice-mills"), outside the city walls; its
proceeds were to be given in equal shares to the hospital and to the
poor who were confined in the prisons. The aforesaid shops "fell into
decay, and were rebuilt in 1714, with the stipulation that from the
rent of them should be deducted the third part in order to repay the
amount spent for that construction;" this was accomplished in 1722,
after which the full amount was received by the beneficiaries. It is
estimated that this aid amounts to over 150 pesos a year, and its value
is greater or less according to whether the shops are all occupied;
but "we receive only what is handed over by the deputy steward of the
prisoners," to whom the collection of these rents had been entrusted
by the Misericordia. Antonio de Arisiga placed 4,000 pesos at interest,
for the aid of various charities; from the income of this he applied 50
pesos annually for the comfort of the sick in the hospital; but in the
course of time this foundation was impaired by various losses, and the
Misericordia divided its income pro rata among its beneficiaries. Juan
de Moxica placed at interest 6,750 pesos, from the income of which
should be given twelve reals for three masses every week, and the rest
for the hospital and treasury of the Misericordia; this income also
became diminished, like the preceding one, and what was collected was
applied to the aforesaid masses--although, in Maldonado's opinion,
any money in excess of Moxica's requirement ought to be applied in
equal parts to the hospital and the Misericordia.]
[All the foregoing funds are administered and controlled by the board
of the Misericordia; but the hospital has the benefit of certain
others in the hands of the Third Order of St. Francis. Don Manuel San
Juan de Santacruz established a fund in that order, for investment
in the Acapulco trade; the income was applied to various charities,
among which the hospital was to receive 100 pesos a year. In 1711
a similar fund was given by Sargento-mayor Don Diego Thomàs de
Gorostiaga, also in the Acapulco trade; from its income, the hospital
was assigned 100 pesos a year. In 1721, another fund was established
by Sargento-mayor Don Juan Lopez, on similar terms, the hospital
receiving from the income 50 pesos a year. A like foundation from
Don Jacome Maria Balestra, made in 1724, brought to the hospital
120 pesos annually. In the same year and in like manner, another
fund was given by the licentiate Don Gabriel de Isturis, which added
to the hospital's income 150 pesos a year. In 1728, an obra pia was
established in the Third Order by some unknown donor, under the title
of San Raphael; from this 80 pesos were given, half to the convent of
St. John, and half to the hospital. A year later, a similar fund was
established under the title of San Miguel, by Captain Don Miguel de
Caraza; among its beneficiaries, the sick of the hospital received,
for their food on certain holy days, 25 pesos a year. All those named
in this paragraph were administered by the said Third Order.]
[Certain funds were established by benevolent women for charitable
purposes, to be at the disposal of our writer, Maldonado. "Doña
Margarita Luysa de Avila, who was the widow of Sargento-mayor Don
Nicolàs de Rivera, from the residue of her property set aside a
principal of 700 pesos for the establishment of a charitable fund,
which should be invested by halves in the trade of Nueva España;"
to this Maldonado added 1,000 pesos more, given to him by various
other benefactors, and invested the whole thus, until its product
should bring the fund to a total of 3,362 pesos; it was then to
be divided into three parts, and again invested, its income being
thus apportioned: "130 pesos, as the offering for 156 masses, which
are celebrated in the church of our convent at Manila, three on
each Monday in the year--one with an offering of one peso, and the
others with one of six reals each; beginning after half-past six in
the morning, and not before, nor shall they be said at one time--as
suffrages for the souls in purgatory; and this stipend can be applied
to the fathers belonging to this community who are priests. Thirty
pesos, in order that the reverend father who is prior or superior
of this convent may arrange for chanting a solemn mass with vigils,
and with the assistance of the community, on one of the days in the
octave of the dead, in the month of November, the suffrages being
applied in behalf of the founders. One hundred and fifty pesos,
in order that the reverend father who may be prior or superior of
this convent may distribute this sum, as is stated in the foundation
of the said fund, for the expenses at the feast of the gozos [44]
of the blessed ever-virgin Mary, our Lady; these must be celebrated
in our church as a seven days' feast, which begins on the day of the
patronage of the blessed St. Joseph, who is honored as the father of
Jesus Christ our Lord--that is, the third Sunday after Easter. Sixty
pesos for the offering for eighty masses to be said, with the stipend
of six reals each, which the reverend father who is or shall be the
prior or superior of this convent is to arrange for being celebrated
during the said septenary--fourteen on the first day, and eleven on
each of the other days, and inviting for this function priests by
whom it can be completed, since this community has not a sufficient
number of priests therefor--in order to fulfil this obligation in the
manner which is prescribed, and the intention of [the founders; the]
said masses must be applied as suffrages for the souls in purgatory,
and for those of the founders. Twenty-five pesos, to be distributed
during the said septenary among the poor, both men and women, who may
be in our infirmaries. Twelve pesos, to be divided as alms among the
women servants of the infirmary for women in our hospital. Twenty-eight
pesos, to be divided, on the first day of the said septenary, among
fourteen Spanish widows, at the rate of two pesos each. Fourteen pesos,
for the cost of wine for masses, so much as is deemed necessary for
the celebration of those which are mentioned in this foundation. Forty
pesos, which must be kept in reserve every year for the repairs on
our convent of Manila, according to occasion. This foundation began to
operate in the year 1738, and would be in condition for distribution
if it were not for the loss of a galleon and another misfortune,
which retarded the distribution until the year 1745; and request
has been made that its administration be entrusted to the venerable
arch-confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament that is established in
the church of San Gabriel at Bin[on]doc, a mission village in charge
of the holy Order of St. Dominic, outside the walls of this city."]
[Another fund in Maldonado's hands is that which "Doña Josepha Ortega,
who was the wife of General Don Antonio Sanchez Cerdàn, set aside from
the main part of her estate, the sum of 2,500 pesos as a principal,
in order that a charitable fund might be established, at the disposal
of the religious who writes this. According to the instructions
communicated to him by the said foundress, the said principal must
be invested in the trade with Nueva España, its product accruing to
it until the fund should reach the amount of 7,818 pesos 3 reals;
in that case it should be divided into three parts, each of 2,600
pesos 1 real, with which principal the investment should be continued
in the said trade with Nueva España; and the income of this fund,
usually amounting to 1,042 pesos, be distributed in this manner:
Ninety-two pesos for the offering for that number of masses in the
chapel of the ward [used as an] infirmary for women in this hospital
of Manila. Twenty-five pesos for the expenses of the function of
[the Virgin's] Solitude, which is solemnized in our church on the
night of Good Friday in each year. Eighty pesos for the offering for
as many masses, which are to be solemnized in our church during the
septenary of the most glorious patriarch St. Joseph, at the feast of
his gozos, which begins on the fifteenth day of October. Twenty-five
pesos for the redemption of captives. Thirty-six pesos, to be divided,
during the said septenary, among the sick poor, both men and women,
in our hospital of Manila. Twelve pesos, to be divided, during the
said septenary, among the women servants of the sick-ward for women
in this hospital. One hundred pesos, to be distributed, during the
said septenary, by the superior of this convent and one of the father
chaplains, among deserving poor widows and orphan girls, especially
those who are present in our church at the said festivity. Thirteen
pesos, for the same purpose, among the poor beggars who are present in
our church at the said festivity. Twenty-five pesos, for a hundred
bulls for the living; these will be given as alms by the fathers
who assist in the confessionals in our church during the said
septenary, and who can ascertain the poor who are in need of this
favor. Twenty-five pesos, for the alms of a hundred bulls for the
departed, [to be given] on the day when their memory is celebrated in
our church in the month of November, the suffrage being applied for
those who shall have died in our hospital. Sixty-four pesos one real,
for the function of masses, vigils, and responses for the cemetery,
which has been established in our church as a suffrage for the dead,
in the month of November of each year. Twenty-five pesos, for the
holy places of Jerusalem. One hundred and fifty pesos for the cost of
chocolate, [45] with which sum arrangements are made to furnish it to
the religious of this convent of Manila. One hundred pesos, which are
to be reserved each year for the material fabrica of our convent and
hospital of Manila, as occasion may require. One hundred pesos for the
expenses of the arch-confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament at Binondo,
which has been asked to take charge of the administration of this
fund. And 134 pesos one real, in order that this sum may be separately
invested, and with its accrued products form another foundation,
until it shall contain 1,717 pesos one real as principal; and then,
divided into three parts, it may be ventured in the galleons of the
Nueva España route, and with its returns the following assignments
be made: 300 pesos for two dowries, of 150 pesos each, to fatherless
girls, the daughters of Spaniards, of virtuous lives--which dowries
are to be allotted on one of the days of the septenary, in the manner
which will be explained. Forty pesos for the Christmas masses [missas
de Aguinaldo] which are celebrated in our church of this convent
of Manila. Eleven pesos, for the expenses of the entertainment
which must be given to those who meet in the committee which must
be called together for the choice of the orphans to whom are to be
allotted the dowries aforesaid, during the septenary of St. Joseph,
the arrangements for which in detail are punctually set down here. In
order that embarrassments arising from personal considerations which
intervene may be avoided, heed must be taken in the award of these
dowries that the names be presented of those who are needy; and,
this having been ascertained by a special conference which the father
who is or shall be the superior of this convent shall have with the
father priests--and if there are not two, he shall substitute the
chief councilor--it shall be declared by the majority of votes who
ought by right to be admitted from the persons who make claims; and,
this settled, the choice shall be made among those who shall be thus
accepted, by drawing lots, and the two dowries shall be awarded to
the girls who shall draw the fortunate lots. The method of the said
drawing shall be, that the names of all those who are accepted shall be
written, each on a slip of paper; and an equal number of other slips,
blank, shall be made, and on two of these shall be written the words,
'May I be endowed by the glorious St. Joseph.' Then in one urn,
or other suitable receptacle, shall be placed the slips, folded,
on which are written the names of the candidates; and in another urn
or receptacle like the other shall be placed the blank slips--which,
as already stated, shall be equal in number to those containing the
names, and shall include those on which was written the fortunate lot,
as has been explained--and both urns shall be shaken. [This shall
be done] in the afternoon of the first day of the septenary; in the
body of the church shall be placed a table with a neat cover, and
some chairs, where the superior [of the Order of St. John] shall sit
as president, accompanied by the priestly fathers who may belong to
it; in case there should be no more than one [of these], the chief
councilor shall assist him. With the aid of the father councilor,
a slip shall be drawn from [the urn containing] the names, and read,
and then another shall be drawn from those that are blank, the writing
on the slips being read aloud, and recorded on a paper which the
said secretary shall keep by him; after this manner the other slips
shall be successively drawn, until from the names those are chosen
which the lot shall indicate; and, as it follows that there will be
present in the church at this function the parties who are concerned,
or some one who can act in their behalf, such person shall be summoned,
and the order for payment handed to her, so that she may obtain her
donation of 150 pesos for dowry. And for the orderly management of this
business there shall be made a book of common paper, in which shall
be written the [names and proceedings of the] special committee which
shall be called together to investigate the claims; and they shall
endeavor, before the choice is made, to gain accurate information,
in order that the appointment may be confirmed in accordance with the
intention of the said foundation. At the said committee-meeting the
[claims of the] parties shall be presented, and especially of those
admitted to the drawing, without any opinion being expressed regarding
those who shall not be admitted, or any previous information regarding
the decision being given to the parties concerned. Those admitted to
the drawing shall be notified to come together on the day prescribed,
and on the same day these regulations shall be read, when the superior
shall have reported that he has carried out all their provisions, as
appears from the book of the committee; and the other arrangements that
are made for the fulfilment of this charge shall be put into practice
in each successive year, the full record thereof being afterward
made in the book, with full evidence that to those who were chosen
by lot the donation that was assigned them has been paid." Maldonado
expects that the income of this foundation as a whole will be available
within six years, if no disaster be encountered; but the provision
for dowries will have to wait twelve years. He states that two things
must be considered, in estimating the value of the funds enumerated
in this chapter: first, that when they were founded the profits
on the Acapulco trade were reckoned at fifty per cent, but at the
time when he writes have diminished at the rate of forty per cent;
accordingly, the incomes of the funds have been distributed pro rata
to the various beneficiaries. Second, as these incomes depend on the
perils of the sea, they have encountered many losses from shipwrecks;
or the failure of the vessel to complete the voyage, or even to obtain
a cargo at Manila; or the delay in receiving the returns from Acapulco,
caused by an unsuccessful fair there, or by other embarrassments.]
[THE OTHER HOSPITALS IN THE ISLANDS]
[This matter is found at the end of chapter ii of Maldonado's book
(pp. 25-29), but is transferred to this place as being more appropriate
in orderly sequence; he describes the condition of those institutions
at the time of writing his book.]
Present condition of the royal hospital of Manila