German Press Campaign--Disseminating False News--The Secret Press
Society--Sir E. Goschen's Report--A Suppressed Telegram.
IT has been indicated in the preceding volumes in this series that the
plans of the German Government had been very well thought out before
the campaign was undertaken. When hostilities had been engaged only
a few weeks, evidence came to hand from many parts of the world that
the determination of the Kaiser and his advisers to wage war was no
sudden whim, no definite stroke of policy dependent upon unexpected
circumstances. For example, the proclamations issued by the German
consuls in South Africa summoning reservists to the colours had been
printed in Germany, it was ascertained, and sent out about the end
of April or the beginning of May--in other words, some two months
before the assassination of the heir-apparent to the Austrian throne,
which was the nominal cause of the dispatch of the Austrian Note and
consequently of the general European War.
Again, certain German merchant vessels in Australasian waters were
observed on July 30th--_i.e._ the day before Germany declared war on
Russia--to begin conveying wireless messages to one another in code.
It was commented upon at the time that this was an unusual practice,
especially as these steamers, with equal suddenness, refused to answer
the wireless messages of British vessels. In other words, two or three
days before the campaign was actually opened, means were found of
notifying German vessels on the other side of the world that peace was
about to be broken.
Nor were these the only preparations. Those who are interested in
modern German history will well remember that practically every book
relating to Bismarck's career emphasises time and again the use he
made of all sections of the Press, independently of party and even of
country. His agents, even before the war with Austria in 1866, and,
of course, for long afterwards, were at all times endeavouring to
bribe, cajole, or persuade newspaper editors in Germany, Russia, Italy,
France, England, America and even Turkey and the Balkan States, to
insert this or that article or paragraph, tending to assist in some
way the achievement of the aims for the time being of the Monarch's
most trusted adviser. Bismarck carried this employment of the Press
to a very high degree of perfection; and readers of Busch's anecdotes
in particular will recollect how often the unfortunate amanuensis was
scolded for not writing what he had been told to write in the manner of
the particular paper for which his article was intended.
This was one of the most useful diplomatic and political legacies
bequeathed by the great Chancellor to the Germany of our own
generation, and it is hardly necessary to add that both before and
during the present war full advantage has been taken of it. It is
no exaggeration whatever to say that in every country of importance
throughout the world the most strenuous endeavours were made by the
German Press agents to disseminate Germany's point of view--to show at
the beginning that both Germany and Austria, particularly Germany, were
two innocent but ill-used countries which were reluctantly compelled
to go to war with their powerful neighbours, as, if they had remained
inactive a day longer, they would have risked their very existence
as independent States; and to show later on that, with the help of
Providence, the German armies were winning remarkable victories all
along the line.
Indeed, if we were to believe the German Press Bureau, the mere fact
that the Fatherland had entered the lists was sufficient to cause panic
among her enemies. Before the campaign had been in progress three days,
the world was solemnly informed from German sources that a revolution
had broken out in Paris, and that the President had fled from the
city; that a similar revolution was breaking out in Russia, and that
the Tsar's throne was in danger; and that the British Expeditionary
Force could not be landed in France as the Channel was held by
German warships and submarines. Subsequently we were told that Lord
Kitchener's appeal for half a million men had utterly failed; that the
British Fleet dare not venture to leave the coast on account of German
warships and German mines, and that innumerable British merchantmen
had been captured or sunk by German cruisers in the Atlantic, in the
Pacific, and in the Mediterranean.
If these idle stories seem to us to be merely ridiculous, let it be
remembered that they were retailed as solemn facts to newspapers in
Italy, the Balkans, Turkey, Egypt and South America. Fully aware of the
power of the newspaper, and determined that Germany's prestige should
not be lost, the Berlin Government made the most complete preparations
for fighting with the pen as well as with the sword; and it is rather
unfortunate that this very common-sense example was not followed or
had not been thought of by England, France, or Russia. One example
may be given. As we now know, and as even the Germans themselves
have admitted, the fighting which took place on the Mons-Charleroi
line resulted in stalemate. The Germans were practically fought to
a standstill, and the allied forces, in accordance with their own
pre-arranged plan of campaign, effected gradually and in good order
their retreat to their original base. German prisoners admitted that
the small British force which had the noble but exceedingly arduous
task of defending the left wing of the French army inflicted damage on
the enemy out of all proportion to their numbers. The coolness of the
British soldiers under a heavy fire, their intrepidity in hand-to-hand
fighting, and the almost incredible accuracy of their markmanship were
commented upon no less by their allies than by their foes.
Contrast this with the German version, which was circulated wherever
a newspaper could be induced to print it. It was said that a great
battle, lasting several days, had taken place in the neighbourhood of
Mons, that the French had been driven back several miles with heavy
loss, and that the "contemptible" British Expeditionary Force had been
all but annihilated. This version was communicated to the Italian
Press, and a suitable correction did not make an appearance until five
days had elapsed. When the correction did appear, one Italian newspaper
headed the news with the significant announcement: "Telegrams from
London reach us in four days; telegrams from Berlin in two hours."
The result of this feature of this Press campaign was that many
countries with which the Allies wished to stand well, such as Italy,
Turkey, Spain, and Servia, continually received the impression that
the German cause, German might, and German organisation were about to
triumph in 1914 as they had in 1870. To some extent the scheme did
not succeed. When, for instance, unrest was noticed among the natives
in the French sphere of interest in Morocco, the Spaniards in the
neighbouring sphere offered voluntarily to put it down, as France had
withdrawn many of her troops. In Italy, again, the feeling in favour of
the Allies had been so pronounced from the very beginning that not even
telegrams from Berlin could shake it. In Turkey, on the other hand, it
was difficult, if not, indeed, impossible, to have the German "news"
corrected; and the utmost endeavours were openly made by German agents
to induce the Turks to strike at the Allies either by an invasion
of Egypt, an attack on Suez Canal shipping, or a raid into Southern
Russia. It is significant enough that when the German battleship
_Goeben_ eluded the British squadron in the Mediterranean, she sought
shelter, not in any of the ports of Germany's ally, Austria--which at
the time were not beyond her reach--but under the shelter of Turkish
forts in the Dardanelles. This incident is referred to in a subsequent
chapter.
Although small and not very important items of news appeared from time
to time in the British and French Press respecting the operations of
the German Press Bureau (a department of the Foreign Office), it was
not until early in September that anything like a complete account
of the ramifications of this Bureau was made known. On September
3rd a White Paper was issued containing dispatches from Sir E.
Goschen, British Ambassador in Berlin, to Sir Edward Grey. These
communications began in February, 1914, and continued until June.
They showed conclusively that a secret undertaking had been entered
into which had for its object the influencing of the Press of foreign
countries, partly in the interest of German exporters and partly
in order that German influence generally might be spread. It is, of
course, impossible to quote at all fully from these very interesting
dispatches of Sir E. Goschen, but one or two of them may be mentioned.
In his first dispatch, sent on February 27th, our Ambassador at Berlin
enclosed the following report:
For some time past a variety of schemes had been ventilated in the
Press with the object of improving German prestige abroad. It was
said that in certain foreign parts Germany was being persistently
and wrongfully abused, that she could obtain no fair hearing because
the Press of those distant countries was in hands hostile to any
German enterprise, and because the telegraphic agencies serving those
countries were equally biassed. An "_Association for World-Commerce_"
was to have remedied this evil by a persistent pro-German propaganda
in the countries most bitterly complained of. It was hoped that the
necessary funds could have been raised by contributions from all the
trading and industrial societies interested in the German export trade,
and, in view of the supreme importance to Germany of her export trade,
it was intended that agents of the Association should be sent and
stationed abroad to assist the exporting industries by timely advice
and an active policy generally, such as private individuals could
pursue more effectively than officials. The opportunity for realising
this scheme seemed to offer itself under the following circumstances.
A plan was being prepared to start a German-American Economic Society.
Similar societies with an application to other countries already
exist--_e.g._, a German-Argentine Society, a German-Canadian Society,
a German-Russian Society, etc. The foundation of a German-American
Society had been advocated in connection with the revision of the
American tariff which gave German industries new chances of an
intensified export to the United States. As was natural in any matters
dealing with German-American affairs, M. Ballin, of the Hamburg-America
Line, was approached to take the matter in hand. He consented. Under
his inspiration the idea of a German-American Society was abandoned and
the idea of a World Society was substituted. A preliminary meeting was
held at which the various German-foreign societies were represented;
there were present also representatives of the "Central Association
of German Industrials," and of its great rival, the "Federation of
Industrials," as well as of most of the leading industrial firms.
Internal dissensions, however, soon appeared, and several important
members sent in their resignations. The details of the foundation were
to have been settled at a meeting convened for February 26th; to-day
the whole scheme stands prorogued _sine die_. If it is ever realised
its plan will have to be considerably altered. In the meantime the
original plan of a German-American Society has been revived. This
society is, in fact, to be constituted in Berlin early in March in the
form originally intended.
It would seem strange had M. Ballin so readily accepted defeat.
The explanation lies in the fact that, at the request of a very
highly-placed person, his interest has been transferred to another more
delicate and more or less secret organisation, devised to undertake
those duties of M. Ballin's would-be "Weltverein," which concerned the
German reputation abroad. A short time ago, a meeting, of which the
secret has been well kept, was convened in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, of which Dr. Hamann, the notorious head of the Press Bureau of
the German Foreign Office, was the originator and at which the Foreign
Secretary himself was present. The meeting was attended by members
of the leading industrial concerns of this country: the North German
Lloyd, the Hamburg-America Company, the Deutsche Bank, the Disconto
Gesellschaft, the Allgemeine Electrizitätsgesellschaft, Siemens and
Halske, the Schuckert Works, Krupp, the Cruson Works, etc. They formed
a private company with the purpose of "furthering the German industrial
prestige abroad"--a conveniently vague purpose. The company will be
financed by private subscriptions and by a Government grant. The sum
at first suggested as a necessary revenue from private subscription
was £12,500, but the company present at the first meeting was so
enthusiastic that it definitely promised annual subscriptions amounting
to £25,000. The Government will add £12,500 per annum--the whole
Secret Service Fund, in fact, at the disposal of the Imperial Foreign
Office for similar purposes (_e.g._, for the payment of subsidies to
certain papers abroad). The company has entered into an agreement with
the _Agence Havas_ that the latter will in future only publish news
concerning Germany if supplied through _Wolff's Telegraphen-Bureau_.
The latter will receive its German news exclusively from the new
company.
The company intends to make a similar arrangement with Reuter's
Telegraphic Bureau for those foreign countries in which Reuter
controls telegraphic communications. If Reuter declines, the _Deutsche
Kabelgesellschaft_, a smaller German news agency supplying telegrams
from certain countries (_e.g._, Mexico) and working in agreement with
Wolff's Telegraphic Bureau, is to be financed by the new company to run
a service in competition to Reuter's. All the concerns represented at
the meeting have furthermore agreed to pay into the company's hotchpot
the very vast sums which they are accustomed to spend abroad for
their advertisements in foreign papers. The total of this item alone
is believed to be not less than £25,000 per annum--so the annual sum
available for the purpose of the new company will reach a total of
£50,000 to £75,000. The company will in future issue the advertisements
of its members only to those foreign papers which publish German
information originating exclusively from the new company, which is to
be regarded as the only authentic source of information concerning
Germany and all things German. This information they are to receive
free of cost or at a nominal sum--so that the willing foreign papers
will derive very material benefits from their collaboration with the
company, viz., lucrative advertisements and free matter written in
the language of the country in which the papers are published. The
foreign Press is to be watched by the company's agents appointed in the
various foreign centres. Any incorrect reports are to be telegraphed
home and corrected by telegrams issued by the company. The countries
in which the system is to be immediately inaugurated are chiefly the
South American States and those of the Far East, but the system is to
embrace all countries outside Europe. The German cable rates for Press
telegrams are to be reduced in the interests of the new company. It is
difficult to say whether the evil which the new company is to remedy
really exists, or exists to any perceptible extent, but it is certain
that a very influential private company has been called into existence
with every official encouragement commanding an enormous revenue for
the purposes of a pro-German newspaper propaganda. Whether the evil
exists or not--the money will be spent on secret service to popularise
Germany abroad. It does not seem to have occurred to the promoters of
the scheme that they are preparing the ground for a vast system of
international blackmail--hardly a proper way to reach the desired end.
* * * * *
That a reduction in cable rates was actually in contemplation is seen
from the Ambassador's next dispatch on the subject, as follows:
Berlin,
_April 3rd, 1914_.
SIR,--In my despatch of the 27th February last concerning the secret
foundation of a German society to supply the foreign Press of certain
countries with news favourable to Germany and German interests, it was
foreshadowed that German cable rates for Press telegrams would probably
be reduced in the interests of the new society.
I have the honour now to report that, in fact, reduced rates for
telegrams to the United States, Canada, Argentine, Chile, Peru, and
the German colonies are to come into operation as from April 1st,
1914. These telegrams, which are to be officially known as week-end
telegrams, will be admitted at a reduced rate between Saturday midnight
and Sunday midnight, to be delivered on Monday or Tuesday respectively.
These week-end telegrams must have reached the cable station at Emden
before midnight on Saturday, but can be handed in at any telegraph
office in the course of the week.
The rates, which in some cases represent a reduction to one-fourth of
the usual rates fixed, are:
Pfennigs
per word.
To New York, Canada, Argentina,
Chile, Peru (minimum charge
for each telegram 20 M.) 80
To Togo and Cameroons (minimum
charge 18 M.) 90
To German South-West Africa
(minimum charge 15 M.) 75
Negotiations are pending for extending the week-end telegram service to
other distant countries.
Telegrams sent to the United States or Canada are sent at the reduced
rate only to New York or Montreal respectively; thence they are
forwarded either free of charge, by letter, or at the local telegram
rates per word by telegram.--I have, etc.,
W.E. Goschen.
* * * * *
Within a month this system--for the intrinsic merits of which there is
everything to be said--was extended; and Sir E. Goschen wrote to the
Foreign Minister:
Berlin,
_May 2nd, 1914_.
SIR,--With reference to my despatch of the 3rd ultimo, I have the
honour to report that, according to an announcement in the _North
German Gazette_, the system of reduced rates for what are called
"week-end telegrams" is to be extended as from the 1st instant to
Cape Colony, Natal, the Orange Free State, Transvaal, South and
North Rhodesia, Nyassaland, British India, Burma, Ceylon, Malacca,
Penang, Singapore, and Labuan, under the conditions described in my
above-mentioned despatch.
The rates are as follows:
Pfennigs
per word.
To Cape Colony, Natal, Orange Free
State, Transvaal 70
To South Rhodesia, Malacca, Penang,
Singapore, and Labuan 80
To North Rhodesia and Nyassaland 95
To British India, Burma, and Ceylon 50
--I have, etc.,
W.E. Goschen.
Early in June a remarkable article on the subject appeared in a
well-known German trade organ, the _Deutsche Export Revue_, which not
only admitted the existence of the scheme, but confirmed the previous
statement of the Ambassador, that it was being largely subsidised by
the Imperial German Foreign Office. On this point Sir E. Goschen's
dispatch and the article he encloses are illuminating:
Berlin,
_June 9th, 1914_.
SIR,--I had the honour, in my despatch of the 27th February last,
to explain a scheme under which a society had been founded with the
object of supplying the foreign Press, by telegraph, with information
favourable to Germany generally and to German industrial enterprise in
particular. I have since transmitted lists of the countries to which,
under the name of "week-end telegrams," the cable rates have been very
considerably reduced to assist the propaganda of the said society.
I to-day have the honour to forward a translation of a cutting from the
_Deutsche Export Revue_, of the 5th June, 1914, in which the existence
of the scheme is, for the first time, as far as I know, admitted in
public print.
The _Deutsche Export Revue_, which is published in Berlin, is a weekly
periodical devoted to the interests of the German export trade. It is
regarded as well informed, and enjoys a good reputation generally.
The article confirms the various particulars set out in my despatch;
it confirms more especially the fact that the Imperial Foreign Office
is supporting the scheme with an annual subscription of £12,500 paid
out of its secret service fund. It supplies a list of the members of
the society, the names of the directors, etc. The last paragraph of the
article merits special attention on account of a certain refreshing
ingenuousness.
I am informed that the order has gone forth from high official
quarters not to reproduce or in any way to refer to this article, as
its inadvertent publication is not unnaturally considered extremely
inopportune and embarrassing.--I have, etc.,
W.E. Goschen.
* * * * *
The article is as follows:
Our readers will remember that one of the items in the programme of
the German Association for World Commerce was the establishment of a
news service abroad on generous lines. Whilst the other parts of the
Association's programme met with hostile criticism as soon as they
became known, the proposed service for the supply of news abroad was
greeted with general sympathy, as such activity promised to have a
useful effect on our foreign relations. The failure to organise the
Association for World Commerce seemed unhappily to render it doubtful
whether the organisation of the news service could be realised. It
is all the more gratifying that, according to information which has
reached us from well-informed quarters, the scheme for a German news
service in foreign countries has by no means been abandoned, but that,
on the contrary, an extensive organisation is actually doing work in
the desired direction.
A German syndicate was very quietly formed a few weeks ago for the
purposes of this foreign news service. It uses the organisation of
a news agency already in existence; its activity is gradually to be
extended over the whole globe. Its main object will be to reply in an
appropriate form to the prejudiced news concerning Germany and to the
attacks made upon her, and by the judicious publication of newspapers
inspiring the necessary articles to spread abroad the knowledge of the
true state of German industry and of Germany's cultural achievements.
We are in a position to give the following information concerning the
organisation of the enterprise. It is presided over by a directorate,
consisting of three men, viz.: Privy Councillor von Borsig, "Landrath"
Roetger (retired), and Herr Schacht, a director of the Deutsche Bank.
A special administrative board, the main duty of which it is to make
suggestions as to the organisation and the methods of reporting
comprises among others: Professor Duisburg, of the dye works, "Bayer";
Herr Hagen, of the Disconto Gesellschaft; Commercial Councillor
Hasenclever, of Remscheid; Herr Hermann Hecht, of Berlin; Director
Heineken, of the North German Lloyd; Director Helfferich, of the
Deutsche Bank; Director Huldermann, of the Hamburg-America Line;
Director Kosegarten, of the "Deutsche Waffen-und-Munitions-Fabrik";
Herr von Langen, of the Disconto Gesellschaft; Privy Councillor
Rathenau; Director Reuter, of the Maschinen Fabrik, Duisburg; Director
Salomonsohn, of the Disconto Gesellschaft; Privy Councillor von
Siemens; Herr Edmond Bohler, Hamburg, etc.
The management will be entrusted to two managers, Herr Asch and Dr.
Hansen. The former has for years edited several foreign news agencies;
the latter is known to the readers of the _Deutsche Export Revue_
through a series of articles dealing with the question of a supply of
news covering the whole world.
For the present the enterprise has taken the form of a loose syndicate
constituted for three years, which is, later on, to be replaced by a
more systematic form of organisation. The annual subscription payable
by the firms which are members amounts to a minimum of £50. It is a
significant fact that the Imperial Foreign Office has voted a grant of
£12,500 towards the expenses of the syndicate, provided the same amount
is contributed by German industrial houses. As the subscriptions and
the contributions by the latter already exceed the sum of £12,500, the
contribution from the Foreign Office funds seems secured. As every
firm subscribing a sum of £50 has a vote, or, rather, as for every £50
subscribed the subscriber receives a vote, it may be expected that the
Imperial Foreign Office will have a powerful and decisive influence
upon the management of the syndicate generally and upon the development
of the news service in particular.
We further learn that efforts are now being made to induce the joint
German and Foreign Economic Societies to join the syndicate, as these
societies embrace pre-eminently merchants and manufacturers interested
in the German foreign trade. These societies, it is true, appear to be
still divided in their opinion concerning the new enterprise--at least,
so far no definite decision has been arrived at.
It is believed that an increasing membership will make it possible
to establish a reserve fund out of subscriptions and voluntary
contributions received, so that, later on, the interest of the reserve
fund may suffice to defray the expenses of the news service. It is
also hoped that the foreign Press may eventually be induced to pay for
the news supplied. Finally, it is intended to send journalists to the
various countries who are there to busy themselves in favour of German
interests in the manner indicated above.
The task which the syndicate has set itself is in itself worthy of
acknowledgment. But only the future can show whether the task can
be accomplished in the manner indicated. We are of opinion that
good results could be achieved, and perhaps with greater success,
by utilising the German Legations and Consulates abroad, if ample
funds for this purpose were placed at the disposal of the official
Departments. At the same time, the joint German and Foreign Economic
Societies might well, as indeed some of them already do, work quietly
for a better appreciation abroad of the state of German industry and
of German cultured progress. The intended despatch of journalists we
believe, however, in any case to be a mistake, as it would certainly
soon become common talk in the editorial offices in the several places
abroad that they represent a syndicate officially supported by the
German Empire. If such things are intended, it would be better to
fall back upon gentlemen who are already in touch with the respective
editorial offices, and who could serve German interests without
attracting so much attention as would journalists sent out for the
purpose.
* * * * *
The reference to Press agencies in Sir E. Goschen's original report
brought forth prompt contradictions from those chiefly affected.
On September 6th the Press Bureau in London officially issued the
following important declaration on behalf of the Foreign Office:
Conclusive evidence produced by the "Agence Havas" has satisfied the
Foreign Office that the statement occurring in the recently-published
report forwarded by His Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin, that the
"Agence Havas" had agreed in future to publish news concerning Germany
only if supplied through "Wolff's Telegraphen Bureau," is not correct.
Such an arrangement appears to have been intended by the German
organisation; but it is not one which the "Agence Havas" ever even
contemplated.
It is with great satisfaction that the Foreign Office has been enabled
to give publicity to this correction.
* * * * *
Messrs. Reuter also disclaimed all connection with the proceedings of
the German Government, as will be seen from the following letter which
appeared in the _Daily Telegraph_ of September 7th:
To the Editor of "The Daily Telegraph."
SIR,--In consequence of the long connection which the Press Association
has had with Reuter's Telegraph Company (Limited), I considered it my
duty to at once communicate with Baron de Reuter respecting the White
Paper which was published yesterday morning. I asked three questions:
(1) Whether Reuter's Company were aware that proceedings of the kind
referred to by Sir Edward Goschen were contemplated by Dr. Hamann, the
head of the Press Bureau of the German Foreign Office;
(2) Whether Reuter's Company had been approached either through Wolff's
Bureau or in any other way; and
(3) Whether, before the publication of the White Paper, any
communication had been made to Reuter's Company by the Foreign Office.
In view of the public interest attaching to this question, it seems
desirable that the public at large, as well as the Press, should
be placed in possession of the facts of the case. Accordingly, in
agreement with Baron de Reuter, I append his reply:
DEAR MR. ROBBINS,--In reply to your letter of to-day calling my
attention to the Parliamentary Paper issued in this morning's
papers, concerning the manoeuvres of the Berlin Press Bureau and the
Kabelgesellschaft, I beg to say that the version put about by the said
Press Bureau, and reported by the British Ambassador, does not tally
with the facts within my knowledge.
In the first place, the Wolff Bureau looked on the Kabelgesellschaft
as a competitor likely to supplant the older agency, because the
latter had incurred disfavour with the authorities owing to its
inability to induce the "Agence Havas" to publish, more particularly
in South America, the news issued by the Press Bureau. So far from
Havas agreeing to circulate the news, it was precisely because
of the opposition to such a course by the French agency that the
Kabelgesellschaft was taken under the special protection of the Berlin
Press Bureau and the higher authorities in the background. In proof of
this statement I have a letter from the director of the Wolff Bureau
stating that the activity of the Kabelgesellschaft was aimed in the
first instance at the "Agence Havas."
As for our agency, we have never had any communication, direct or
indirect, with the Kabelgesellschaft, still less has any proposal
in their name, or on their behalf, ever been submitted for our
consideration. The fact, however, that for many months--I may even say
years--past the German Press, at the bidding and under the inspiration
of the political wirepullers, circulated unblushing falsehoods and
calumnies about our agency, presumably to weaken its prestige in the
contemplated competition, points to their intelligent anticipation of
the refusal which any overtures from their side would have met with
from us.
Finally, permit me to add that we had no knowledge of the intended
publication of this Parliamentary paper.--Yours faithfully,
(_Signed_) Herbert de Reuter.
Yours faithfully,
E. Robbins, Manager.
Press Association (Ltd.), 14, New Bridge Street,
London, E.C., Sept. 5th.
* * * * *
What the German Press is really capable of when adequately inspired
may be seen from a comparison of the semi-official organs the German
Government published on Monday, August 31st, in places so far apart
as Hamburg, Frankfurt-on-Main, and Wiesbaden. In these papers, and in
identical phraseology, appeared the "report" of a speech alleged to
have been delivered by Mr. John Burns in the Albert Hall, London, on
August 14th. It will be remembered that Mr. Burns, with Lord Morley and
Mr. Trevelyan, withdrew from the Government early in the month, and the
fabricated speech was officially given out in Germany as Mr. Burns's
own explanation of his reasons for resigning. Even in its translated
form the speech is remarkable in its way as showing that it must have
in the first place been written by someone who was very familiar with
the oratorical style of the right honourable gentleman; and attempts
were made here and there to imitate Mr. Burns's occasional tendency
to lapse into epigram and vigorous short sentences. For example, the
phrase: "I will give it as my firm opinion that England's greatness
shows itself in time of peace; her weakness in time of war," is
certainly delivered in Mr. Burns's best vein, however greatly the
sentiment may differ from his ideas. There would, of course, be no
point in quoting from this speech, which, as was quite obvious when
the English translation made its appearance, had never been delivered;
but one passage should be given as an example of German thoroughness:
"We destroyed Napoleon's fleet at Trafalgar; a few days later Napoleon
gained his most glorious (sic) victory at Austerlitz and brought Europe
to her knees. Of what use was our overthrow of Napoleon at sea compared
with his unexampled successes on land? We merely pricked him with a
pin--he overthrew Europe untroubled by our victories."
The argument here, it will be noticed, is exceedingly plausible; and
the attributing of such an idea to Mr. Burns might almost appear to
be convincing to Germans and Austrians who knew little of his eight
years' record as an administrator and a great deal about his record as
a Labour leader. Once again, too, there is an attempt at Mr. Burns's
vigorous style. The full "speech" was reported in the English Press
on September 7th, and was, of course, immediately repudiated on being
shown to Mr. Burns.
If the German Press, however, can be used occasionally for reporting
things that people did not say, it can be used with equal facility for
suppressing important statements actually made. For example, a Reuter
telegram from Copenhagen on September 7th quoted a statement taken from
the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_, and published at Copenhagen
by the German semi-official news agency. This statement dealt with
Sir Edward Grey's declaration regarding his conversations with Prince
Lichnowsky, the former German Ambassador to Great Britain, made in the
House of Commons on August 28th:
The _Norddeutsche_ says: "According to reports received here Sir E.
Grey recently declared in the House of Commons that the correspondence
exchanged between Great Britain and Germany before the war, as
published by the German Government, was incomplete, that Prince
Lichnowsky had withdrawn his report on the well-known telephone
conversation by a telegram sent immediately he was informed that a
misunderstanding existed, and that this telegram was not published.
_The Times_, probably on this basis of official information, made the
same assertion, and added the comment that the telegram was suppressed
by the German Government in order to enable it to accuse England of
perfidy and prove Germany's love of peace. We declare in answer to this
that no such telegram is in existence beyond the telegram already made
public.
"Prince Lichnowsky sent only the following telegrams:
(Sent at 1.15 p.m. on August 1st.)
"'Sir E. Grey's private secretary has just been here to inform me
that the Minister desires to make me proposals concerning England's
neutrality, even in case we have to go to war with France and Russia. I
shall see Sir E. Grey this afternoon.'
II.
(Sent at 5.30 on the same afternoon.)
"'Sir E. Grey has just submitted the following declaration, which has
been unanimously adopted by the Cabinet: "The German Government's
answer respecting Belgium's neutrality is unusually regrettable, since
the neutrality of Belgium is a matter affecting the feelings of this
country. If Germany could see her way to give a similar positive answer
to that which has been given by France it would contribute greatly to
relieve the anxiety and tension here, while, on the other hand, it
would be extremely difficult to restrain public temper if Belgium's
neutrality should be disregarded by one of the belligerents while the
other respected it."
"'To my question whether on condition that we respected Belgian
neutrality he could give a definite declaration concerning Great
Britain's neutrality, the Minister replied that this was not possible,
but this question would play a big rôle in the present temper of the
people. If we disregarded Belgium's neutrality in a war with France a
revulsion of sentiment would certainly set in, which would render it
difficult to maintain friendly neutrality. For the present there was no
intention of proceeding to hostilities against us. It was desired to
avoid this if it were in any way possible. It was, however, difficult
to draw the line marking how far we might go, before there would be
intervention from here. He (Sir E. Grey) kept adverting to Belgian
neutrality, and said this question would play a great rôle. He had
considered whether, in case of a Russian war, we and France might not
simply remain armed against each other without either one attacking.
"'I asked him whether he was in a position to declare that France would
enter into a pact to that effect. Since we neither desired to destroy
France nor acquire portions of her territory, I believed we could
enter into such an agreement which would assure us Great Britain's
neutrality.
"'The Minister said he would go into the matter. He did not overlook
the difficulties of restraining the military element on both sides to
inactivity.'
III.
(Sent at 8.30 p.m.)
"'My opinion of early to-day is altered. Since no positive English
proposal whatever is at hand, further steps along the lines of my
instructions are useless.'"
The _Norddeutsche_ comments: "As will be observed, these telegrams
contain no intimation that there had been any misunderstanding, and
nothing touching on the English allegations concerning a clearing-up of
any alleged misunderstandings."
* * * * *
The above statement, added the Agency, does not meet the specific
statement of Sir Edward Grey in the Commons, which was as follows:
It was reported to me one day that the German Ambassador had suggested
that Germany might remain neutral in a war between Russia and Austria,
and also engage not to attack France if we would remain neutral and
secure the neutrality of France. I said at once that if the German
Government thought such an arrangement possible I was sure we could
not secure it. It appeared, however, that what the Ambassador meant
was that we should secure the neutrality of France if Germany went
to war with Russia. This was quite a different proposal, and as I
supposed it in all probability to be incompatible with the terms of the
Franco-Russian Alliance, it was not in my power to promise to secure
it. Subsequently the Ambassador sent for my private secretary, and
told him that, as soon as the misunderstanding was cleared up, he sent
a second telegram to Berlin to cancel the impression produced by the
first telegram he had sent on the subject. The first telegram has been
published; this second telegram does not seem to have been published.
This system of spreading false news was extended to the United States,
and its effect there will be duly dealt with in this volume. It should
be added here that a German Press Bureau was also set up at The Hague,
partly in order to influence the people of Holland, and partly that
German-Americans passing through Holland on their way back to America
might be suitably informed. One of the special correspondents at The
Hague wrote:
The bureau apparently is to be run on a most elaborate scale by
very clever men. To counter this the British Consul-General has
been issuing bulletins, but for such services the amount of money
available in a British department is small, whereas German ventures
for supplying "truths" have always limitless resources. To show how
dangerous the German Press campaign in Holland already is I may mention
that the German Consulate in Rotterdam has posted up throughout the
town the audacious statement that "notwithstanding all reports to the
contrary, it is hereby officially and openly declared that thousands of
dum-dum bullets have been found on the British and French prisoners.
The denials of the British Government are in contradiction to the
statements of their officers, who have declared upon their word of
honour that such ammunition was also issued for their revolvers." It
is suggested that the names of the officers should have been demanded,
but it is felt that if the British authorities here did so the Germans
would not have hesitated to name several distinguished prisoners, and
they would have had no chance of refuting the charge until the end of
the war.
This alone shows how cleverly Germany seeks to poison the minds
especially of Holland and America. The danger will increase when the
Press Bureau opens. The Dutch Government, I am assured, has striven and
is striving to be absolutely correct in its attitude towards England
and Germany.
There may have been cases in which Belgians, driven mad by their
sufferings, have been guilty of outrages, but the German charge as a
whole is absolutely untrue. On the other hand, the Belgian Government
at Antwerp has, I am assured, convincing proof that the German troops
have been guilty of every crime and brutality.
Belgians of the highest rank who recently visited The Hague describe
the spirit of Antwerp as splendid. The Belgian Prime Minister is
proving himself a second Kitchener. He holds undisputed sway, and is
absolutely trusted by everyone.
* * * * *
The same correspondent added that it would be impracticable to try
to starve Germany out by blockading the Dutch Coast, as hardly any
foodstuffs were being sent to Germany through Holland.
* * * * *
The campaign of mendacity organised by Germans in the United States was
also carried into Canada. The _Montreal Star_ stated that on August
20th a well-known Montreal lawyer received a letter from a prominent
German resident of New York in which was given as an authenticated
fact, which the British censors had suppressed, the story of the
sinking of seven British Dreadnoughts by German torpedo-boats. A
banker was assured by a German acquaintance in New York that Germany
had officially announced the destruction of an English seaport--name
not given--by bombs from a Zeppelin. Another lawyer was asked
confidentially to suggest the best means of getting this "news" from
German sources to the Montreal public.
A Montreal citizen sent to the _Canadian Gazette_ the following
paragraph from the New _Yorker Staats Zeitung_, as circulated in Canada:
New York, _August 18th_.--We have very favourable news from private
letters concerning the Zeppelin airships. The question has often
been asked: "Where are the Zeppelins, and what are they doing?" The
following information received in a private letter speaks for itself:
"Every night the Zeppelin airships go out to the North Sea, and when
they return there is an English battleship destroyed. Nineteen English
battleships have been destroyed so far."