what vast foundations the famous 'Royal Cloister' of Herod was
supported. The mosque _el-Aksa_ is a large pile of buildings abutting on
the south wall of the _Haram_. The principal axis of the edifice runs
north and south, instead of east and west according to the general law
of the Latin Church; consequently some authors have asserted that it was
not built for Christian worship, but originally was a mosque. We will
therefore examine its history. Some think it was the work of
Constantine; but then Eusebius, his panegyrist, does not mention that he
in any way evidenced any regard or care for Moriah. Others attribute it
to Justinian; with these I agree. The idea of erecting this basilica,
and dedicating it to the Virgin, was not conceived at first by the
Emperor, but by Elias, Patriarch of Jerusalem, A.D. 501. As the
Christians of Palestine had not the means of executing so great a work,
they sought the aid of Justinian, through the Abbot Saba; and the
Emperor not only gave the assistance asked, but also took care that the
building should be worthy of the Christian religion: so we are informed
by the monk Cyril of Scythopolis, a Greek historian, living A.D. 555,
who embraced the monastic life under the rule of S. Saba. In the year
531 all difficulties were overcome, and this magnificent edifice
completed. Its grandeur is recorded by Procopius[331], whose account is
briefly as follows. The length of the building was greater than the
breadth, which however was so great that they had difficulty in
procuring rafters for the roof of sufficient length. This was supported
by two rows of columns, one above the other, which were quarried in the
neighbourhood of Jerusalem, rivalling marble in beauty, and veined with
red, resembling in colour the brightness of fire. Two of them, at the
entrance of the Temple, were larger and more beautiful than the rest. He
also mentions the great blocks of stone used in the work, and tells us
by what means they were brought on to the ground. The whole of his
description undoubtedly suits the mosque _el-Aksa_, although its
exterior has been greatly changed; since there are now no traces of
cloisters, atrium, or other buildings mentioned by the same historian.
The two great columns are no longer to be seen; but it is not improbable
that they are concealed within the two central piers of the porch. Those
inside the basilica correspond to the above description, and by secretly
chipping off bits of the plaster, with which all are now coated, I was
able to ascertain that they are made of red Palestine breccia, a rock
occurring in abundance on the west of the city, near the Greek convent
of the Holy Cross.
Antoninus of Piacenza[332], in the sixth century, saw the whole pile of
Justinian's building in its glory. He speaks of the adjoining hospice,
containing from 3000 to 5000 beds, wonders at the number, and praises
the piety of the Monks and Nuns who served there, and states that the
basilica of S. Mary was in front of the Temple of Solomon, and
communicated with the basilica of S. Sophia, situated on the site of the
Prætorium of Pilate. He also mentions that a stone was then exhibited
inside it, bearing the print of our Saviour's foot. It is remarkable
that a similar stone is now exposed to receive the reverence of the
Mohammedans at the south end of the present mosque.
It appears that the basilica was not greatly injured at the time of the
Persian invasion, A.D. 614; as we find it open for Christian worship
when the troops of Omar were besieging Jerusalem. The Khalif visited it
after the surrender of the city to offer up his prayers within its
walls, and ordered that thenceforth it should be devoted to the rites of
his faith[333].
The Rev. G. Williams, in his learned and valuable work on the Holy
City[334], tells us that towards the end of the seventh century the
tenth Khalif, "'Abd-el-Melik covered its gates with plates of gold and
silver, but it was soon stripped of its treasures in consequence of the
poverty of his successors. During the Khalifat of his son Waled, the
eastern part of the mosque _el-Aksa_ fell to ruin, and as he had no
funds to repair it, he ordered the ruined part to be pulled down, and
the price of the materials to be distributed to the poor. Forty years
later, in the time of the second Abbasside Khalif Abu-J'afar-el-Mansur,
the east and west sides were decayed by time, or injured by an
earthquake, and as he could not afford to restore it, he stripped the
gold from the doors, coined it, and applied the proceeds to the
necessary repairs. A second earthquake shook down what he had rebuilt,
and his son and successor el-Mahadi (A.D. 775-785) found the mosque in
ruins. The character of the building was altered by this Khalif, whose
taste was offended by its proportions, and he gave orders that its
length should be diminished and its width increased. Again in the 452nd
year of the Hejra (A.D. 1060) it suffered materially from the falling in
of the roof." From the facts stated in this account we can see how
greatly the basilica of Justinian has been altered, and understand the
Saracenic features which now exist in the original building. The two
aisles added to the older structure on the east and west, the demolition
of the choir, and the erection of the south wall, belong to the great
alterations made by el-Mahadi.
The Crusaders converted it into a residence under the name of the
'Palace of Solomon,' and a portion of it was granted to the Knights
Templar[335] by Baldwin II. Saladin restored the worship of Islam, and
it is now used for the rite _Shaffi_.
We will now proceed to an examination of the exterior and interior of
the building itself. The façade has a porch with seven arches[336],
corresponding to the seven aisles of the mosque itself. The centre arch
is much larger than the others; all are acutely pointed. The form of the
battlements crowning the walls, the details of the niches, and the
ornamental painting characterise the architecture of this part as
Saracenic. On entering the mosque the keeper points out the sepulchre of
the sons of Aaron, opposite to the middle door. The central or more
ancient part of the building retains traces of a cruciform Christian
church, being a nave with two side aisles and a transept[337]; the
dimensions of the different parts also agree perfectly with this
plan[338]. The walls of the nave are supported by columns bearing
Corinthian capitals, which are rather overloaded with ornamental detail,
in the usual bad taste of Byzantine art. From these spring pointed
arches, and above them are two rows of windows with semicircular heads,
of which the lower range is open, the upper built up. The pillars
supporting the walls and aisles on each side are square, and very plain,
except on their faces to the east, which are relieved by projecting
half-columns. The two outermost aisles on each side are much lower than
the others, and shew in their rough walls a very different and later
style of masonry, thus proving that they were added at a subsequent
period. The transept is divided from the nave by a large pointed arch,
and at their intersection is a dome, rising from a cylindrical drum
supported by four pillars ornamented with shafts of verd antique with
Corinthian capitals. The section of the dome is slightly ovoid and the
drum has pointed windows, which prove that it must have been wholly
rebuilt at a date later than the original foundation of the church. Its
walls on the inside are adorned in the Saracenic style with arabesques,
flowers, landscapes, and mosaics (executed during the reign of Selim I.
and Solyman). This mass of ornament, though devoid of taste, when
combined with the coloured glass in the windows, produces an agreeable
and at first sight striking effect. Behind the south arch and under the
dome in the south wall is the _Mikhereb_ of the Mohammedans, indicating
the _Kibla_ or direction of Mecca. This is ornamented with small shafts
of porphyry and verd antique; the wall being faced with slabs of very
valuable marbles of different colours; the keeper asserts that the black
stone in the middle was brought from Mecca, and was taken from that
given by God to Abraham, as a token of His covenant with him. On the
right of this is the _Minbar_ or tribune for prayers, a magnificent work
in cedar wood, executed in former times by the carvers of Aleppo; it is
called _Borkan-ed-din-Khadki_, and to the right of it, is the stone with
the print of our Saviour's foot, mentioned above; to speak the truth, it
requires a vivid fancy to see the impression. In the arms of the
transept are fine columns of granite, verd antique, travertine, and
lumachello[339], supporting capitals of different patterns and
unquestionable antiquity. In the western arm, on the left hand, are two
columns of verd antique, a small distance apart, called by the
Mohammedans the 'Columns of Proof,' because, according to our guide, all
who enjoy the favour of God can pass through the narrow space between
them, but not those who are wicked. The worn state of their inner sides
shews the great number of the faithful who have passed the test. This
arm terminates in a long hall, whose low vaulted roof is supported by
pointed arches springing from many-sided pillars; it is called the
mosque of Abu-Bekr, but is really an ancient gallery built by the
Crusaders. Our guide tells us that in their time it was used as an
armoury, which is doubtless the truth, as the mosque _el-Aksa_ itself
was converted into a dwelling-house. At the end of the eastern arm is a
small vaulted hall, resting on the city wall and lighted by windows
commanding a fine view of the slopes of Ophel, part of the Kidron
valley, and the Mount of Offence with the village of Siloam. This
chamber is supposed to be the place in which Omar prayed for the first
time within the walls of the _Haram_: by the spot where he knelt there
is a niche, ornamented with two columns of clouded grey marble, which
have been inverted by the architect, so that the capitals richly carved
with leaves serve as bases. This is called especially the mosque of
Omar, as it continued to be the private oratory of the Khalif. On
turning back to enter the main building, we see on the right a kind of
chapel, wherein is a niche ornamented with marble, called _Bâb er-Rahma_
(Gate of Mercy), near it are the _Mikhereb_ of S. John (Baptist) and
Zacharias. On quitting the mosque by the great northern door, and
turning to the right, we find a flight of steps leading down to the
subterranean vaults below it.
These consist of two large corridors running below and parallel to the
mosque. The floor slopes from north to south, and near the latter
extremity there is a change in the level[340]. At the entrance they are
separated by a wall entirely of Arab work, and farther on by an arcade
supported by square pillars; the vaulting is not quite circular, being
slightly flattened; it is very regular, and composed of stones of
moderate dimensions, well chiselled with sharp edges. They are not of an
uniform size, but nevertheless perfectly correspond with Roman work, as
do the two pillars, and cannot belong to an earlier period; being laid
with mortar and with great accuracy. The east wall is formed of oblong
blocks, all of moderate dimensions and laid with mortar. The stones are
well squared and smoothed by the hammer, without the least trace of
rustic work; the surface of the wall is smooth and perpendicular to the
ground and cannot be considered anything but Roman masonry. The west
wall differs somewhat from the above in the form of its materials; these
are large blocks of stone resembling in their size those attributed to
the Herodian age. On some the rustic work remains, on others there are
but slight traces of it, and after a very minute and careful
examination, I think that there has been an attempt to destroy it on
all, with the intention of smoothing the face of the wall: these blocks
are all laid with mortar, but not arranged in regular courses; and the
wall is perpendicular to the ground. It is quite evident that, though
materials found among the extensive ruins have been used in constructing
this wall, the present building is not of the age of Herod, still less
of Solomon, but without doubt of Justinian. At the south end of the
vault the two galleries unite, the line of the arcade dividing them
being only marked by a large monolithic column and two half-columns; one
attached to the last pillar on the north, the other to a wall on the
south. The vaulting of this chamber consists of four hemispherical
cupolas, divided by arches springing from the central pillar, with a
shell ornament on the pendentives. Two doors, still remaining in the
south wall, communicated with the outside. The one on the east is the
Gate of Huldah, which we noticed during our survey of the exterior,
inside it is marked by a marble pillar built into the wall; the other
opens into a chamber, and is flanked by two marble pillars with elegant
capitals[341]. The east and west walls in this lower portion of the
gallery are a continuation of those described above, and of similar
masonry; but the face of the south wall which divides the two doors is
entirely formed by four great blocks, laid without mortar. This, then,
together with the monolith and its capital[342], I consider a fragment
of Herod's magnificent building; but I attribute the cupolas in the
vaulting and the two doors to Justinian's restoration. It is very
probable that the gates and the gallery were built in the days of
Solomon, either as an entrance to the Temple from the south, or perhaps
as part of the substructure of the palace of Pharaoh's daughter, which
may have occupied this position. The whole was, no doubt, destroyed by
the Chaldeans and repaired to the best of his ability by Nehemiah. It is
very probable that the south gate and the galleries were rebuilt by
Herod, when he undertook his great work of the restoration of the
Temple, to form a communication between it (especially the Court of the
Gentiles) and the south part of the city. We need not suppose that it
was entirely destroyed when the Romans razed the sacred buildings,
because, though the ruins which fell upon it might injure the vaulting,
they would also cover and so preserve it. In the gate at the south
extremity we recognise the Middle Gates of Josephus; the position of
which is defined by the words of the historian: "the fourth front of the
Temple, which was southwards, had gates in the middle[343]." Justinian
was, I think, the person who repaired and adorned these gates, and
rebuilt the vaults, to support the foundations of his basilica, and
serve at the same time for a communication between Moriah and the south
part of the city. The east wall of the galleries is underneath the row
of pillars, on the east of the first side aisle in the same direction;
that is, under one of the outer walls of the ancient basilica; while the
west wall is exactly under the line running down the middle of the great
nave. The architect must have _rebuilt_ them to serve for this purpose,
and not simply availed himself of what was already there, because, as I
have already said, the character of the masonry in the walls shews that
it is not older than the age of Justinian.
Let us now refer to the account given by Procopius[344], who, after
stating that the Emperor Justinian had ordered a Temple, dedicated to
the Virgin, to be built at Jerusalem on the most prominent of the hills,
goes on to say, "The hills however had not sufficient space for the
completion of the work according to the Emperor's order; but a fourth
part of the Temple was deficient, towards the south and the east, just
where it is lawful for the priests to perform their rites. Hence the
following device was conceived by the persons who had charge of the
work--they laid the foundations at the extreme of the flat ground and
raised a building of equal height with the rock. When, then, they had
brought it as high as the extremity, they placed over the intervening
space arches from the top of the walls, and connected the building with
the remainder of the Temple's foundation. In this way the Temple is in
part founded on solid rock and in part suspended; the Emperor's power
having contrived a space in addition to the hill." He also states that
this is the only building in the city situated in this way. I agree with
what the historian says of the want of space, on the south and east
(where the ruined vault was), and that the persons in charge of the work
built the side walls as described, but do not believe that they were
the first persons to construct them; they found them existing, but in
ruins, and made use of the excellent materials which were lying on the
spot, to rebuild them to suit their purpose; repairing such parts as
they found standing upright and firm.
As I agree in almost every point with the opinion of M. de Vogüé, I
quote his words[345]: "This gallery is a Byzantine building, and is
roofed with two parallel barrel vaults, the inner sides of which are
supported by a row of semicircular arches springing from square piers.
The south end is covered by four domes arranged in a square, resting on
pendentives; and the four arches dividing and supporting them spring
from an isolated central column. This arrangement is characteristic, so
that though the end of the building is ancient, and probably of the age
of Herod, it is impossible to assign that date to a vestibule vaulted
with domes. This portion of the passage has then been rebuilt at a
comparatively modern period, namely that of the foundation of the
basilica."
The only point on which I differ from the above is, that I believe the
monolith, the south wall, and perhaps some portion (in the lower parts)
of the side walls of the end gallery to be of the age of Herod. Near the
entrance, on the west side, I discovered a dark room; the Arab wall
above mentioned has been built to enclose it, and, at the same time,
conceal a doorway, leading into an underground passage, which runs to
the west, and formerly came out inside the city, to the south of the
_Mekhemeh_. It is possible that the doorway, half buried in the ground,
near the Jews' wailing place, is its other extremity. I endeavoured to
clear a passage to it, but was prevented by the mass of rubbish by which
it had designedly been blocked up, and obliged to abandon my attempt;
the keeper however assured me that I was right in my conjecture. There
is also an aperture in the east wall, now closed with loosely built
stones and rubbish, which seems to have been the entrance to a passage
leading into the vault at the south-east corner of the _Haram_. In the
west wall of the western corridor, just before reaching the steps
leading down into the chamber of the monolith, is a small arch, rising
about four feet above the ground. A Mohammedan tradition asserts this to
be the entrance to an underground passage, leading to the Tomb of David;
it is now however impossible to explore it. There is also a space in the
east wall of the above chamber, formerly occupied by a doorway, which no
doubt communicated with a passage into the vaults we have already
visited, in the south-east corner of the _Haram_; it is exactly in a
line with the door I pointed out in them. Hence we see how the stables
were reached from inside the enclosure. Opposite to this doorway is
another, in the west wall, leading into the vaults below the mosque
Abu-Bekr or the armoury of the Templars. These are very likely the
underground passages in which the Jews took refuge during a riot[346];
that they communicated with Mount Sion seems established by the account
given by Josephus[347] of the attempted escape of the tyrant Simon from
that place; who appeared on the spot where the Temple had stood, dressed
in purple and white, in the hope of terrifying the Roman guard. This is
also an additional proof that the architects of Justinian were not the
original builders of these vaults.
Returning to the outer air and going towards the south-west angle of the
_Haram_ we see the mosque of the Mogarabins, or western Mohammedans. It
is a plain edifice without aisles, with some buildings attached to it
serving as a hospice for pilgrims; in which Abd-el-Kader resided during
his visit to the city in 1857. On the west side of the enclosure are
various buildings, chiefly of the dates of the Crusaders, of Saladin, or
of Solyman; with a chapel dedicated to _Cobba-Moussa_ (Moses), a
fountain for ablutions, and several small edifices which may be seen in
the plan.
The mosque _Kubbet es-Sakharah_[348] stands upon an irregular
quadrilateral platform, raised above the general level of the _Haram_,
consisting almost wholly of rock, and surrounded by a low wall intended
(most unsuccessfully) rather for ornament than use. Abutting on it, and
in different parts of the platform itself, are several small buildings,
crowned with elegant domes, and applied to various uses; some for
oratories or schools, or for interviews between the faithful and their
spiritual advisers; others for houses for the readers of the Koran,
dervishes, and the keepers of the mosque; others again for stores. Two
or three flights of steps on each side lead up to the platform, which is
regarded by the Mohammedans as a sacred place. The number of steps in
each flight is not the same, owing to the differences of level in the
general surface of the _Haram_. They are made of white Palestine
breccia, and at the head of each stands an elegant arcade of pointed
arches, with columns of different materials, such as granite, or verd
antique, or marble of less value; these generally differ both in height
and diameter, in their bases and in the patterns of their capitals.
Hence I am led to suppose that they formerly belonged to one of the
Christian churches, which the Mohammedans destroyed and robbed of their
ornaments to decorate their own sanctuary. These slender structures are
not all alike; some have four arches and three columns, others six or
seven arches with a corresponding number of columns; but their general
effect is very good. The whole of the platform is paved with large slabs
of white Palestine breccia, concealing the rough surface of the rock;
which I saw underneath when some slight repairs were in progress, and
also in the houses abutting on the wall, and in the cisterns; there is
therefore no doubt that this is the actual summit of Moriah.
From this esplanade there is a fine view of the mosque[349], a structure
whose lightness, elegance, and richness is surpassed by very few. Its
plan is very simple: a circular drum, rising above a regular octagonal
base, supports a pointed dome, whose form is enough to characterise the
building as Saracenic. The upper part of the dome is slightly pointed,
while the lower is almost imperceptibly contracted. Its gracefulness is
thus increased, without loss of grandeur. It is covered with zinc; the
drum is inlaid with small glazed tiles of different colours (called
Damascenes by the Levantines), which, being made expressly for the
purpose, bear on them arabesques and maxims from the Koran with other
inscriptions, standing out clearly from a blue background. The octagon
is faced with slabs of veined white marble for a height of five feet
from the ground; and then incrusted with coloured bricks, which
terminate in a cornice covered with Arabic inscriptions. The south-west
face of the octagon is uncovered, and exposes the original rough wall;
whose stones and masonry prove that the whole, without exception, is the
work of Saracenic artists. All the doors and windows are pointed; but
their original shape was slightly altered during the restorations in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; especially in the case of the
windows of the drum, whose outside moulding is now square.
Opposite to the Gate of David (on the east side) is a small building
with a dodecagonal dome, supported by columns of valuable marbles with
very old capitals. Their bases are of different heights, to compensate
for the inequality in the length of the shafts. It is called _Kubbet
es-Silsileh_ (the dome of the chain) or _Kubbet el-Berareh_ (the dome of
justice), being, according to Mohammedan tradition, the site of the
judgement seat of David, to which he will return on the Last Day[350].
After stamping on the floor and carefully examining the interior of this
edifice, I have come to the conclusion that there is a vault below it,
in the middle, which however is of no great size, and is very probably
part of a conduit. The south door has a porch supported by eight columns
of verd antique with Corinthian capitals; on the west, near to this, the
Santon points out a slab of veined marble called 'the Bird of
Solomon[351].'
In my description of the interior of the mosque[352], I shall, in a
great measure, follow the account of M. de Vogüé[353], with several
additions and omissions. It is divided into three concentric spaces, by
two arcades, the inner circular, the outer octagonal in plan. The first,
which supports the drum of the dome, is formed by four large
quadrangular piers and twelve columns; the second by eight piers and
sixteen columns; these two outer galleries have flat ceilings of painted
wood; the shafts of the columns are made of valuable marbles, the
majority of verd antique. I think they may have been taken from
Constantine's church of the Resurrection, when it was lying in ruins,
after its destruction by Chosroes; for many of them have been broken,
and are united again by iron hoops; others shew chips and bruises
apparently produced by a fall; besides, they do not correspond one with
another, either in diameter or in height. The history of the other
Christian edifices in Jerusalem supplies us with not a few instances of
a similar spoliation; while we have no record in the Mohammedan
chronicles, that valuable foreign marbles were brought by them to the
city; as was done by Constantine according to Eusebius. The bases of the
columns in the inner range are Attic, those in the second are different,
and of a debased style; very frequently the shaft rests on a cubical
plinth of white marble without any base moulding. Their capitals are
Byzantine, that is, resemble more or less closely an order which is a
coarse copy of the Corinthian[354]. The arches of the inner arcade
spring directly from the capitals of the columns; but the arrangement in
the outer one is very peculiar. On the capitals is placed a large block,
resembling a truncated pyramid (base square), supporting a horizontal
entablature, from which springs a series of slightly pointed arches:
their form and ornamentation are thoroughly Saracenic, as is the mosaic
work over the arches[355]. The quasi-capitals of the piers are formed by
an arcade in low relief, enclosing a series of palm trees, rudely
executed. The drum is inlaid with mosaic of various leaf patterns. The
upper part of the dome is profusely adorned with gilded arabesques on
different coloured grounds. The shape of the building, its ornamentation
in carved wood, mosaic, pictures and gilding; in a word, its whole
appearance bears a Turco-Arabian character of various periods, more
especially from that of Saladin to that of Solyman.
In the centre of the mosque is a rock, rising above the floor, and
occupying nearly the whole space under the dome, whose bare rough
surface is strangely contrasted with the rich decorations surrounding
it. This is _es-Sakharah_, the great object of the Mohammedan's
reverence[356], which gives the building its name. Its highest part is
some five or six feet above the pavement. No tool has ever touched its
upper surface, but the north and west sides have been hewn vertical, and
from the appearance of the work, I am inclined to think that it was done
when the mosque was built by Omar. A circular hole is cut in its highest
part towards the south-west, and on the south-east side is a doorway
leading down into a rather large chamber within it, whitewashed, and
lighted by the above-named hole. The Iman, who accompanied us, informed
us that the rock is suspended in the air[357], and also that it has a
great cavity beneath, and certainly by stamping on the floor and
striking the walls a hollow sound is produced; but this is not to be
wondered at, because, in order to give a more regular shape to the
chamber, (as it is only a cistern,) they have built a slight wall within
it all round, in front of the shelving sides. The hollow sound, heard on
striking a large slab in the middle of the floor, is to be explained by
the existence of a communication with a lower cistern; how I
ascertained this fact I will presently relate. The Mohammedans
themselves account for it by saying, that this is the well of the souls
of the dead, called by them _Bir el-arruah_[358]. I consider it the
cistern of the threshing floor of Araunah.
The Turkish Iman related to us many legends connected with the inside
and outside of this rock. The description of the plan will explain the
shorter of these; the others will be found in the Notes[359].
On quitting the mosque by the south door, we find, opposite to us, a
_minbar_ or pulpit, ornamented with small columns, and marbles of
different colours. Saladin built it as a place from which to read
prayers on days of great solemnity[360]. On the west of this, the spot
is pointed out on which he slept after entering Jerusalem, and where he
also remained to assist in the purification of the mosque.
I have now finished my description of those places in the _Haram_, which
can be easily seen or visited; but not of those below the ground, which
we will presently proceed to examine; but before doing this, I will
endeavour to apply to the _Haram_ area, the _data_, which history and
Rabbinical traditions afford to us on the position of the ancient
Temple.
From the historical and other evidence, which I have now brought
forward, it results that I consider _the rock of the Sakharah to fix,
positively and precisely, the position of the threshing floor of
Araunah, and, consequently, of the Temple of Solomon_.
Starting from this as a definite point, I shall endeavour, not indeed to
restore the sacred edifice in its minutest details, but to lay down on
the existing area the position of the House itself, and the principal
places in connection with it.
Now the surface of the _Haram_, at the present time, is divided into
three stages of different level.
(1) The highest is the rock _es-Sakharah_; unquestionably the summit of
Mount Moriah, which, doubtless, was left standing in a conspicuous
position, as a perpetual memorial to posterity of the spot, where David
offered the sacrifice, which God had so mercifully accepted. On this,
then, I place _the altar of burnt offerings_.
(2) The platform of the present mosque is to be regarded as the space
levelled by Solomon to support _the House itself, with the Inner Court
of the Priests, and the Great or Outer Court_, occupied by the people,
during the performance of the sacred rites.
(3) The lower plateau of the _Haram_ has been formed by the made ground
constructed by Solomon; which was afterwards extended, especially at the
time of Herod, to make a large and convenient space round the Temple;
and was at that time called _the Court of the Gentiles_.
Let us now proceed to examine in detail these three elevations,
referring to the authorities whom I have already cited in my
description of the Temples of Solomon and Herod[361]. I consider the
_Sakharah_ to be the site of the altar of burnt-offerings, because it is
very improbable that Solomon would have chosen any other position for it
than that indicated by an Angel to the prophet Gad. Those who object are
bound to explain why this rock alone was left in its natural rough state
amid the splendour of the Temple. If it were not reserved for some
purpose of the highest importance, it would never have been spared when
everything around it was levelled. We shall now see that this site
satisfies the requisite conditions. (1) _The altar was to be of unhewn
stone, and not reached by steps._ Therefore the bronze altar of Solomon
can have only been an ornamental casing for the rock. The shape of the
_Sakharah_ is adapted for this purpose, and it has a regular slope on
the south side leading up to the higher part; and, according to the
Rabbinic traditions, this was the position of the inclined ascent. (2)
_It was a square of twenty cubits._ The rock is large enough to admit of
this and still leave room for the ascent. (3) There must have been _a
capacious receptacle for its drainage_, as they burnt upon it the
victims and their fat, and sprinkled the blood upon and around it. This
was the cavern we have just visited, with the one below, which we shall
presently describe. (4) _It occupied an elevated position_, as appears
from both the Bible and the Rabbinic traditions; probably in order that
the sacrifices might be seen by the people. The present site satisfies
this condition. (5) There must have been _cisterns for water and
drainage on the north side_ to wash the victims and cleanse the ground
from blood, because there the Levites appointed for that duty flayed
them, and had their chambers[362]. (6) _On the east side of the altar
must be a 'place of the ashes,'_ where also the refuse of the victims
might be cast. I cannot but think that this would be outside the
above-named sacred courts; and in fact we find a connected system of
cisterns to the west of the Golden Gate, which I believe were used for
this purpose. (7) The great 'sea of bronze' was to the south-east of the
altar, as we are told by the Mischna; therefore _in this direction there
should be traces of the place from which it was supplied_. Now on the
platform of the mosque, south-east of the rock, is a vault, and to the
south of it many cisterns of water, one of which might have supplied the
sea. These latter, I think, may have been in the great court; so that
after the priests had purified themselves at them, they could enter the
sacred enclosure.
Therefore I conclude that the locality satisfies the conditions required
by this position of the altar of burnt-offerings and the places in its
neighbourhood; and we have only to see if the cisterns and vaults,
mentioned above, are connected by subterranean passages, to admit of the
flow of water or of blood, as the case may be. That this requirement is
also satisfied, will be presently seen from the account of my
investigations among them.
I have already stated that I suppose the Temple and its sacred courts to
have occupied the second plateau. The House itself was 60 cubits long
and 20 wide, lying east and west; the porch in front on the east side
was 10 cubits long. If then we circumscribe a square with a side of 20
cubits about the rock, facing to the four points of the compass, and
produce its north and south sides westward, we inclose a space on the
plateau large enough to admit a building of the required dimensions, and
sufficient space is left even for the courts and buildings of Herod's
Temple. We are told by Josephus that the Temple was not situated in the
middle of the area on the summit of Moriah, but rather towards the
north-west corner: a glance at the Plan will shew that this condition is
satisfied. The same historian relates that the Temple of Herod was a
square of 500 cubits; the place admits of this; consequently we may
conclude that we are right in assigning this site to the ancient Temple.
That the position of the third plateau has been rightly assigned, hardly
needs demonstration. The made ground is still to be seen on the east
side, and the levelled surfaces and projecting remnant of rock on the
north-west; while we have already noticed the great works by which it
was enlarged on the south. Hence the three levels of the _Haram
es-Sherîf_ correspond with the three spaces occupied by the ancient
Temple.
It may also be as well to mention a plan of Solomon's Temple, set forth
by some of the Rabbinical authors[363]. They circumscribe a square, with
a side of 20 cubits, about the rock, which they also consider the site
of the altar of burnt-offerings; about this they describe symmetrically
another square, with a side of 180 cubits; then dividing each side into
9 equal parts, and joining the opposite points, the whole is subdivided
into 81 squares, with the square about the rock in the middle. To the
west of this they leave one square, and consider the next three in the
same row to be the site of the House itself. The rows lying north, east,
and south of the five squares mentioned above, are considered to form
the Court of the Levites. (The square between the altar and the Temple
they suppose to have been occupied by the porch and its approach, the
walls of the building, &c.). Parallel to the east side of the above
court, at a distance of 10 cubits, they draw a line, and consider the
parts cut off on the west as the Court of the Israelites, and that
farthest to the east as the Women's Court. Every one may form his own
opinion as to how far this plan may agree with that of Solomon's Temple
(with whose dimensions we are only partially acquainted); for my part I
think that the spaces allotted to the courts are too small, and ought to
be enlarged.
In order that my investigations among the cisterns, pools, and conduits
in this part of Jerusalem may be understood, I must call the reader's
attention to the three following facts, which for the present I simply
state, but of which I will hereafter give a more detailed account, with
proofs of my assertions where they are necessary. (1) That water is
brought into Jerusalem, and especially into Moriah, by a conduit from
Etham. (2) That in the bath of the _Hammam es-Shefa_ is a spring of
undrinkable water. (3) That at the bottom of the Kidron valley, to the
south-east of the same corner of the _Haram_, is a spring called the
Fountain of the Virgin. I will now enter upon the history of my
discoveries, describing them in order of time, so that the reader may
understand the manner in which the conclusions I have drawn from them
were reached, and the various obstacles which I had to overcome. Before
undertaking an investigation of the subterranean works on Mount Moriah,
a task demanding so large an expenditure of time and money, and
encompassed with so many difficulties, wherein, if discovered, I might
be exposed to very great danger, without any hope of defence or escape,
I considered how far it could be avoided by a careful examination of all
that could be seen on the surface, by a study of the works on the
subject, and by collecting all the information that was possible from
ancient traditions and all other sources; but when all this was done, I
found that I had not been able to form a clear idea of the hidden
recesses of the _Haram_, of its ancient reservoirs and conduits for
water, blood, and other purposes, or of the points where the latter
entered or left the enclosure. I had indeed obtained a knowledge of many
useful facts, but not of what I wanted, and was therefore obliged to
wait until an opportunity occurred of making an accurate scrutiny of the
place itself. This was long in arriving; but by patience and
perseverance I at last succeeded in accomplishing my undertaking, as
will be seen from the following narrative.
I felt tolerably certain of the existence of a double-chambered cistern
beneath the _Sakharah_, (called in the Rabbinical traditions _Amah_,)
and had no doubt that it had been used to catch the blood of the
victims; in accordance with the statement in the Mischna, that under the
altar of burnt-offerings, to the south-west, was a conduit by means of
which the blood sprinkled on it flowed into the Kidron Valley[364]. I
had also seen on the north side of the platform of the mosque the
openings of two cisterns; and the Mohammedan keepers assured me that the
one to the north contained dirty water, but that the other was dry, and
had been so for many centuries. I accordingly tasted the water of the
former, and found it excellent; and therefore concluded that it was
nothing but a traditional prejudice, derived from the fact that the
place had formerly received the blood of the victims, which are said to
have been slain there[365]. I have already stated that the cistern on
the west of the Golden Gate appeared, in accordance with the _data_ in
the Bible, a probable position for the 'place of the ashes[366].' I had
also learned that some, especially among the Jews, were of opinion that
the Pool of Bethesda was not only used to cleanse the victims for
sacrifice, but also to receive the water which had served for that
purpose, when the animals were flayed in the neighbourhood of the
Temple; also that it was supplied from some pools on a higher level; and
that, when it became necessary to empty it, the filth escaped by a
conduit excavated in the rock, on the east, down into the torrent
Kidron. Now I do not know whether there was a channel of communication
from the Temple to the pool; but it is certain that there were upper
pools[367], and that its waters would naturally escape into the Kidron.
To establish this last point is impossible, from the quantity of rubbish
that fills the pool, and the accumulation of earth outside the walls;
but it is so obvious that it hardly needs demonstration. In the
south-east corner of the pool there is an opening, which apparently
belongs to a conduit, but it is now built up; and on the whole of the
south wall, which is almost buried with earth, there are not any signs
of other mouths. It was then evident that if the water came to it from
the Temple it must enter either from higher ground on the west, or by
the above opening. This however could not be proved without an
examination of the interior of the _Haram_. The keepers of the mosque
wished to persuade me that the water from the spring of the _Hammam
es-Shefa_ flowed into the cistern beneath the _Sakharah_. Very
frequently, on different days, during the deepest silence, I placed my
ear on the great slab, in the middle of the chamber in the rock, beneath
the mosque, but could not hear the slightest sound. I observed that the
floor was paved with marble, and therefore frequently examined both it
and the walls to see if they gave out damp; (if water had been flowing
below, there would certainly have been some moisture;) but they were
always perfectly dry, even during wet weather, so that this test induced
me to reject the common notion that water ran beneath this place.
Again, one day in the month of January 1857, during an excessively rainy
season, and while a quantity of fallen snow was melting, I observed, on
passing along the Kidron valley, a large stream falling down from the
mouth of a conduit high up in the western bank of the torrent, nearly
opposite to the Tomb of Absalom. I was delighted at the sight, and
instantly resolved to enter the place as soon as the flow of water had
ceased. However, on reflection, I abandoned the design; because I should
have exposed myself to certain danger, since the hill-side at that place
is almost vertical above, and excessively steep on both sides and below,
besides being composed of loose earth that has been thrown down there
and been accumulating for centuries. In course of time the opening was
closed by a landslip, but the water still forced its way through in the
rainy seasons of the following years. The question occurred to me, Can
this be the mouth of the conduit of blood? It was however impossible to
answer it without examining the ground, and this was impracticable by
reason of the great expense of removing such a quantity of soil, and the
fanaticism of the Mohammedans, who would never have allowed me to enter
a subterranean passage possibly leading towards the _Haram_; to which
place I had not then the right of entrance.
My next information was derived from a brave old Bedouin, who had taken
part in the war against Ibrahim Pasha. In the month of May of the same
year he informed me, in the course of the story of his life, that
underground conduits ran from the Fountain of the Virgin into the
interior of the city and Temple; which he had once traversed with a
company of Arabs in making a night attack on the city, in order to
surprise the Egyptian troops at the gates and admit his own companions.
I wanted him to give me more minute information, but he refused, even
when I offered him money; and it was not until a later period that I
obtained fuller details from a peasant in the neighbourhood of
Jerusalem; of which I afterwards availed myself, as will be seen: but
even in his case, in spite of bribes, I was obliged to content myself
with listening, without verifying what was reported.
In the month of September 1857, I was walking outside the east wall of
the _Haram_, and stopped to watch an Arab who was digging a grave near
the southern extremity of the cemetery. I entered into conversation with
him, with a view of quietly examining his excavation; but on reaching a
depth of three feet he stopped, as his work was finished; for the dead
Arabs like the earth to lie light upon them. However, by a present I
induced him to continue his labour; but after going down about 2 feet
more, he again desisted, at the instigation of another workman, who in
the mean time had come to bring him some food. A little more money set
them both at work, and after sinking 2 feet lower, they came upon
something hard, which on examination proved to be a wall, belonging, as
I suspected, to a conduit; and by widening the excavation a little, we
found the corresponding side wall at a distance of 3-1/2 feet, both
being of great age. I would gladly have had them continue their work;
but they were both tired, and also afraid of being seen digging so deep,
in the company of a European and Christian; besides, the corpse was
expected before long; so they partially filled up the hole as quickly as
possible. I was however satisfied with what I had seen, and a few days
after, having obtained permission from the Pasha, on some trifling
pretext, I employed them, with two other workmen, to make an excavation
opposite to the south-east corner of the _Haram_ (not being able to dig
farther to the north on account of the graves); and after two days' hard
work we found, at a depth of 11 feet, remains of a conduit resembling
the former, and, like it, 3-1/2 feet in breadth. The walls were 2-3/4
feet high, but had been higher, the upper part having been destroyed. I
thought that these were more likely to belong to the conduit for blood
than the opening which I had seen in the Kidron valley, as that was too
low relatively to the upper and middle levels of the _Haram_, and too
far (being about 30 feet) above the bottom of the valley, which is now
much higher than in former times; for I can hardly think that the blood
and filth would be openly disgorged in a kind of cataract from the
sewer. What a quantity of water would in that case have been required to
transport the refuse of the victims from the front of the Temple, where,
because of the Jewish law, they could never have been suffered to
remain! Two points however had to be established, the proof of which was
far from easy, before I could assert that the conduit for blood flowed
into the Fountain of the Virgin; a place which might have been chosen,
both because it was at a considerable distance from the Temple, and
because the constant supply of water from the spring would carry on the
refuse into the Kidron. These were, (1) whether the lowest part of the
Fountain (which is reached by a long descending flight of steps) was
above the bed of the torrent; and (2) whether, in the interior of the
_Haram_, a conduit had existed, connecting the cistern beneath the rock
_Sakharah_ with that on the west of the Golden Gate, and had gone from
this point outside the wall, in a course agreeing with the traces I had
already discovered. Accordingly I hired some of the peasants of Siloam,
and made an excavation in the valley, to the east of the mouth of the
Fountain, and ascertained that its lowest point was about 5-3/4 feet
higher than the present bed of the torrent; which has been much raised
by the rubbish accumulated during so many centuries, that is not only
brought down by the stream itself from the north, but also falls in from
the sides of the valley during the rainy season. This determined, I made
a second excavation near the steps leading down to the Fountain, and at
a depth of 16 feet found part of the bottom of the original pool, and a
fragment of the side wall; and thus saw that the conduit might have
emptied itself directly into this pool, into which the water flowed from
the Fountain (situated 5 feet above it): whence the refuse descended
into the Kidron 4-1/2 feet below, and so was carried away by the
torrent. As the quantity of water supplied by the spring could never
have been very large, it occurred to me that on special occasions, when
a great number of victims was sacrificed, there would be some method of
increasing the torrent to enable it to sweep away the refuse quickly;
and at first I supposed that the water of the Pool of Bethesda was used
for that purpose, but afterwards I found that it was not the only means
employed. Had I been able, I should at once have followed up the
subject, by investigations in the interior of the _Haram_; but all my
attempts at that time proved ineffectual, and I was obliged to wait for
a more favourable opportunity.
I obtained another clue to the positions of some of the cisterns within
the enclosure, during the summer months of 1857. I had frequently
visited the ground between the city-wall and the south-west part of the
_Haram_, in order to search for old coins, and was struck with the
luxuriance of the vegetation there, even in the driest weather. On
asking the farmer for an explanation of this, I obtained no other answer
than that it was due to God's grace. I did not of course doubt that this
was a sufficient cause; but at the same time I was desirous of finding a
more natural reason; the more so because, on certain evenings, I
observed that he drew a large quantity of water for his plants from a
cistern near the south-west corner of the _Haram_. I therefore asked him
repeatedly, and in all kinds of indirect ways, (as is necessary in
dealing with Arabs,) if his cistern contained much water; but he always
evaded my question, and I was never able to overcome his reticence or
outwit his craft. Even the offer of money produced no effect, and
subsequently he refused to allow me to examine its interior; still,
although baffled, I felt certain that this cistern was supplied from
another inside the _Haram_, which was the true 'God's grace.' I found
afterwards, as will be seen, that I was quite right in my supposition.
I had also frequently remarked, during the rainy season, that the water
running down the street in the central valley flowed into a large
opening on the east side, level with the ground, to the south of the
fountain near the bazaar leading to the _Haram_. From this I inferred
that it found its way into the sewer which passes along the valley at a
lower level. Some old men, who had for many years been employed in the
repairs of the conduits, told me that I was right, and informed me at
the same time that from this opening it was possible to go along
underground and come out inside the _Haram_, by a conduit which entered
a cistern on the lowest plateau, situated on the west side near the
south end of the platform of the mosque _es-Sakharah_, and filled by the
water that had drained from the street. Such was the information that I
had obtained concerning the underground works of the Temple, up to the
end of 1857. It had not enabled me to arrive at any positive conclusion,
and I was puzzled about the conduit for blood, because the Rabbinical
writers made it begin beneath the sacred rock on the south-west, in
which direction I had not been able to discover any traces of it.
During the winters of 1858 and 1859 no great quantity of rain fell at
Jerusalem, and the cisterns were in consequence not filled; so that in
the summer months there was a scarcity of water. Under these
circumstances Surraya Pasha ordered the conduit from Etham to be
repaired, in order that it might supply the _Haram_. I availed myself of
this circumstance, and entered many of the cisterns in that precinct,
which were either almost or quite dry, under the pretext of inspecting
them to see if they needed repairs. In the year 1856, when Kiamil Pasha
was governor, the Turkish engineer, Assad Effendi, had restored the
aqueduct, and I had assisted him as a volunteer, and had been able to
offer him some useful advice; which was the reason that I was now
employed.
I will now relate my discoveries in connexion with this conduit,
commencing at the point where it enters Moriah.
It comes down by the dyke or bridge crossing the Tyropoeon, and at the
present time empties itself into a small basin opposite to the entrance
of the _Mekhemeh_; but formerly it flowed into a large reservoir, still
existing in the lower part of that building, whence it went on into the
Temple. This chamber is now disused, and filled with rubbish. Thus by
their carelessness the Mohammedans lose the benefit of all the works of
antiquity in Jerusalem. From the above-named basin two conduits branch
out; the smaller and newer supplies water to the fountain in the middle
of the _Mekhemeh_, and then rejoins the larger and older one (2-3/4 feet
wide and 2-1/4 high), which, after passing under the _Bâb es-Salsala_,
enters the _Haram_, and then, after running some little distance
southward, turns off at an angle and goes to the fountain opposite the
mosque _el-Aksa_, whence it proceeds to the great cistern called _Birket
es-Sultan_. During the course of the work I observed that the quantity
of water which entered the latter reservoir was less than that which
arrived at the _Mekhemeh_; and on examination I found that the conduit
had formerly kept on to the south, instead of turning to the east, and
that its old channel still existed at that point, by which, although
very much dilapidated and full of earth, a large part of the water was
diverted into an ancient cistern, 29 feet deep, to the north of the
mosque of the Mogarabins. Into this I descended, and found 6 feet of mud
at the bottom; and after hard work ascertained that the water entering
it from the conduit went out by another made nearly on a level with the
floor, which was too much choked up to be passable, but which ran in the
direction of the cistern of 'God's grace,' at the south-west corner of
the _Haram_, so profitable to my friend the farmer. On the east side of
the cistern of the Mogarabin mosque is the mouth of a conduit, walled up
to a height of 3 feet from the vaulting. I saw some traces of it on the
surface of the ground, but was unable to excavate; however, it was
evident that it went into the _Birket es-Sultan_. We repaired the
above-named corner of the conduit at present used, so that all the water
might flow into the fountain of the Aksa, where it would have again been
diminished before reaching the _Birket es-Sultan_, if we had not
completely closed up the mouth of a very ancient conduit (3 feet in
width and height), running northward and communicating with the lower
chamber of the cistern below the _Kubbet es-Sakharah_, which was
entirely cut in the rock, and covered with large slabs as far as the
south staircase of the upper platform. The above remarks on the works in
connexion with the conduit from Etham are sufficient for my present
purpose, and I will now pass on to relate my discoveries in the
different cisterns and conduits into which I descended.
The water in the _Birket es-Sultan_ (Prince's Pool) was, at the time of
my visit, a foot deep; the sides and vaulting, with the piers supporting
it, have been hewn with great pains out of the rock. It is 32 feet in
height. In the wall near the opening from the fountain are notches cut
in the rock, obviously to be used as steps. There are two apertures in
its west side, the one already mentioned as coming from the fountain,
which almost touches the vaulting; the other, 4 feet lower down and
blocked up, which is the end of the conduit coming from the cistern near
the mosque of the Mogarabins. There is another opening on the north
which I could not examine; it is under the vaulting. On the south-east,
4 feet below the vaulting, is an opening walled up, corresponding with
the great chamber at the south-east angle of the enclosure, as I was
able to ascertain by examining the north-west corner of that place,
after removing a quantity of earth. On the south is another opening (now
closed with Arab masonry), 3 feet above the floor, 3-1/4 feet wide and
3-3/4 high; the beginning of a conduit mainly excavated and vaulted in
the rock, but for a short distance built with stones and roofed with
large slabs[368], which I have traced with difficulty and labour along
its whole course quite close to the Fountain of the Virgin. At certain
points it is 5 feet wide and 3-3/4 high. It bears the marks of a very
remote antiquity, and is, in my opinion, contemporaneous with the
building of the first Temple. After discovering this, I found out the
Bedouin peasant, who had on a former occasion told me of its existence,
and he now did not refuse to be my guide along it, and, to tell the
truth, I should not have been able to get on without him at some places,
either from the accumulation of rubbish, or the earth, which every
moment threatened to fall in, besides the great number of rats,
reptiles, insects, and a thousand other nuisances which I encountered. I
have traversed this passage three times and carefully examined it, and
regret to say that from its age and tottering condition parts of it will
soon fall into ruins. It is a great misfortune that a country possessing
so much that deserves to be studied and preserved should be governed by
a nation so unwilling to partake of European civilization.
We will now examine the cisterns to the north of the mosque
_es-Sakharah_[369]. On entering the northern one (29-1/2 feet deep) I
found the floor covered with wet mud to a depth of about 1-1/2 feet. At
the first glance I saw an opening on the south side, 3 feet wide and
4-1/2 high, half built up with Arab masonry, and after clearing away
some of the stones, earth, and mud that blocked it up, I passed through
it into another cistern in the same direction, 32 feet deep. These are
both very ancient, and are wholly excavated in the rock; and I have no
doubt that they belonged to the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite.
On the south and on the east of the deeper cistern are the openings to
two passages; the first leads to a conduit (3 feet wide and 3-1/2 high),
descending from the west; but after going a few feet along the passage
we find another conduit of the same size as the above, coming from the
south, and leading upwards into a double cistern, as I had always
expected. The form of the lower chamber is an irregular sphere, about 22
or 23 feet in diameter, its floor is covered deep with dry mud with a
few stones, (but rather too many for me to remove). On a careful
examination I saw, at a height of 12-1/2 feet, the mouth of the hole
leading to the upper chamber, about 6-1/2 feet in diameter and 4 feet
long, and the marble slab, which we have already mentioned as covering
it. This it was that the Santon struck with his foot or stick to prove
the existence of the 'Well of the Souls' below! There is a conduit on
the south, into which I entered through an aperture (now walled up), and
by a very gradual ascent reached the other extremity at the fountain
opposite to the mosque _el-Aksa_. The whole depth of the double cistern
is 28-1/2 feet below the top of the rock, and 23-1/2 below the pavement
of the mosque. The reader may imagine my joy at this result of my
labours, so long desired and so anxiously sought, and the gratitude I
felt to God for granting me this boon of ascertaining the position of
the altar of burnt-offerings, and the cisterns and conduits for blood
belonging to the ancient Temple; an ample recompense for all my toil. It
is true indeed that after a most careful search I have not been able to
find any opening on the south-west, in accordance with the statement of
the Rabbinical writers; but for this time I trust my own eyes, and that
suffices me.
Returning to the nearer of the two cisterns on the north of the mosque,
I went along the conduit, rising to the west, for a distance of 12 feet,
beyond which I could not advance because of the soil in it. It runs
exactly in the direction of the cistern, which is situated very near to
the north-west corner of the net-work on the Plan[370]: this I
afterwards endeavoured to enter, but found it filled with earth. The
other opening, on the east side of the first-named cistern, is that of a
descending conduit (about 3 feet wide and high), which I traversed for
some distance, until I was eventually stopped by a number of obstacles;
however, I ascertained clearly that it went towards the east.
The above observations are the results of three visits, in which the
short time I was allowed to stay, the frequent summons to depart,
coupled with not a few threats when I resisted, prevented me from making
farther investigations; but there is nothing more to be found there of
greater importance than the things I have mentioned.
On entering the cistern, excavated in the rock on the west of the Golden
Gate, I found that it was 20 feet deep, and that on the west side was
the mouth of the conduit, which I partially examined from the cistern
north of the mosque _es-Sakharah_. I was able to pass along it for some
distance on this side also, and found it to be 3-1/4 feet wide and 3
high. The only thing that now remained to be done was to find the
conduit leading out of the cistern towards the east: and after a long
search I had begun to despair, when a labourer, who was working at the
south side of the chamber, told me that there were signs of an opening
there; in a few minutes it was uncovered, and through it I entered into
another cistern, whose floor was 4 feet below the level of the former;
and on the east side of this was a conduit, 3-1/2 feet wide and 3 high,
running towards the _Haram_ wall, which must have communicated with that
the ruins of which I had found outside the east wall. I had thus
completed a chain of evidence, which established the course of the
conduit for blood, as laid down by me, at every point.
Marks of another opening appeared above the soil on the south side of
the same chamber, but I had not time to uncover it, being recalled into
the first cistern by the discovery of another passage on its north side;
through this I entered a series of cisterns, on a level of 3-1/4 feet
above the central. In the last of these, at the north end, was the
entrance to a conduit (2-1/2 feet wide and high), which sloped upwards
in the direction of the Pool of Bethesda. It was impossible to follow it
up, but from its direction, level, and design (as I will presently
shew), it must have corresponded with the opening (walled up) to which I
called attention at the south-east corner of the above Pool.
Before proceeding to draw my final conclusions from the above
observations, I must remark that it is untrue that the water flowing
down the street of the Tyropoeon valley, at the time of rain, supplies
the cistern (on the lowest level) at the south-west corner of the
platform of the mosque. This (24 feet deep and wholly excavated in the
rock) receives the water that has been used by the Mohammedans for their
purifications, which is carried off from it into the great sewer in the
Tyropoeon by a conduit on the west side. I shall discuss the springs
of the _Hammam es-Shefa_ more fully in another place; at present I will
only observe that the depth of the source is about 96 feet below the
surface, consequently it is impossible that its waters could flow into
the cistern of the _Sakharah_, and to the Fountain of the Virgin.
The cistern in front of the east gate of the bazaar (excavated in the
rock and 26 feet deep) has a conduit on the south, supplying the
fountain for ablutions, near the Chapel of Moses. This is filled by the
droppings from the terrace-roofs of the buildings on the east and west
of it, as well as from the ground around it. On the platform of the
mosque, near its south-east corner, is a cistern in the rock, whose
depth I was unable to measure, as it is nearly filled up: from it two
small conduits (of no antiquity) run in opposite directions, their
openings being above the vaulting; that on the north-west catches the
water dropping from the mosque, that on the east is intended to drain a
part of the platform, but it is now useless; both are visible on the
surface of the pavement. Lastly, the conduit parallel to the west and
north walls of _el-Aksa_, was made to receive the water from that
mosque, and carry it into the _Birket es-Sultan_. The remaining
cisterns, plentifully scattered over the _Haram_, are for the most part
useless. We see then that, while the Mohammedans pay no regard to the
works of antiquity, they are equally careless about those which are of
the highest importance to themselves.
Having thus narrated the investigations I have made and the information
I have collected, I will now state my conclusions on the connexions and
purposes of these underground works.
They are as follows: (1) That from the time of the building of the
Temple the conduit from Etham has emptied itself into the cistern
beneath the _Mekhemeh_, whence the water was conveyed into the Temple by
a branching system of conduits, the chief of which I have traced. (2)
That the cistern north of the Mosque of the Mogarabins was used as a
reservoir to supply Ophel, where at the present time but few traces of
these works are found. (3) The conduit leading from this into the
_Birket es-Sultan_ must have been intended to carry away any excess of
water, and also by this means to relieve that which now goes to the
fountain, especially when it might be out of order. It is obvious that
these filled the _Birket es-Sultan_, and consequently the great
reservoir at the south-east corner of the _Haram_. (4) It is probable
that the numerous cisterns on the west side may also have been fed by
different conduits, but I had not sufficient time to ascertain this. If
not, they might have been supplied by the drainings from the courts, the
terrace-roofs of the cloisters, and the Temple itself[371]. (5) The
fountain opposite to _el-Aksa_ is Saracenic, but not the basin in which
it stands. This supplied water to the cistern under the altar of
burnt-offerings, to cleanse it from the blood that flowed down from
above. Hence the stream ran into the cisterns on the north, and thence
into the 'place of the ashes' on the east, which I believe to have been
the southernmost of the underground chambers; and from this it went
outside the wall, and after passing along parallel to it, finally
emptied itself into the pool near the Fountain of the Virgin. (6) In the
'place of the ashes,' in which they cast the crops of the birds, the
entrails of the victims, and other refuse, a larger quantity of water
would be needful, especially at times when the sacrifices were numerous;
and I suppose that the conduit from the Pool of Bethesda was constructed
to augment the supply; also I fully believe that if I had found time to
uncover the apertures on the south of the 'place of the ashes,' and on
the north of the _Birket es-Sultan_, and to examine the cistern on the
south-east of the _Sakharah_, I should have discovered that this cistern
(where I place the 'bronze sea') was supplied from the _Birket_, and
discharged its waters into the 'place of the ashes.' Was there then also
a conduit on the north of the great reservoir at the south-east corner
communicating with the opening on the south of the 'place of the ashes'?
I sought for it without success owing to the accumulation of earth, the
want of time, and the continual interference of the Mohammedan guardians
of the _Haram_, who believed, as I suppose, that I was seeking for
treasures, when, on the contrary, I was spending my savings.
If, after the sewage had reached the pool by the Fountain of the Virgin,
there was still need of a further supply of water to sweep it away, that
could be brought by the long conduit from the south side of the _Birket
es-Sultan_, by the conduit at the east end of the Pool of Bethesda, and
especially by a conduit, which, starting from the west extremity of the
Bridge, runs down the Tyropoeon to the Fountain of the Virgin, along
which the whole stream from Etham might be diverted, if necessary. I
have not mentioned this before, but will give a fuller description of it
in another place. The conduit on the west slope of the Kidron valley,
nearly opposite to the Tomb of Absalom, which I saw discharging so much
water in 1857, may possibly have been another means of augmenting the
supply, and may very probably (although I have not been able to prove
it) communicate with the great reservoir at the south-east corner of the
_Haram_, and have occasionally been used to lay it dry.
I have now arrived at the end of my researches on Mount Moriah, and
leave the subject, trusting that some other explorer may find more
frequent opportunities and more favourable circumstances for examining
this venerable spot; and thus carry further my discoveries, and correct
any errors into which I may have fallen.
FOOTNOTES:
[171] Note I.
[172] Note II.
[173] Plates XI., XII.
[174] Gen. xxii. 2-14.
[175] Note III.; Gen. xxviii. 10-12.
[176] Gen. xxxv. 1-15.
[177] 2 Sam. xxiv; 1 Chron. xxi.
[178] 1 Chron. xxii. 1.
[179] Ant. VII. 13, § 4.
[180] 2 Sam. xvii. 18; Jer. xli. 8.
[181] Plate XXVII.
[182] 1 Maccab. vi. 32, 33.
[183] Note IV.
[184] 1 Kings v. 18.
[185] 2 Chron. ii. 13, 14.
[186] 1 Kings v. 10, 11.
[187] 2 Chron. ii. 16.
[188] 1 Kings vii. 10, 11.
[189] 1 Kings vi. 7.
[190] Jewish War, V. 5, § 1.
[191] Ant. VIII. 3, § 9; Jewish War, V. 5, §§ 1, 2.
[192] 1 Kings vi. 1, 38.
[193] Note V.
[194] Ant. VIII. 3.
[195] Palestine, pp. 289-292.
[196] 1 Kings vi. 2, 3.
[197] 1 Kings vi. 17-20; viii. 9.
[198] 2 Chron. iv. 9.
[199] 2 Chron. iv. 9; Ezek. xl. 17.
[200] 2 Chron. iv. 1; Ezek. xliii. 13, 18.
[201] Note VI.
[202] 2 Chron. iv. 2, 5, 6.
[203] 1 Kings vii. 38.
[204] 1 Kings vii. 38; 2 Chron. iv. 6; Lev. i. 9.
[205] 1 Kings vi. 5; Ezek. xlii. 13.
[206] Lev. i. 5, 11, 16; xiv. 11, 12.
[207] Ezek. xl. 40, 41, 42, 46.
[208] 1 Kings xiv. 25, 26.
[209] 2 Kings xiv. 13.
[210] 2 Kings xii. 4-14; 2 Chron. xxiv. 4-14.
[211] 2 Kings xxv. 9.
[212] 2 Kings xxv. 11, 12, 22, 23; Jer. xl. 6.
[213] Jer. xl. 12.
[214] 2 Kings xxv. 25.
[215] 2 Kings xxv. 26; Jer. xliii. 7.
[216] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23; Ezra i. 1; v. 13.
[217] Note VII.
[218] Ezra vii. 8, 9.
[219] Ezra iii. 8, 12, 13; Haggai ii. 3.
[220] Ezra iv. 1-24.
[221] Ezra iv. 24; v. 1, 2.
[222] Ezra vi. 15-17.
[223] Ezra vi. 3.
[224] Haggai ii. 3; Ezra iii. 12.
[225] Ant. XV. 11, § 1; Note VIII.
[226] 1 Maccab. i. 20-23, 35, 36, 41; Ant. XII. 5, §§ 3, 4.
[227] 1 Maccab. iv. 41-59; Jewish War, I. 1, § 1.
[228] 1 Maccab. xii. 35-37.
[229] 1 Maccab. xiii. 50-53.
[230] Ant. XIII. 6, § 7; Jewish War, I. 3, § 3.
[231] Ant. XIII. 11, § 2; Jewish War, I. 3, §§ 3-5.
[232] Ant. XIV. 4, § 2; Jewish War, I. 7, §§ 1-3.
[233] Ant. XIV. 16, § 2.
[234] Ant. XV. 11, § 2.
[235] S. John ii. 20.
[236] S. Mark xiii. 1, 2.
[237] Ant. XV. 11, §§ 3-7; Jewish War, V. 5 (the more minute account);
Note IX.
[238] Palestine, p. 551.
[239] Ant. XV. 11, § 3.
[240] Ant. XIII. 6, § 7; Jewish War, V. 4, § 1.
[241] Middoth, I. 3.
[242] Ant. XV. 11, § 5.
[243] Ant. XV. 11, § 3.
[244] S. Matt. xxi. 12.
[245] Note X.
[246] Mischna, 2, § 6.
[247] Mischna, 2nd part, Treatise _Yoma_, c. III., § 10; Babylonian
Talmud, same treatise, fol. 37.
[248] Exod. xx. 25; Deut. xxvii. 5, 6.
[249] Mischna, Treatise _Yoma_, c. III., § 1.
[250] Ezek. xl. 39, 40.
[251] 2 Maccab. ii. 4-7.
[252] Mischna, Treatise _Yoma_, c. V., § 2, and the Rabbinical
traditions in the Babylonian Talmud, same treatise, fol. 54.
[253] Jewish War, V. 5, § 1.
[254] Note XI.
[255] Jewish War, V. 5, § 2.
[256] Ibid. V. 5, § 8.
[257] Ant. XV. 11, § 7.
[258] S. John ii. 20.
[259] Jewish War, V. 5, § 8.
[260] Jewish War, V. 11; VI. 1.
[261] Note XII.
[262] Jewish War, VI. 6, § 2.
[263] Ibid. VI. 9, § 1; VII. 1, § 1.
[264] Note XIII.
[265] S. Matt. xxiv. 2.
[266] Note XIV.
[267] Note XV.
[268] Note XVI.
[269] Note XVII.
[270] Note XVIII.
[271] Note XIX.
[272] Note XX.
[273] Adamn. de Locis Sanctis, Lib. I. c. 1, ap. Acta SS. Ord. Bened.
Tom. III. Part 2, p. 304: "Cæterum in illo famoso loco, ubi quondam
Templum magnifice constructum fuerat, in vicinia muri ab oriente
locatum; nunc Sarraceni quadrangulam orationis domum, quam subrectis
tabulis et magnis trabibus super quasdam ruinarum reliquias construentes
vili fabricati sunt opere, ipsi frequentant; quæ utique domus tria
hominum millia simul (ut fertur) capere potest."
[274] Note XXI.
[275] William of Tyre, Book I. c. 12.
[276] Note XXII.
[277] Note XXIII.
[278] Note XXIV.
[279] Note XXV.
[280] Note XXVI.
[281] Plate XI.
[282] S. John v. 2.
[283] Plate XII.
[284] Plate XIII.
[285] Ant. XIII. 11, § 2; Jewish War, I. 3, § 3.
[286] Note XXVII.
[287] Page 20.
[288] Plate XIV.
[289] Jewish War, V. 4, § 2; 5, § 8.
[290] Ibid. V. 11, § 4.
[291] Ibid. V. 5, § 2.
[292] Ibid. V. 5, § 8.
[293] Ant. XV. 11, § 7.
[294] Plate XV.
[295] Plate XVI.
[296] See Ch. I. p. 15.
[297] S. John v. 2-9.
[298] Plates X., XVIII.
[299] Plate XVII.
[300] Note XXVIII.
[301] Plate X.
[302] Plate XVIII.
[303] Note XXIX; Page 7.
[304] Plate XXIX. See the details of the Golden Gate.
[305] Plate XXVII.
[306] Plate XIX.
[307] Note XXX.
[308] Plate XX.
[309] 2 Kings xxii. 14.
[310] Note XXXI.
[311] Plate XXI.
[312] Ant. XV. 8, § 1.
[313] Ant. XIV. 4, § 2; Jewish War, I. 7, § 2.
[314] Jewish War, VI. 6, § 2; 8, § 1.
[315] Page 23.
[316] Guide d'Orient. Description des Environs du _Haram-es-Sherîf_.
[317] Ant. XV. 11, § 5.
[318] In my opinion, of the date of Herod.
[319] Narrative of a Journey round the Dead Sea, Vol. II. pp. 100, 101,
(edited by Count E. de Warren).
[320] Note XIII.
[321] Plate LVIII.
[322] Holy City, Vol. II. pp. 43, 392. Second Edit.
[323] Note XXXII.
[324] Plate XI.
[325] Plate XIV.
[326] Plate XIX.
[327] Ant. XV. 11, § 5.
[328] Ant. XV. 11, § 5.
[329] Mejir-ed-din, Mines d'Orient, Vol. II. p. 95.
[330] Plate XXIV.
[331] De Edific. Justin., Lib. IV. c. 6.
[332] Note XXXIV.
[333] Eutychius, Annales, II. 246. Dielal-ed-din. Kemal-ed-din.
Mejir-ed-din.
[334] The Holy City, Vol. I. p. 318. Second edition.
[335] Note XXXV.
[336] Plates XXIII., XXIV.
[337] See M. de Vogüé's work, Les Églises de la Terre Sainte.
[338] Plate XI. (Plan).
[339] A variety of marble, generally of a dark brown colour, full of
fossil shells, exhibiting beautiful iridescent colours, due to the
nacreous matter of the shells; sometimes deep red or orange, when it is
called fire-marble.
[340] Plate XXIV.
[341] Plate XXV.
[342] See details, Plate XXIX.
[343] Ant. XV. 11, § 5.
[344] De Ædificiis Justiniani, Lib. V. cap. vi. (Translated in Rev. G.
Williams' Holy City, Vol. II. p. 369).
[345] Les Églises de la Terre Sainte, par le Comte Melchior de Vogüé, p.
272. He also quotes the Rev. G. Williams in confirmation of his opinion.
[346] Jewish War, V. 3, § 1.
[347] Jewish War, VII. 2, § 1.
[348] Plate XI.
[349] Plate XXVI.
[350] Note XXXVI.
[351] Note XXXVII.
[352] Plate XXVII.
[353] Les Églises de la Terre Sainte.
[354] Plate XXIX.
[355] Note XXXVIII.
[356] Note XXXIX.
[357] Note XL.
[358] Note IV.
[359] Notes XXXIX., XL.
[360] Note XLI.
[361] Pages 48, 49, 53, 54.
[362] Levit. i. 11; Ezek. xl. 35-38.
[363] See the enclosed space, covered with cross lines, about the Mosque
of Omar, Plate XI.
[364] Mischna, 2nd part, Treatise _Yoma_, c. 3, § 1.
[365] Ezek. xl. 39-41.
[366] Levit. i. 16.
[367] Jewish War, V. 11, §§ 4, 5.
[368] See the Conduits, Plate X.
[369] See the sections, Plate XII.
[370] Plate XI.
[371] Note XLII.