[282] The report of the Diplomatic Committee (November 21) on the

treaties which Montesquieu had signed with Geneva, speaks of him

as a man who "had put his name to many fraudulent and usurious

proceedings, and who appeared to regard the Revolution as a

speculation and a new kind of stock-jobbing."

[283] François Christophe de Kellerman (1735-1820) was the hero

of the battle of Valmy. In 1804 he was created Duc de Valmy by

Napoleon.

[284] Gibbon's surmise proved correct. On December 3, and again

on December 27, the _Représentants_ rose in arms, threatened to

call in the aid of the French army if they were opposed, and

replaced the Petit Conseil and the Conseil des Deux-Cents by two

committees, organized on a popular basis, who exercised all the

powers which were previously in the hands of the aristocracy.

[285]

Quà tamen usque potest, vires sibi demere tentat.

Nec, quo centimanum dejecerat igne Typhœa,

Nunc armatur eo: nimiùm feritatis in illo.

Est aliud levius fulmen; cui dextra Cyclopum

Sævitiæ, flammæque minus, minus addidit iræ:

Tela secunda vocant Superi.

608.

_To his Stepmother._

Lausanne, Nov. 25, 1792.

MY DEAREST MADAM,

My friend Lord Sheffield has just informed of your late illness

and happy recovery, and though I will not oppress you by a long

letter, I cannot refrain from writing six lines to express my

concern for the one and my joy for the other. It is my intention

(if any road be open) to reach England early next summer, when

I shall hasten to Bath, and hope to find you perfectly revived

in health and spirits. We have had some slight alarms in this

country, but they are now past, and amidst the general hurricane

we hope to sleep without any troublesome dreams. Adieu, my Dear

Madam; if your hand be too feeble to write yourself, could you

not employ that of a friend to send me a short and sincere

account?

I am

Ever yours,

E. GIBBON.

609.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Downing Street, 14 Dec., 1792.

Being harrassed in an extraordinary degree, I with ease persuaded

myself that it should be better to delay my letter till this

day, that I might say what passed in opening the Parliament

yesterday.[286] Your extraordinary effort to write so much

would have immediately forced me to answer if I had not known

that Maria had despatched a packet, and that My Lady threatened

another. I must acknowledge that Maria pressed me every post to

take up the political part of the correspondence. But you will be

satisfied with my occupation lately.

[Sidenote: THE CONSTITUTION IS THE FRENZY.]

Government had information (I know it to be very serious, and

not from them). The sudden withdrawing of the Troops from the

coast to the City, the extraordinary assembling of Parliament,

the calling out of a part of the Militia, of course caused great

alarm, but the effect was good. The middle ranks in town proposed

Associations.[287] I believe we began in Sussex. I instantly took

to it, gave a right direction, limited the business to support

of Constitution as now established, and of exerting the Civil

power which should be found necessary at this extraordinary

crisis instead of patchwork and partial association by Towns.

I have promoted one in each of the twelve Divisions of the

County. My Division meets first. The Plan ran like wild-fire.

The Constitution is the phrenzy more than Liberty, property and

no excise, or coalition ever was. All the parishes in London are

associating.

I had written the first page when the Princess d'Henin, who

left Boulogne yesterday, entered my room, and the now immediate

departure of post only allows me to say that Charles Fox on

moving the amendment of the Address[288] uttered the most

mischievous doctrines, principles, &c., that could at this

time be invented, declaring himself, however, a friend to the

Constitution, yet admitting the necessity of some changes. We

(Country Gentlemen) opposed him, 290 to 50.[289] Lord Lansdown's

men included in the latter. Most of the others were only with him

because they thought it better not to throw him out of all chance

of control. Just as I came into this house I met Lord Bute, who

told me the Irish Catholicks were in arms. Whether we shall have

war with France is far from settled.

I shall write by next post.

[286] On December 1 an Order in Council was passed, calling

out part of the militia. Another portion was called out on the

western and southern coasts by a second Order of December 5.

Parliament met on December 13 to ratify the step taken by the

Government, within the fourteen days required by statute.

[287] An association was formed, in November, 1792, at the St.

Alban's Tavern, of members of Parliament and other persons of

influence, including Lord Sheffield. A declaration was issued,

stating that, in the opinion of those who signed it, it was in

the present moment incumbent upon us "to give to the executive

government a vigorous and effectual support, in counteracting the

numerous efforts of sedition, in detecting and bringing to legal

punishment the persons concerned therein, and in suppressing in

their beginnings all tumults or riots, on whatever pretence they

may be excited." Another association at the Crown and Anchor,

presided over by Mr. Reeves, a barrister, and containing in the

list of signatures the name of J. T. Batt, Lord Sheffield's

friend, issued a similar declaration. Other associations were

formed with the same object by the merchants and bankers of

London, by the merchants, etc., at Lloyd's, by the general body

of Protestant Dissenters in London and Westminster, by many of

the Livery Companies, and by the Corporation of the City of

London. The declaration to be signed in the county of Sussex is

quoted in full at the beginning of the _Gentleman's Magazine_

for July to December, 1792. The following note is added:

"Association, on the best principle, is taking place throughout

England, and nowhere in a better form than in Sussex, under the

auspices of Lord Sheffield."

[288] Fox, on December 13, declared the calling out of the

militia to be a "ministerial manœuvre," and moved as an amendment

to the address, "That his Majesty's faithful Commons, assembled

in a manner new and alarming to the country, think it their first

duty, and will make it their first business, to inform themselves

of the causes of this measure, being equally zealous to enforce

a due obedience to the laws on the one hand, and a faithful

execution of them on the other."

[289] Lord Malmesbury thus analyzes the minority: "21 were

reformers, 4 Lord Lansdowne's members, and the rest people

personally attached to Fox, and who, from this feeling, and

_against their sentiments_, voted with him. Such were Crewe,

Lord Edward Bentinck, Lord George Cavendish, Lord Milton, Lionel

Damer, and others" (_Diaries and Correspondence_, vol. ii. p.

476).

610.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 20th Dec., '92.

[Sidenote: JACOBINISM IN ENGLAND.]

I wrote in much haste to you last Friday, and I know not at this time

what I wrote. I suppose I mentioned to you that Fox had, contrary

to the opinion of all the considerable and respectable men of the

Party, uttered everything that his worst enemy could wish, and

avowed everything which he seemed to keep back last Sessions. It is

impossible to imagine anything more injudicious or more mischievous

at this time. Every man in the street asked, "Is he mad?" On the

report of the address he maintained still more extravagant language

than the day before. The next day, Saturday, he moved an Address to

the King to acknowledge and send an Embassy to the Republic, or to

that effect.[290] I had been considerably _elevated_ by his speeches

of the preceding day, and just before I came down to the House, I

heard that Brissot had announced in his newspaper of the 10th, as a

measure of Opposition, the acknowledgment of the Republic and an

Embassy. I did not suppose that Fox had any communication with him,

but it seemed that somebody who was in his councils had connection

with Brissot. Thus figged, the moment Fox sat down, I burst, and

expressed myself pretty vigorously, and I was not sorry for the

opportunity, as I knew the country gentlemen were properly disposed,

and I was glad to shew a _good example_. Some followed strongly

against Fox's conduct. The speeches are wretchedly given in the

common newspapers, but there is a good report of what I said in the

Diary and Morning Chronicle, and if there should be room, Maria shall

copy it at the end of this letter, as it is not long.

Your last letter of the 26th Nov. is not the 6th, but the 5th

Bulletin of affairs in your neighbourhood. While you continue to

write you shall have frequent accounts from hence.

I had not an opportunity of learning distinctly whether Pitt has at

last positively declined the admission of Fox into Administration. I

have heard it said that he had, and that he had not, both seemingly

from good authority, but in truth I forgot to enquire from the

only quarter that could inform. The Duke of Portland is greatly

distressed by Fox's conduct--if he were to be desired, he might

become more desperate.--Lord Loughborough is more vigorous in his

opinion of the matter. There seems at present no probability of his

accepting the Great Seal. It would be a situation of uncertainty,

his acceptance would be reprobated, and he would involve himself in

much more trouble and difficulty than at present; yet I do not see

how Government can go on without a considerable addition of force.

It seems to me, however, agreed among the better part of us in

Opposition not to distress or obstruct Government by opposition at

this time. The business is too serious. Jacobinism had lately slid

rapidly through many parts of the country. Emissaries of all sorts

and in great numbers have been very busy, and at a great expence.

I believe that I mentioned in a late letter that the Chief of

the Propaganda was here.--Rotombeau,[291] the most execrable of

wretches, is here, and bragged that with his own hand he had murdered

the Lamballe and 38 persons in one day. Many Frenchmen landed upon

different parts of our coast with arms. Some imported them regularly

and paid duty for them. Several men landed even near Ipswich with

Fire-locks, Side-arms, and a dagger. The officer commanding took them

from them, and the Mayor ordered them to be stored. The numbers in

London were very great--a very considerable number of persons there,

and especially in the Borough, were in concert with them. However

wild it may appear, the Plan was to surprize the Tower and to deliver

the hundred thousand muskets in the Armoury to the people, who they

supposed would follow them. The number who have associated in the

several clubs is said to consist of many thousands. Government had

notice that an attack would be made on Sat. the 1st Decr. All the

night of Friday Artillery and Artillery-men were marching to the

Tower from Woolwich, and before day-break it was well-guarded. All

this I know and not from friends of Government. The Tower has since

been much strengthened; the gates fortified, the Ditch cleansed,

and a considerable body of men is now there. All the Cavalry and

Regulars within a hundred miles of London, were brought to its close

neighbourhood.

[Sidenote: FOX'S MISCHIEVOUS SPEECHES.]

The country was of course alarmed, the shopkeepers at Lewes proposed

Association in favour of the Constitution, the same disposition

seems to have arisen at the same time in different parts of England.

Finding it likely to run, I have been very active in giving it a

direction. It appeared to me that nothing could be more advantageous

than arranging the minds of the people under a good Principle,

while they were in a ferment, and when once committed by their

signature, it was likely they would be strenuous for measures which I

endeavoured to make their own, as much as possible. Every division of

this county is forming Associations to support the Civil Power, and

declaring in favour of a Government by King, Lords and Commons. The

spirit is going through the whole kingdom. The Jacobins seem to be

totally crushed and dismayed. Many French fled to the Ports to secure

a passage. Whether C. Fox's speeches will revive them, I do not yet

know, but they certainly will encourage many of the miscreants within

the country. I do not know whether I mentioned to you the great

facility with which several people, even in this county, talk of the

foolish expence of maintaining a royal family. Association, giving an

opportunity to such an immense proportion of the people to shew their

attachment to the Constitution, has an excellent effect, and I have

no doubt that the French Devils on the excellent appearance of things

will give up their machinations. On the late explosion Rotombeau made

an attempt to fly--he was told he would be safer in London. He is

well _spied_--he sees four hundred persons in a day. I believe he is

now gone.

I came here on Sunday to attend a great meeting of Associations

(which I had promoted) on Monday. I intended to return, but on

Tuesday I wrote to the D. of Portland & to Lord Loughborough, and

told them I was so disgusted with Fox's conduct that I thought they

would agree with me, that I had better remain at Sheffield Place till

Parliament meets for business after Christmas. That I was sure a

very small number of members indeed would follow him in his present

career. That, as a well-wisher to the tranquility and safety of the

country, I need not be apprehensive of any mischief, except what may

arise from the language he holds, which cannot be prevented. That

I do not like to seem separate from men with whom I have zealously

acted ten out of the thirteen years of my political life.

(_Continued by the Hon. Maria Holroyd._)

My Lord's Speech, taken from the Diary--he rose immediately after

Mr. Fox's motion for an Embassy to France. "It is impossible to

be silent. Are we then in that deplorable situation? Are we the

vilest and most contemptible of nations? Are we to be the first to

acknowledge, and cringe to these cut-throats and robbers, who have

not the recommendation of being able to controul their own Banditti?

Are we to league with them, to act in concert with them? How soon

they may be invited here, he should not then attempt to guess--or

to say how soon our gaols may be filled with the most respectable

persons of the Nation, for the purpose of murdering them in cold

blood without a trial--or how soon the most amiable of our women and

of the highest ranks may lie on straw crowded in the most loathsome

gaols, as in France, with the lowest dregs of the people, faultless

however, except that their fathers, husbands, or sons may have

ventured to maintain the constitution; he should leave to others more

able than he was to detail the mischiefs of the monstrous proposition

that had been made. He was too much agitated to attempt it. He was

almost ashamed of the enthusiasm he had hitherto felt in favour of

the Right Honourable Mover. It is true he had made much enquiry, but

he hoped other country gentlemen would communicate what they knew

of the state of the country. In respect to war, he believed every

man wished to avert it. That the surest means of avoiding it would

be by vigorous preparation for it, and if it could not be avoided,

that it would be better policy to meet it, than wait for it. That the

Disturbers of the World when they had over-run other nations, envying

and dreading our prosperity, would not fail with double force to

visit us. His Lordship concluded with some observations on the late

measures, and told the Ministers, that although he commended their

promptness and vigour, yet he could not approve their unjustifiable

interpretation of the word--Insurrection. They would have done much

better if they had acknowledged that, in consequence of some uncommon

danger which impended, they had for the public good laid themselves

under the necessity of applying to the Legislature for indemnity, but

that he had not objected to the Address or supported the Amendment,

because he would not seem to countenance the many mischievous

principles and suggestions which had been heard in that House the

last two days from the Mover of the Amendment."

[290] On Saturday, December 15, Fox moved that an address be

presented to his Majesty, "that a minister may be sent to Paris

to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the

functions of executive government in France." The motion was

negatived without a division.

[291] "Some of the very worst of the French murderers on the 10th

of August and beginning of September have been here, particularly

one _Rotundo_, who was a principal performer in the massacres

of the prisoners on the 2nd and 3rd of September. He was one of

the executioners of Madame de Lamballe, of which I understand he

boasted when in England, for I hear he is gone back" (_Life and

Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot_, vol. ii. p. 91). It is difficult

to trace the foundation for the statement. One Petit Mamin was

accused of having boasted that he had killed the princess; but he

denied having made the boast, and proved, to the satisfaction of

the jury, that he was not in Paris at the time (Mortimer-Ternaux,

_Histoire de la Terreur_, 1792-94, vol. iii. pp. 632, 633).

In Lescure's _Vie de la Princesse de Lamballe_ (pp. 426-428)

the names of the murderers are given as Charlat and Grison. M.

Feuillet de Conches (_Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette, et Madame

Elisabeth_, vol. vi. p. 316) says that Gonchon was the name of

the man who first struck down the princess.

611.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, Dec. 14th, 1792.

*Our little storm has now completely subsided, and we are again

spectators, though anxious spectators, of the general tempest that

invades or threatens almost every country of Europe. Our troops

are every day disbanding and returning home, and the greatest part

of the French have evacuated the neighbourhood of Geneva. Monsieur

Barthelemy,[292] whom you have seen secretary in London, is most

courteously entertained, as ambassador, by the Helvetic body. He is

now at Berne, where a Diet will speedily be convened; the language

on both sides is now pacific, and even friendly, and some hopes are

given of a provision for the officers of the Swiss guards who have

survived the Massacres of Paris.

[292] François, Marquis de Barthélemy (1750-1830), concluded

three treaties at Basle in 1795--with Prussia, the United

Provinces, and Spain. He was a member of the Directory; but,

suspected for his moderation, was sent, first to Cayenne, then to

Sinnamari. Thence he escaped to England. He assisted in drawing

up the charter at the restoration of Louis XVIII.

January 1st, 1793.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AT GENEVA.]

With the return of peace I have relapsed into my former indolence;

but now awakening, after a fortnight's slumber, I have little or

nothing to add, with regard to the internal state of this country,

only the revolution of Geneva has already taken place, as I

announced, but sooner than I expected. The Swiss troops had no sooner

evacuated the place, than the _Egaliseurs_, as they are called,

assembled in arms; and as no resistance was made, no blood was shed

on the occasion. They seized the gates, disarmed the garrison,

imprisoned the magistrates, imparted the rights of citizens to all

the rabble of the town and country, and proclaimed a _national_

convention, which has not yet met. They are all for a pure and

absolute Democracy; but wish to remain a small independent state,

whilst others aspire to become a part of the republic of France; and

as the latter, though less numerous, are more violent and absurd than

their adversaries, it is highly probable that they will succeed.

The Citizens of the best families and fortunes have retired from

Geneva into the Pays de Vaud, but the French methods of recalling

or proscribing emigrants will soon be adopted. You must have

observed, that Savoy has now become _le Department du Mont Blanc_. I

cannot satisfy myself whether the mass of the people is pleased or

displeased with the change; but my noble scenery is clouded by the

democratical aspect of twelve leagues of the opposite coast, which

every morning obtrude themselves on my view. I here conclude the

first part of the history of our Alpine troubles, and now consider

myself as disengaged from all promises of periodical writing. Upon

the whole, I kept it beyond our expectation; nor do I think that you

have been sufficiently astonished by the wonderful effort of the

triple dispatch.

You must now succeed to my task, and I shall expect, during the

winter, a regular political journal of the events of your greater

world. You are on the theatre, and may often be behind the scenes.

You can always see, and may sometimes foresee. My own choice has

indeed transported me into a foreign land; but I am truly attached,

from interest and inclination, to my native country; and even as a

Citizen of the World, I wish the stability and happiness of England,

the sole great refuge of mankind against the opposite mischiefs of

despotism and Democracy. I was indeed alarmed, and the more so, as I

saw that you were not without apprehension; but I now glory in the

triumph of reason and genuine patriotism, which seems to pervade the

country; nor do I dislike some mixture of popular enthusiasm, which

may be requisite to encounter our mad or wicked enemies with equal

arms.

The behaviour of* Fox *rather afflicts than surprises me. You may

remember what I told you last year at Lausanne, when you attempted

his defence, that his inmost soul was deeply tinged with Democracy.

Such wild opinions cannot easily be reconciled with his excellent

understanding, but ''tis true 'tis pity, and pity 'tis, 'tis true.'

He will surely ruin himself in the opinion of the wise and good men

of his party. You have now crushed the daring subverters of the

Constitution, but I now fear the moderate well-meaners--reformers.

Do not, I beseech you, tamper with Parliamentary representation. The

present House of Commons forms in _practice_ a body of Gentlemen who

must always sympathize with the interest and opinions of the people,

and the slightest innovation launches you without rudder or compass

on a dark and dangerous ocean of Theoretical experiment. On this

subject I am indeed serious.

Upon the whole, I like the beginning of '93 better than the end

of '92. The illusion seems to break away throughout Europe. I

think England and Switzerland are safe. Brabant adheres to the old

constitution. The Germans are disgusted with the rapine and insolence

of their deliverers. The Pope is resolved to head his armies, and

the Lazzaroni of Naples have presented St. Januarius with a gold

fuzee, to fire on the Brigands Français. So much for politics, which

till now never had such possession of my mind. Next post I will write

about myself and my own designs. Alas, your poor eyes! make the Maria

write; I will speedily answer her. My Lady is still dumb. The German

posts are now slow and irregular. You had better write by the way of

France, under cover, directed to _Le Citoyen Rebours, à Pontarlier,

France_. Adieu.*

Ever yours,

G.

612.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, Jan. 6th, 1793.

[Sidenote: OF HIMSELF AND HIS OWN PLANS.]

*There was formerly a time when our correspondence was a painful

discussion of my private affairs; a vexatious repetition of losses,

of disappointments, of sales, &c. These affairs are now decently

arranged: but public cares have now succeeded to private anxiety, and

our whole attention is lately turned from Lenborough and Beriton, to

the political state of France and of Europe. From these politics,

however, one letter shall be free, while I talk of myself and of my

own plans; a subject most interesting to a friend, and only to a

friend.

Private Letters of Edward Gibbon (1753-1794) Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 33 / 41 段