From Angletine's last letter to Maria, you have already some idea of

the melancholy state of her poor father. As long as Mr. de Severy

allowed our hopes and fears to fluctuate with the changes of his

disorder, I was unwilling to say anything on so painful a subject;

and it is with the deepest concern that I now confess our absolute

despair of his recovery. All his particular complaints are now lost

in a general dissolution of the whole frame: every principle of life

is exhausted, and as often as I am admitted to his bed-side, though

he still looks and smiles with the patience of an Angel, I have the

heartfelt grief of seeing him each day drawing nearer to the term of

his existence. A few weeks, possibly a few days, will deprive me of

a most excellent friend, and break for ever the most perfect system

of domestic happiness, in which I had so large and intimate a share.

Wilhelm (who has obtained leave of absence from his military duty)

and his sister behave and feel like tender and dutiful children;

but they have a long gay prospect of life, and new connexions, new

families will make them forget, in due time, the common lot of

mortality. But it is Madame de Severy whom I truly pity; I dread the

effects of the first shock, and I dread still more the deep perpetual

consuming affliction for a loss which can never be retrieved.

[Sidenote: GIBBON'S ALTERED SITUATION.]

You will not wonder that such reflections sadden my own mind, nor can

I forget how much my situation is altered since I retired, nine years

ago, to the banks of the Leman lake. The death of poor Deyverdun

first deprived me of a domestic companion, who can never be supplied;

and your visit has only served to remind me that man, however amused

and occupied in his Closet, was not made to live alone. Severy will

soon be no more; his widow for a long time, perhaps for ever, will be

lost to herself and her friends, the son will travel, and I shall be

left a stranger in the insipid circle of mere common acquaintance.

The Revolution of France, which first embittered and divided the

Society of Lausanne, has opposed a barrier to my Sussex visit, and

may finally expell me from the paradise which I inhabit. Even that

paradise, the expensive and delightful establishment of my house,

library, and garden, almost becomes an incumbrance, by rendering it

more difficult for me to relinquish my hold, or to form a new system

of life in my native Country, for which my income, though improved

and improving, would be probably insufficient. But every complaint

should be silenced by the contemplation of the French; compared with

whose cruel fate, all misery is relative happiness. I perfectly

concurr in your partiality for Lally; though Nature might forget some

meaner ingredients, of prudence, economy, &c., she never formed a

purer heart, or a brighter imagination. If he be with you, I beg my

kindest salutations to him. I am every day more closely united with

the Neckers. Should France break, and this country be over-run, they

would be reduced, in very humble circumstances, to seek a refuge;

and where but in England? Adieu, dear Madam: there is, indeed, much

pleasure in discharging one's heart to a real friend.*

Ever yours,

E. G.

604.

_To the Hon. Maria Holroyd._

Lausanne, Nov. 10, 1792.

In dispatching the weekly political journal to Lord Sheffield, my

conscience (for I have some remains of conscience) most powerfully

urges me to salute, with some lines of friendship and gratitude, the

amiable secretary, who might save herself the trouble of a modest

apology. I have not yet forgotten our different behaviour after the

much lamented _separation_ of October the 4th, 1791, your meritorious

punctuality, and my unworthy silence. I have still before me that

entertaining narrative, which would have interested me, not only in

the progress of the _carissima famiglia_, but in the motions of a

Tartar camp, or the march of a caravan of Arabs; the mixture of just

observation and lively imagery, the strong sense of a man, expressed

with the easy elegance of a female. I still recollect with pleasure

the happy comparison of the Rhine, who had heard so much of liberty

on both his banks, that he wandered with mischievous licentiousness

over all the adjacent meadows. The inundation, alas! has now spread

much wider; and it is sadly to be feared that the Elbe, the Po,

and the Danube, may imitate the vile example of the Rhine: I shall

be content, however, if our own Thames still preserves his fair

character of

Strong without rage, without o'erflowing full.

These agreeable epistles of Maria produced only some dumb intentions,

and some barren remorse; nor have I deigned, except by a brief

missive from my chancellor, to express how much I loved the author,

and how much I was pleased with the composition. That amiable author

I have known and loved from the first dawning of her life and

_coquetry_, to the present maturity of her talents; and as long as

I remain on this planet, I shall pursue, with the same tender and

even anxious concern, the future steps of her establishment and life.

That establishment must be splendid; that life must be happy. She

is endowed with every gift of nature and fortune; but the advantage

which she will derive from them, depends almost entirely on herself.

You must not, you shall not, think yourself unworthy to write to

any man: there is none whom your correspondence would not amuse and

satisfy.

I will not undertake a task, which my taste would adopt, and my

indolence would too soon relinquish; but I am really curious, from

the best motives, to have a particular account of your own studies

and daily occupation. What books do you read? and how do you employ

your time and your pen? Except some professed scholars, I have often

observed that women in general read much more than men; but, for

want of a plan, a method, a fixed object, their reading is of little

benefit to themselves, or others. If you will inform me of the

species of reading to which you have the most propensity, I shall be

happy to contribute my share of advice or assistance.

I lament that you have not left me some monument of your pencil.

Lady Elizabeth Foster has executed a very pretty drawing, taken

from the door of the green-house where we dined last summer, and

including the poor Acacia, (now recovered from the cruel shears of

the gardener,) the end of the terrace, the front of the Pavilion,

and a distant view of the country, lake, and mountains. I am almost

reconciled to d'Apples' house, which is nearly finished. Instead of

the monsters which Lord Hercules Sheffield extirpated, the terrace is

already shaded with the new acacias and plantanes; and although the

uncertainty of possession restrains me from building, I myself have

planted a bosquet at the bottom of the garden, with such admirable

skill that it affords shade without intercepting prospect.

[Sidenote: SOCIETY OF LADY E. FOSTER.]

The society of the aforesaid Eliza, of the Duchess of Devonshire,

&c. has been very interesting; but they are now flown beyond the

Alps, and pass the winter at Pisa. The Legards, who have long since

left this place, should be at present in Italy; but I believe Mrs.

Grimstone and her daughter returned to England. The Levades are

highly flattered by your remembrance. Since you still retain some

attachment to this delightful country, and it is indeed delightful,

why should you despair of seeing it once more? The happy peer or

commoner, whose name you may assume, is still concealed in the book

of fate; but, whosoever he may be, he will cheerfully obey your

commands, of leading you from ---- Castle to Lausanne, and from

Lausanne to Rome and Naples. Before that event takes place, I may

possibly see you in Sussex; and, whether as a visitor or a fugitive,

I hope to be welcomed with a friendly embrace. The delay of this year

was truly painful, but it was inevitable; and individuals must submit

to those storms which have overturned the thrones of the earth.

The tragic story of the Archbishop of Arles I have now somewhat a

better right to require at your hands. I wish to have it in all its

horrid details; and as you are now so much mingled with the French

exiles, I am of opinion, that were you to keep a journal of all the

authentic facts which they relate, it would be an agreeable exercise

at present, and a future source of entertainment and instruction.

I should be obliged to you, if you would make, or find, some excuse

for my not answering a letter from your aunt, which was presented to

me by Mr. Fowler. I shewed him some civilities, but he is now a poor

invalid, confined to his room. By her channel and yours I should be

glad to have some information of the health, spirits, and situation

of Mrs. Gibbon of Bath, whose alarms (if she has any) you may dispel.

She is in my debt. Adieu; most truly yours.

605.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, November, 1792.

Your three letters received yesterday caused the most sincere

pleasure to each individual of this family so highly favoured by

you--but to none more than myself. I flatter myself that I despise

general compliments as they deserve, but praise (tho' I fear, beyond

my deserts) from one whose opinion I so highly value, and whose

esteem I so much wish to gain, is more pleasing than I can describe,

& I really think, thus encouraged, & with your _example_ before

me, to shew _bad habits may_ be conquered. I had not neglected to

make the collection of facts which you recommend, and which the

great variety of unfortunate persons whom we see, or with whom we

correspond, enables me to make.

As to the other part of your letter about _my studies_, I can only

say, the slightest hint on that subject will be always received with

the greatest gratitude, and attended to with the utmost punctuality.

French history I am most acquainted with--English, I am ashamed to

say, I am much less versed in. I have read Hume, but not since I came

to years of discretion, & what is read as a _task_ seldom is well

attended to. I am now reading a _certain_ work, in 6 Vols. Quarto or

12 Duodecimo, which I was acquainted with before, only by reading it

after supper, frequently with long interruptions caused by Company,

&c., & which only raised my curiosity to give it more attention. It

would be Impertinence or at best but a Drop in the Ocean to add my

mite to the opinion of the generality of the World, & say how much

the Subject interests or the Style delights me. When this work is

read thro', I intend to proceed with English history. I again repeat,

if you condescend to favour me with any directions on this subject, I

shall follow them with the greatest pleasure; but if you should not,

I am much flattered that you should desire to hear from me, & should

have sent you the horrid account of the massacre aux Carmes before,

if I had thought you would have been desirous of it. I have not seen

the details in any newspaper, & one of the eight Priests, who dined

here, & had escaped from the massacre, related the whole with such

simplicity & feeling, as to leave no doubt of the truth of all he

said.

[Sidenote: MURDER OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF ARLES.]

On the 2^d of Sep^{ber} they went into the garden, as usual, to

walk at five o'clock in the evening. They expressed their surprize

at several large pits, which had been digging for two or three days

past. They said to each other, "The day is almost spent, & yet

Manuel[277] told a person who interceded for us, last Thursday, that

on the Sunday following not one should remain in captivity--we are

still Prisoners." Soon after, they heard shouts, and some musquet

shots were fired into the Garden. A number of National Guards, some

Commissaires _de Sections_, & several Marseillois, rushed in. The

unhappy victims who were dispersed about the Garden, assembled under

the Walls of the Church, not daring to enter, least it should be

polluted with blood. One, who was behind the rest, was shot dead.

_Point de coups de fusil_ said some of the Chiefs of the assassins,

thinking this death too merciful. A number of them called for the

Archbishop of Arles,[278] & insisted that he should be given up to

them, the Priests all crowded round him, & determined to defend him

with their Lives. The Archbishop then said, "Let me pass; if we must

all perish, it is of little consequence whether I die first or not,

& if my death will appease them, is it not my duty to preserve your

Lives at the expense of my own?" He asked the eldest of the Priests

to give him Absolution--he knelt to receive it, & when he rose,

advanced, with his arms crossed on his breast, towards the People.

His appearance was so dignified & noble, that for ten minutes not one

of these Wretches had courage to raise their hand against him. They

reproached each other with cowardice & advanced--one look from the

venerable Prelate struck them with involuntary awe, & they retired.

At last, one of the assassins struck off his Cap with a Pike--their

fury returned when they saw respect once violated, & another struck

him on the head with a Sabre, & laid open his scalp. The Archbishop

only said, "O mon Dieu!" & put up his right hand to his eyes. A

second blow cut off this hand--he repeated his exclamation & raised

the other. A third stroke left him sitting, & a fourth extended him

lifeless, when all the Miscreants pressed forwards, to bury their

Poniards in his bosom.

The Priests all agreed that the Archbishop of Arles was one of the

most amiable men in France--his only _crime_ was having parted with

most of his private fortune to support the necessitous Clergy of his

Diocese, since the beginning of the Revolution. When he was murdered,

the National Guards made all the Priests go into the Church, telling

them they should appear, one after another, before the _Commissaires

du Section_, who would try them and determine their fate. They had

hardly entered, before the People impatiently called for them to

shew themselves--upon which, all kneeling before the Altar, they

received Absolution from the B^p of Beauvais--& then, two by two,

passed before one of the commissaires, who did not question, but

only counted his victims. In this manner, perished 120 Priests,

amongst whom were the Bishops of Beauvais and Xaintes, both of the

Rochefoucauld family.[279] _Our friends_ escaped by getting over the

Wall.

I am afraid I have tired your patience, & that you did not expect

such a tedious history. Mad^{e}. d'Hénin & Pauline are at Boulogne;

they have gained nothing by going there, & are afraid they may

find it difficult returning to England. The seal of the Nation is

put on all Mad^{e}. d'Hénin's effects; she is not able to keep a

single servant--she says, Pauline & she must wait on each other.

Papa, who is more alarmed than I ever saw him, will write to you

soon, _politically_. Mama will likewise answer your letter, & in

the mean time desires many thanks for it. Will you say everything

affectionate to Angletine for her letter? I feel sincerely for the

situation of that family, & if you can send any good news of M. de

Severy's amendment, I trust you will write. It was particularly kind

of Angletine to write when her mind must be so ill at ease--but it is

not flung away upon me. I am anything but _une Ingrate_. Mrs. Moss

is here, & speaks with delight of your house, your terrace, & of the

great civility you showed her. Judge if Lausanne is ever the subject

of our conversation.

We left Louisa & Aunt at Bath very well, they both desire to be

remembered to you when we wrote. Mrs. Gibbon looks as well as ever,

but is really very unwell.

[277] Louis Pierre Manuel (1751-1793) was one of the leaders

in the insurrections of June 20 and August 10, 1792. He was

at this time _procureur_ of the Commune of Paris. At the

king's trial he defended Louis XVI., and, accused of being a

counter-revolutionist, was guillotined in November, 1793.

[278] Jean Marie François Dulau.

[279] They were brothers, and belonged to the family of

Rochefoucauld-Bayers.

606.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Bristol, 14th Nov., 1792.

[Sidenote: A FOOLISH GAME IN IRELAND.]

I snatch an interval likely to be very short, to acknowledge you

have some merit in a 14th day epistle, although you fasted as to

your 7th day. I was glad to hear of the agreement on the subject of

Geneva. As the French troops were immediately to return 10 leagues,

and before the evacuation, I think it honourable, but my political

barometer never was so low. During the last 35 years on no occasion

it had materially sunk. It never experienced any great depression

till the wonderful and in some degree inexplicable phenomena of the

later part of last September. I had some hope that Europe would see

the necessity of making a common cause against the Disturbers of the

World. But I have not a ray of hope. The failure of the combined army

has of course encouraged and increased a bad spirit in this country,

but it has not as yet shewn itself except in some towns. And in such,

mischief always begins. The respectable and considerable men of both

parties among my constituents are right. Government had risked a

foolish game in Ireland, playing Roman Catholics against Protestants,

and openly supporting the former, granting too much, and giving

further hopes, which has produced sedition and brought them to the

brink of rebellion, but within a few weeks it has been determined to

go no farther and to support the Protestant Ascendency--better late

than never, but some knocks probably will ensue.

I believe I forgot to assure you in my last that Newspaper account

of our friend Lord L.[280] and his acceptance of Seals is premature,

and that there is no prospect of such an event unless with the

concurrence and accession of the Mass of the party. I rather

suspect some of our friends have more of the shew than the reality,

of wishing or expecting, or promoting healthy conjunction of

parties--but they are few.

I scolded you about the Madeira because I thought it lost thro'

your neglect of writing, but I have the pleasure of finding that

it was only delayed, and is now on its road. So writes Muligan's

correspondent in Holland. I shall send this to Maria to finish. My

eyes are very weak.

I do not know what to add to Papa's _croaking_ Epistle, except to ask

if you will give us an Asylum at Lausanne when this country is in

the state of France. If you should answer in the affirmative, I am

afraid you would make me an enemy to my country and wish it very ill.

_I_ think Papa very _ungrateful_ for your very great kindness and

attention in writing so frequently--at a time so very interesting,

but I believe he is afraid of praising you too much, least you should

think you have done enough. If you were a witness of the pleasure

your letters give all the family, I think you would not talk of

sinking into a _long and irreproachable silence_. Mama assures me you

will not write to me. Pray make her say the thing that is not, for

once in her life. We leave Bath next Sunday, after having enjoyed the

gaieties of the place a fortnight. Louisa is to remain here all the

Winter. She desires to be particularly remembered to you. Switzerland

is our daily subject of conversation and regret. Witness our hands

this 15th day of November.

MARIA JOSEPHA HOLROYD,

LOUISA DOROTHEA HOLROYD.

[280] Lord Loughborough accepted the Great Seal as Lord

Chancellor in January, 1793.

607.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, Nov. 25th, 1792.

*After the triple labour of my last dispatch, your experience of the

creature might tempt you to suspect that it would again relapse into

a long slumber. But, partly from the spirit of contradiction, (though

I am not a lady) and partly from the ease and pleasure which I now

find in the task, you see me again alive, awake, and almost faithful

to my hebdomadal promise. The last week has not, however, afforded

any events deserving the notice of an historian. Our affairs are

still floating on the waves of the convention, and the ratification

of a corrected treaty,[281] which had been fixed for the 20th, is

not yet arrived; but the report of the diplomatic committee has

been favourable, and it is generally understood that the leaders of

the French Republic do not wish to quarrel with the Swiss. We are

gradually withdrawing and disbanding our militia. Geneva will be left

to sink or swim, according to the humour of the people; and our last

hope appears to be, that by submission and good behaviour we shall

avert for some time the impending storm.

[Sidenote: FLIGHT OF A FRENCH GENERAL.]

A few days ago, an odd incident happened in the French army; the

desertion of the general. As the Neckers were sitting, about eight

o'clock in the evening, in their drawing-room at Rolle, the door

flew open, and they were astounded by their servant's announcing

_Monsieur le General de Montesquiou_! On the receipt of some secret

intelligence of a _decrét d'accusation_, and an order to arrest

him, he had only time to get on horseback, to gallop through

Geneva, to take boat for Coppet, and to escape from his pursuers,

who were ordered to seize him alive or dead. He left the Neckers

after supper, passed through Lausanne in the night, and proceeded

to Berne and Basle, whence he intended to wind his way through

Germany, amidst enemies of every description, and to seek a refuge

in England, America, or the moon. He told Necker, that the sole

remnant of his fortune consisted in a wretched sum of twenty thousand

livres; but the public report, or suspicion, bespeaks him in much

better circumstances. Besides the reproach of acting with too much

tameness and delay, he is accused of making very foul and exorbitant

contracts:[282] and it is certain that new Sparta is infected

with this vice beyond the example of the most corrupt monarchy.

Kellerman[283] is arrived to take the command; and it is apprehended

that on the first of December, after the departure of the Swiss, the

French may _request_ the permission of using Geneva, a friendly city,

for their winter quarters. In that case, the democratical revolution,

which we all foresee, will be very speedily effected.[284]

I would ask you, whether you apprehend there was any treason in the

Duke of Brunswick's retreat, and whether you have totally withdrawn

your confidence and esteem from that once-famed general? Will it

be possible for England to preserve her neutrality with any honour

or safety? We are bound, as I understand, by treaty, to guarantee

the dominions of the King of Sardinia and the Austrian provinces

of the Netherlands. These countries are now invaded and over-run

by the French. Can we refuse to fulfil our engagements, without

exposing ourselves to all Europe as a perfidious or pusillanimous

nation? Yet, on the other hand, can we assist those allies, without

plunging headlong into an abyss, whose bottom no man can discover?

But my chief anxiety is for our domestic tranquillity; for I must

find a retreat in England, should I be driven from Lausanne. The

idea of firm and honourable union of parties pleases me much; but

you must frankly unfold what are the great difficulties that may

impede so salutary a measure: you write to a man discreet in speech,

and now careful of papers. Yet what can such a coalition avail if

Fox be detestable and Pitt democratical? Where is the champion

of the constitution? Alas, Lord Guildford! I am much pleased with

the Manchester ass. The asses or wolves who sacrificed him have

cast off the mask too soon; and such a nonsensical act must open

the eyes of many simple patriots, who might have been led astray

by the specious name of reform. It should be made as notorious as

possible. Next winter may be the crisis of our fate, and if you begin

to improve the constitution, you may be driven step by step from

the disfranchisement of Old Sarum to the king in Newgate, the lords

voted useless, the bishops abolished, and a house of commons without

articles (_sans culottes_).

[Sidenote: MADAME DE STAEL.]

Necker has ordered you a copy of his royal defence, which has met

with, and deserved, universal success. The pathetic and argumentative

parts are, in my opinion, equally good, and his mild eloquence may

persuade without irritating. I have applied to this gentler tone some

verses of Ovid (Metamorph. 1. iii. 302, &c.[285]) which you may read.

Madame de Stael has produced a second son. She talks wildly enough

of visiting England this winter.* Her friend the Vicomte de Narbonne

is somewhere about Dorking. If you could shew him any civilities she

would thank us both. She is a pleasant little woman.

No news from Basil or Ostend of my Madeira. Pray contrive to get me

a mortgage; there is nothing like land or landed security. Poor Mrs.

G. in such a state! I can only wish her an easy dismission. I wish

the same to poor Severy, whose *condition is hopeless. Should he drag

through the winter, Madame de S. would scarcely survive him. She

kills herself with grief and fatigue. What a difference in Lausanne!

I hope triple answers are on the road. I must write soon; the _times_

will not allow me to read or think. Ever yours.*

No. 6 (I believe). Send me a list of these letters, with their

respective dates.

[281] _I.e._ the treaty of November 2.

Private Letters of Edward Gibbon (1753-1794) Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 32 / 41 段