MOUNT MORIAH AND ITS ENVIRONS--HISTORY IN THE TIME OF ABRAHAM,
JACOB, DAVID, SOLOMON, ZERUBBABEL, ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ANTIOCHUS
EPIPHANES, THE MACCABEES, POMPEIUS, CRASSUS, THE HERODS, TITUS,
HADRIAN, CONSTANTINE, JULIAN THE APOSTATE, OMAR, ABD-EL-MALEK,
VALID OR ELULID, THE CRUSADERS, SALADIN, SELIM I., SOLYMAN
I.--GENERAL EXAMINATION OF MORIAH, WITH DETAILS OF THE
INVESTIGATIONS.
Mount Moriah, forming the south-east part of the Lower City, is one of
the points in Jerusalem whose situation can be fixed with the greatest
certainty, from the evidence of the place itself with its ruins and
remains, and from the testimony of ancient authors and local traditions.
At the present day it is surrounded by walls and buildings enclosing
the great plateau, in the middle of which rises the majestic
_Kubbet-es-Sakharah_ (Dome of the Rock), on the site formerly occupied
by the Temple of the God of Israel. The followers of Islam, on their
conquest of Jerusalem, dedicated this spot to the service of their own
faith, under the name of _Beit-el-Mokaddas-es-Sherîf_ (the Noble
Sanctuary). They esteemed it the holiest place on earth, after Mecca and
Medina, and, as usual, strictly forbade all unbelievers to enter it. An
accurate and scientific examination of it was not made, so far as we
know, in the days of the Crusaders, and since then, though many have
attempted it, none have succeeded. Ali Bey's description, made A.D.
1807, is correct enough for a traveller, but does not touch upon
questions of archæology; Catherwood, Bonomi, and Arundale, during
Ibrahim Pasha's occupation of Syria, A.D. 1833, commenced a survey with
plans and views; but were hindered and finally stopped by the fanaticism
of the Arabs, and so obliged to bring to a hasty conclusion a work
carefully begun. Many have spoken before scientific societies and
written on this subject in various publications; some after looking at
the place from the Mount of Olives or the terrace of the Barrack at the
north-west corner of the enclosure, others after a hurried visit; but no
one since the time of its destruction by Titus has examined the ground,
no one has carried on careful and systematic investigations there; all
have been content to speak of what appeared above the soil, and were
consequently ignorant of the objects of far greater interest below.
In consequence of the late war in the East, Mohammedan fanaticism was
somewhat abated, and Kiamil Pasha, Governor of the city, several times
allowed travellers to visit the _Haram_[171], and kindly gave me
frequent leave to enter it alone, without forming one of the train of
some distinguished visitor; at other times I went in disguise with Arab
friends; but on all these occasions I could only use my eyes, and now
and then venture to measure a distance by stepping it. This was not what
I wanted, for I had determined to construct plans and thoroughly examine
the ground in every direction. My wishes were carried into effect by the
great kindness and powerful protection of Surraya Pasha, who attached me
to his service as honorary architect, and then gave me every opportunity
and assistance in accomplishing my design, during a period lasting from
the beginning of 1857 to August 1861, when I returned to Europe. I have
accordingly examined this celebrated place, patiently and perseveringly,
and with no small sacrifice of time and private means[172]. I have
penetrated into the subterranean works, sought out and classified the
conduits and ascertained their course, constructed plans[173], and now
present the details of my labours to the reader, in confidence that,
even if I have not fully accomplished my design, I am the first to bring
forward many facts useful to archæology, and that if others continue the
researches (when that is possible) many great problems will be solved.
The first mention of Moriah in the Bible is when Abraham, in obedience
to the divine command, came to it to offer up his son Isaac, and the
Almighty, satisfied both of the faith of the father and the obedience of
the son, arrested the knife, and substituted another victim[174]. It is
possible that this mount may have been the scene of Jacob's dream[175],
and not the Bethel usually supposed; where at a later period the golden
calf was set up by Jeroboam. Had it been the latter place it is rather
improbable that the patriarch would have halted at so short a distance
from Shechem, when he fled from the vengeance of the neighbours of
Hamor[176]. Moriah is not directly mentioned in the account of David's
conquest of Jerusalem, nor in the history of his reign, but it is
indirectly when his country was smitten by a pestilence, after that, led
astray by pride, he had numbered the people[177]. He repented and
entreated God, who checked the destroying angel's hand, as his sword was
stretched out over Jerusalem. Bidden by the prophet Gad, the King went
out from the city to raise an altar to the Lord on the threshing-floor
of Araunah the Jebusite, near to which he had seen the angel. He found
the owner with his four sons threshing wheat, purchased the floor for
600 shekels of gold, with the oxen for sacrifices, the grain for
meat-offerings, and the instruments for wood; built an altar there, and
called upon the Lord. The fire of heaven descended upon it, and the
angel thrust back his sword into the sheath. He continued to sacrifice
there, saying, "This is the house of the Lord God, and this is the altar
of the burnt-offering for Israel[178]." From the above narrative we see
that the threshing-floor was without the city, and the property of a
Jebusite, that it was a sacred spot, chosen by the Lord himself for his
House, and identical with Moriah. Josephus[179] informs us that this was
the very place to which Abraham brought his son Isaac to offer him as a
burnt-offering.
Here it will be well to digress a little to describe a 'threshing-floor'
(Goren) of this period. It consisted of a plot of ground, usually rocky,
levelled to allow of the crops being spread out to the air and sun,
ready for the labourers, yet so situated as to be sheltered from the
full force of the prevailing wind. For greater security it was usually
near a dwelling; and, either within the enclosure or in the immediate
neighbourhood, cisterns were hewn in the rock, some to catch the
rain-water, others to hold the grain and other farm produce[180]. The
purposes for which these were designed can be determined from their
form. Those for water have only one chamber, with a shaft (about 2-3/4
feet wide) opening out into the middle of the roof; the rest have two
chambers, one below the other, communicating by a hole (about 4 feet
wide) in the middle of the floor of the upper[181], which itself opens
to the threshing-floor by a sloping passage (about 3-1/2 feet wide). The
lower cavern is deeper and larger than the upper.
I have met with very many of these cisterns during my frequent journeys
in Palestine, where they are still applied to their ancient uses; they
are especially common in those Arab villages which stand upon sites
mentioned in the Bible; as at Beth-shemesh, on the road from Jaffa to
Jerusalem just at the east of the village of _El-Atrun_, at _Neby
Samwîl_ (formerly Ramah the home of Samuel), at Gibeon and Beth-horon,
at _Beit-zacaria_, the ancient Bath-zacharias[182], at _El-Kebab_ in the
plain of Sharon, and in many other places.
In the threshing-floor of Araunah there are many cisterns, but I wish to
call especial attention to two very near each other, to the north of the
_Kubbet-es-Sakharah_[183] and to one inside it, beneath the sacred rock;
of which the visitor can only see the hole on the north-east side and
the upper part, but can convince himself by the hollow sound of the
existence of the lower cave. These are, in my opinion, the strongest
proofs of the identity of the position of the mosque and its platform
with the ancient threshing-floor of the Jebusite. I will hereafter
explain how I contrived to explore the interior of the cisterns in a
place of such sanctity.
David collected materials, and instructed his son to build the Temple on
the spot where he had offered sacrifice; and when Solomon had
established himself upon the throne, he commenced the work, which was to
perpetuate the glory of his reign. As his own dominions were not able to
supply suitable wood for the building, and as his people had not as yet
made sufficient progress in art to enable him to execute his magnificent
designs, he asked Hiram king of Tyre to furnish him with cedars from
Lebanon and Phoenician masons[184], with a skilful artist to direct
the work[185]. His request was granted, a treaty was made between the
two kings[186]: timber was prepared and brought to Jaffa[187] by orders
of Hiram, while Solomon had great blocks of stone, of 8 and 10
cubits[188], quarried and transported to the spot ready for use, so that
"there was neither hammer, nor axe, nor any tool of iron heard in the
house, while it was in building[189]." Before laying the foundations of
the Temple itself he executed great works to enlarge and strengthen the
ground[190]. Josephus indeed states that the summit of the mountain was
so abrupt and surrounded by precipices, that it was hardly large enough
to support the sacred house and the surrounding buildings, and that in
consequence a wall was built on the east, rising 400 cubits from the
bottom of the valley, and the intervening space filled up with earth to
support a portico[191]. The work began in the fourth year of his reign
in the month _Zif_ (April-May) and lasted seven years[192].
I agree with Munk that it is impossible to give an exact description of
this Temple; those found in 1 Kings vi. 7 and 2 Chron. iii. and iv. are
very incomplete, and often hard to reconcile; besides the meaning of the
architectural terms used in them cannot readily be determined. That
given by Josephus frequently differs, especially in dimensions, from
those given in the Bible, and the details which he adds seem based upon
mere conjecture. The numerous modern accounts[193] are very dissimilar
and present great difficulties, when elevations are made from them. We
may therefore conclude that a correct idea of the proportions and
architecture of Solomon's Temple cannot be obtained; consequently I have
put aside during my researches all considerations about the height,
style, and ornamentation of the building, referring my reader to
Josephus[194] and Munk[195], and concerned myself only about the
details relating to the ground-plan. This was an oblong, 60 cubits in
length from east to west, and 20 cubits wide. At the entrance of the
Temple on the east was a portico called _Oulam_, measuring 20 cubits
from north to south, and therefore corresponding with the house, and 10
cubits from east to west[196]. The Temple itself was divided into two
distinct parts; that in front on the east, called _Hechel_ (Palace), now
the Holy Place, was 40 cubits long; inside it, on the right or north,
was the table of shewbread, on the left the seven-branched candlestick;
between these in front of the veil, the altar of incense. The inner
part, _Debir_ (the Holy of Holies), was twenty cubits square, and
contained the ark alone, in which were the two tables of stone, placed
there by Moses at Horeb[197].
The Temple was surrounded by two courts. The inner is mentioned in 1
Kings vi. 36, but its dimensions are not recorded; it was probably an
oblong, enclosing the building, which stood near the west end, so as to
leave a considerable space in front, where the holy things, used in the
Jewish ritual, were arranged; as none but the Priests could enter this,
it was called the court of the Priests[198]. Besides this there was the
'great' or 'outward' court[199], where the people assembled to worship.
In the middle of the inner court, opposite to the entrance of the
Sanctuary, was placed the great bronze altar of burnt-offerings, which
was 20 cubits square and 10 cubits in height[200]. South-west of this
and south-east of the Temple, was the large laver called from its size
the 'sea of bronze,' 10 cubits in diameter and containing 3,000
baths[201] of water, used for the lustrations of the priests[202].
Besides this there were ten other vases, 4 cubits in diameter, five on
either hand, each containing 40 baths[203]; these were used in washing
the burnt-offerings[204]. The effect of these works was to change
entirely the appearance of the Moriah of Abraham and David; but the
threshing-floor of Araunah, which had sustained the original altar, was
handed down to posterity by the succession of events which identified
the spot, and the indelible traces of antiquity, yet to be found there.
As Solomon had built in the Temple enclosure houses for the
Levites[205], besides the laver and altar of burnt-offering; it was
necessary for him to construct conduits and cisterns to bring, to keep,
and to carry off water for the religious ceremonies and the various
purposes of daily life, as well as to remove the blood of the victims
and other refuse. On this point the Bible is silent, but we can easily
see that there were not any sources of drinkable water in the Temple and
its vicinity, or indeed in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem; and that the
rain-water alone could not be depended upon for a supply sufficient for
the wants of the place; we may therefore assert with confidence that
Solomon must have made great works to bring water from distant sources,
as from Etham (Eccl. ii. 6), where an abundant quantity could always be
obtained; with cisterns to keep it, and conduits attached to convey it
to different parts of the platform of the Sanctuary.
We are told that the victims were slain on the north, the blood
sprinkled about the altar, and the refuse cast away towards the east, in
the 'place of the ashes[206],' and the Priest's chambers built on the
north side of the altar of burnt-offerings[207]. Hence it follows that
drains must have existed at the altar of burnt-offerings, on the
north-side, and at the 'place of the ashes.' That these and many other
things were constructed by Solomon, we shall presently see from my
investigations in the _Haram-es-Sherîf_; I have now only alluded to the
account given in the Bible of the ground-plan of the building, in order
to be more easily understood in describing them.
Although the Temple was sacked in the reign of Rehoboam by Shishak king
of Egypt[208], and under Amaziah by Joash king of Israel[209], and
repaired by Joash king of Judah[210], it did not undergo any material
change up to the time of its destruction by the Chaldeans. It was set on
fire by order of Nebuchadnezzar, with the rest of Jerusalem, and in a
few days became a heap of ruins. So fell the first Temple of the Lord,
rather more than four centuries after its first foundation[211]. This
done, the Chaldeans carried away a part of the people into captivity,
but left the poorer class to cultivate the land; over whom Gedaliah,
their countryman, was set as governor. He fixed his residence at
Mizpah[212], the abode of Jeremiah, and under his good rule the number
of inhabitants rapidly increased, the fugitives returned from all
quarters, tranquillity and order were established, and the people began
to devote themselves to the vintage and the harvest of summer-fruits[213];
but before long a traitor, Ishmael, overthrew the hopes of this remnant of
Judah by the murder of Gedaliah[214], after which the greater part of
them, fearing the anger of the king of Babylon, migrated into Egypt, and
settled in the land of Tahpanhes[215], five years after the destruction of
Jerusalem. From these facts, derived from the Bible, it is evident that
the country was never wholly cleared of its inhabitants during the
captivity; and that, as Jeremiah mourned for five years over the ruins of
the city, so might many others follow his example during successive years;
so that the recollection, not only of the site of the Temple, but of its
very details, would be preserved, together with the traces of the ancient
threshing-floor of Araunah, and the cisterns, which must have escaped the
flames.
Cyrus ascended the throne of Persia B.C. 536, and in the first year of
his reign allowed the Jews to return to Palestine and rebuild the
Temple[216]; fifty-two years after the destruction of the city, and
sixty-three after the exile of King Jehoiakim[217], a numerous band,
headed by Zerubbabel and Joshua, set out for Judæa, and arrived there
after a journey of four months[218]. The next year, B.C. 535, in the
second month, Zerubbabel began to rebuild the Temple, and the new walls
rose among the joyful shouts of the young men, who saw them for the
first time, and the tears of the old, who remembered the greater glories
of the former House[219]. Hence we see that persons, worthy of credit,
who had seen the first Temple, were alive when the second was built; and
therefore cannot but believe that it stood on its ancient foundations.
The Samaritans, ever the rivals of the Jews, wished to share in this
work; and when their offers were rejected, harassed the workmen and
interrupted its progress, until, at last, by sending exaggerated and
false reports to the King, they obtained an order suspending it[220].
After a lapse of fifteen years, in the second year of Darius,
Zerubbabel[221], instigated by Haggai, re-commenced the building; which
was finished and solemnly inaugurated[222], in the sixth year of Darius
B.C. 517, on the third day of the month _Adar_ (February-March). We do
not find any description of the dimensions and appearance of
Zerubbabel's Temple: according to the decree of Cyrus[223], it was to be
sixty cubits broad and as many high; but these dimensions cannot be
relied on, because we are told that the new edifice was not in any
respect equal to the former[224]. It was visited by Alexander the Great
B.C. 332; and if we can credit Hecatæus of Abdera, a contemporary of the
conqueror, it differed considerably in style and size from Solomon's
Temple; the dimensions of the enclosure in which it stood were six
plethra (606 feet) long and 100 cubits wide; the great altar of
burnt-offerings was built of large white unpolished stones, being 20
cubits square and 12 high. According to the assertion of Herod the
Great, quoted by Josephus[225], the second House was not so high as the
first.
Antiochus Epiphanes entered Jerusalem B.C. 170, and after killing many
of the Jews and plundering the Temple, withdrew to Antioch. After two
years he returned, persecuted the people more barbarously than ever, and
profaned the House of the Lord, despoiling it of all that had been left
on the former occasion. He built a fortress in the lower city in a
commanding position, and placed therein a Macedonian garrison to harass
all who went to pray at the Holy Place[226]; still the form of the
Temple and its enclosure remained unaltered during this calamitous
period.
Never have more glorious deeds been done by any nation than by the Jews
under the rule of the Maccabees, men ever ready to die rather than break
the laws of their God and country. The Temple was recovered and cleansed
from pollution; the sacred things, which had been carried away by the
Syrians, were recaptured; the altar of burnt-offerings, having been
defiled by heathen sacrifices, was destroyed and a new one erected[227];
the walls surrounding the Temple, which had been pulled down by
Antiochus Eupator, were rebuilt by Jonathan, and strengthened by
towers[228]; the neighbouring fortress on the hill Acra was captured by
Simon, the Macedonian garrison expelled, and the building razed. The
hill itself was levelled, so that it no longer commanded the Temple:
three years of incessant labour, night and day, being spent on the work.
He afterwards fortified Moriah, and built his house upon it[229],
probably on the site at the north-west corner, where his successors
built the castle Baris[230]. In this dwelt Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus,
by whose orders his brother Antigonus was murdered, at a place in an
underground passage, leading to the castle, called Strato's Tower[231].
I shall return to this again, as I think that I have discovered it, or
at least been the first to identify it.
At the time of Pompeius the Great the Temple was joined to the city by a
bridge, which was destroyed by the followers of Aristobulus, as they
retreated within the sacred walls, and prepared to defend themselves
against their assailants, who had called the Roman forces to their aid.
On the north it was protected by high towers and a deep ditch, excavated
with great pains in a valley; and on the west by precipices, which could
not be scaled when the bridge was broken down[232]. The Roman conqueror
entered the sanctuary, but respected its treasures, and permitted the
Jews to carry on their worship without interruption. Crassus, on the
contrary, though only passing through Jerusalem, did not imitate the
moderation of Pompeius, but despoiled it of its treasures and sacred
vessels. The last calamity that befell it was when some of the cloisters
were burnt, during the siege by Herod the Great[233].
Of all the great works executed by this King, the most important for
several reasons was the Temple of Jerusalem. In the eighteenth year of
his reign he convoked a national assembly, and set before them the
necessity of rebuilding it, giving as his chief reason that, at the time
of its restoration by Zerubbabel, it had not been made of the proper
dimensions or on the right plan. No doubt a house, raised five centuries
before, by a poor colony, with funds supplied by the King of Persia,
must have had a paltry appearance, contrasted with the magnificent
buildings erected by Herod in the highest style of Grecian art. The Jews
hesitated to consent to his scheme, fearing that after he had
demolished the old Temple, he might be unable or unwilling to finish the
new. He reassured them by promising not to begin to pull it down, until
he had collected all the materials required for so great an undertaking.
He kept his word; two years were spent in preparation[234]; the
sanctuary itself was completed in eighteen months, and the courts and
their cloisters in eight years; but the works in the outer buildings
were carried on for a much longer time[235]. This wonderful pile rose
upon the summit of Moriah, now enlarged by the labours of many
centuries, and surrounded by solid walls and deep valleys, more like an
impregnable fortress than a house of prayer; therefore the Apostles,
beholding with wonder the huge blocks of stone, bound with clamps of
lead and iron into a mass as firm as the rock itself, said one day to
our Saviour, "Master, see what manner of stones and what buildings are
here!" The truth of His reply may still be seen at the place
itself[236].
I must now describe the ground-plan of the Temple sufficiently to enable
my readers to understand my investigations; referring those who are
desirous of entering more minutely into the subject, to the two accounts
of Josephus[237], and the description of Munk, to which I am greatly
indebted[238]. The area, enclosed by the outer wall, (called in the
Mischna 'the Temple Hill,') was a square of 500 cubits, or, according to
Josephus[239], of one stadium. This was divided into a series of
platforms, rising one above the other, and the Sanctuary was situated
rather nearer to the north-west corner, on the highest ground. This
arrangement produced a magnificent effect, and rendered the building
visible from every part of the city[240]. In the outer wall were several
gates; five, according to the Mischna[241], two on the south, and one on
each of the other sides; but in Josephus[242] it is stated that there
were four on the west alone, the numbers on the other sides not being
mentioned. Cloisters were built round the wall on the inside, those on
the east, north, and west were double, being supported by three rows of
columns, and thirty cubits wide; that on the south, called the 'Royal
Cloister,' was triple, and supported by four rows of columns[243]. The
Temple-market was held in this court; for all, even foreigners, were
allowed to enter it; hence it has been called by modern authors the
'Court of the Gentiles[244].' It was bounded on the inside by a stone
balustrade, in which columns were placed at certain intervals, bearing
inscriptions forbidding the Gentiles to pass them. In this fence,
according to the Mischna, were thirteen gateways from which fourteen
steps (each half a cubit in height and breadth) led up to a platform
ten cubits wide, called by the Mischna, _Hêl_ (before the wall), above
which rose the wall enclosing the sacred precincts. This was 25 cubits
high, and had nine gates, four to the north, four to the south, and one
to the east; these were approached by five steps; consequently the
enclosure was higher than the _Hêl_. It was divided into two courts, one
on the east, another on the west. The eastern gate led into a court, 135
cubits square, devoted to the women, and called after them _Azarath
naschîm_ (court of the women). This was divided from the western court
by a wall, in the middle of which, opposite to the entrance into the
women's court, was 'Nicanor's Gate[245],' approached by five steps
circular in form; the western court was therefore raised above the
eastern. It surrounded the Sanctuary, and was 135 cubits from north to
south, and 187 from east to west. The wall on the inside was surrounded
by columns; and on the north, east and south were a number of chambers,
devoted to various purposes, among which was the Hall of the Sanhedrim,
_Lischcath Hagazîth_. This court was divided by a balustrade, 11 cubits
from the east end, in the middle of which were three flights of
steps[246], from which the Priests blessed the people. The part devoted
to the men (135 cubits from north to south, and 11 from east to west)
was called the 'Court of the Israelites,' _Azarath Yisrael_: the other,
the 'Court of the Priests,' _Azarath Cohanîm_.
The Temple itself was 100 cubits in length, and as many in height; its
east front was formed by a vestibule, 100 cubits wide, measuring from
east to west 11 cubits, according to the Mischna, and 20 according to
Josephus. The rest of the building was 60 cubits wide (according to the
Mischna 70), therefore the vestibule projected 20 (or 15) cubits on each
side; twelve steps led up to the open door of the vestibule, which was
25 cubits wide. The _Hechal_, or Holy Place, was 20 cubits wide and 43
long, and was divided from the Holy of Holies (20 cubits square) by a
curtain. The sacred things were arranged as in Solomon's Temple. The
bronze laver stood in the Priests' court, south-east of the Sanctuary; a
certain Ben Katîn made twelve outlets for water in it, so that the same
number of Priests could purify themselves at the same time; he also
contrived a machine to bring the water into it from a well[247]. In the
middle of the court opposite the entrance of the Temple, north-east of
the laver, was the altar of burnt-offerings, made of unhewn stones, as
ordered by the law of Moses[248]. According to Josephus it was 50 cubits
square and 15 high, terminated at each corner by a kind of horn, and
approached by a gentle slope on the south side. The Rabbins say that it
rose in steps, the base being 32 cubits square[249], and that at the
south-east corner was a conduit, draining off the blood into the torrent
Kidron. North of the altar were marble tables to receive the flesh of
the victims[250]. In the Holy Place, the table of shewbread stood on the
north, the seven-branched candlestick on the south, and between them the
altar of incense; all made of gold. The Holy of Holies was empty, since
there was no ark in the second Temple, as it was lost when the first was
destroyed. According to a tradition, it had been hidden for security by
the prophet Jeremiah in a cave on Mount Nebo, which could not afterwards
be found[251]. A stone, about 2 inches high, called by the Rabbins
_Schethiyya_ (foundation), occupied its place, on which the High Priest
placed the censer on the day of Atonement[252].
Herod did not restrict his liberality to the Temple alone, but executed
some other great works in the same part of the city. He extended the
sacred enclosure on the north[253], strengthened its fortifications,
restored the ancient tower Baris[254], built by the Asmonean princes at
the north-west corner of the Temple, and called it Antonia, after his
patron, Marcus Antonius. As altered by him it was a square[255], half a
stadium each way; so that the whole perimeter of it and the Temple
together was six stadia. The outer wall enclosed a palace and four
towers, one at each angle; three of them 50 cubits high, and the fourth,
at the south-east corner, nearest the Temple, 70; from its summit the
Roman sentinel could see what was going on in the several courts[256].
The fortress was joined by a subterranean passage to a tower near the
east gate of the Temple, so that in case of a popular tumult the king
could easily escape into the Antonia[257]. At the present day, a plot of
levelled ground, a rocky knoll on the north of the _Haram-es-Sherîf_,
and a few shapeless fragments of masonry, are all that remain of the
splendid buildings of Herod.
All the buildings connected with Herod's Temple were finished at the
time of our Saviour's ministry[258]. He frequently taught in its courts,
and twice expelled those who profaned them with merchandise. He
prophesied the destruction of the place; and in its citadel His
sufferings commenced; for the Prætorium of Pilate was in the tower
Antonia, which was the residence of the Roman Governor and his
garrison[259]. There the sentence was proclaimed to the infuriated
people, who called down on their own heads the curse of the innocent
blood; in a few years so terribly avenged.
The description of Josephus, who was an eye-witness of the scene, has
been followed by all who have written on the siege and fall of
Jerusalem; it bears every mark of truth; and I shall give a brief sketch
of the part relating to the Temple and its environs, in order that the
account of my researches on the spot may be more intelligible to the
reader. On the first day of the month Thammuz (June-July) the Romans
assaulted the tower Antonia[260] and made a breach in the wall; but were
surprised to find that a second had been built up behind it. This was
carried on the fifth of the same month, and the Jews were driven within
the walls of the Temple courts. The greater part of the fortress was
razed during the next seven days, and the assailants erected mounds for
their engines on the space thus cleared, and battered the walls of the
Temple. Meanwhile the Jews burnt the north-west cloister, fearing that
it would open a communication with the main building for the Romans, who
themselves burnt the north cloister on the twenty-fourth day. This was
in no way opposed by the Jews, who considered that their position was
improved by the destruction of the cloister, and on the twenty-seventh,
by a feigned retreat, they decoyed a number of the Romans on to the roof
of the west cloister, and then fired a quantity of combustible material,
which had been previously heaped up below; so that numbers of their
enemies perished in the flames. The Romans having battered the west wall
of the inner inclosure during six days, and tried in vain to undermine
the north gate, were ordered to carry the cloisters by escalade. On the
eighth day of the month _Ab_ (July-August) they mounted the ladders
without opposition, but when they had arrived on the roof, they were
fiercely assailed by the Jews, and driven back with the loss of some
standards. Titus, seeing that the attempt had failed, set the gates on
fire; these were quickly destroyed, and the flames spread to the
cloisters in both directions. The fire continued till the next day, when
Titus, wishing to open a passage to the Temple for his troops, and to
save the building itself, if possible, ordered it to be extinguished.
During this day the Jews remained quiet; but on the morrow they renewed
the attack, determined either to drive the Romans from the Sanctuary, or
to perish beneath its ruins. By a sortie from the east gate they forced
back the enemy; but Titus, seeing from the Antonia the retreat of his
soldiers, went to their aid, and at last, about the fifth hour, the Jews
were again driven within the walls. He determined to wait and collect
his forces before making the assault; but this was a fatal day, being
the anniversary of the destruction of Solomon's Temple by the
Babylonians, six centuries and a half before[261]. The Jews made another
sortie upon the Romans, who were occupied in extinguishing the flames in
the inner inclosure, and were forced back as far as the buildings in the
neighbourhood of the House itself; these were set on fire by a Roman
soldier without orders, and the flames quickly spread to all the
chambers. Titus, in vain, commanded his troops to extinguish them; his
voice was drowned in the tumult; the Jews, with loud shrieks, fought
furiously in defence of the last bulwark of their nationality; but it
was now too late; the sacred building was in a blaze, and its obstinate
and heroic defenders perished beneath the ruins. After the Temple had
fallen, Titus tried to induce John and Simon, who had retreated into the
Upper city, to submit, and a parley was held at the bridge by the
Xystus[262]. These proud and blood-thirsty tyrants would not hearken to
him; the siege was carried on, and before long the whole upper city was
in his power. He ordered the Temple and the rest of Jerusalem to be
levelled with the ground, leaving only some of the western
fortifications to mark its former magnificence[263]. Thus ended the
political existence of the Jewish race.
The Christians came back from Pella to Jerusalem soon after its
destruction, and some of the Jews returned there to mourn over its
sacred ashes; so that the place was not wholly deserted even in the
darkest days of Trajan's persecution. Therefore tradition, as well as
the heaps of ruins, pointed out the site of the Sanctuary to Hadrian,
when, in order to humiliate the Jews and extinguish every hope of its
restoration, he built thereupon a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus.
When the idol temples were destroyed by Constantine the Great A.D. 332,
this too was demolished; but he took no care of Moriah, and allowed two
statues of Hadrian to remain there; neither did he attempt to clear it
of ruins, nor prevent its becoming a receptacle for rubbish; as if he
wished every trace of the departed glory of the nation to disappear.
However, the wretched descendants of David visited the place in
solitude, to anoint with oil and bedew with tears the 'perforated
stone,' which they considered a relic of their Sanctuary[264].
The accession of Julian the Apostate renewed the hopes of the Jews.
Wishing to prove the words of Scripture[265] false, he determined to
rebuild the Temple; and supplied the necessary funds, giving the
business in charge to Alypius of Antioch, Governor of Great Britain. The
Jews came in crowds to take part in the work, but their attempts to lay
the foundations were frustrated by flames, which issued from the
excavations with such peals of thunder, that the workmen fled
affrighted, mistaking in their ignorance a natural phenomenon for a
miracle[266].
The Emperor Justinian was the first to begin to clear away some of the
ruins from Moriah, A.D. 527. He endeavoured to identify the places
mentioned in the Gospels, and ordered a basilica to be erected on the
south side dedicated to the Presentation of the Virgin, not far from the
site of the Temple[267]. Some buildings were also constructed on the
north side, and perhaps on the east, as I will presently shew.
The Mohammedans, commanded by Khaled and Abu Obeida, besieged the Holy
City, A.D. 636. The Patriarch Sophronius capitulated to Omar himself,
and the new master of the place converted the basilica of Justinian into
a mosque (_Aksa_); purified the sacred rock (_Sakharah_), the ancient
threshing-floor of Araunah[268], and ordered a mosque to be built over
it, which was commenced A.D. 643. William of Tyre reports that in his
time Arabic inscriptions existed in the building, mentioning the date of
the foundation, the founder's name, and the cost of the work[269].
However, from the account of Said-Ebn-Batrik, it appears that the mosque
was afterwards enlarged by Abd-el-Malek-Ibn-Meruan, fifth Khalif of the
race of the Ommiades, who ascended the throne the 65th year of the Hejra
(A.D. 684), and died in the 86th (A.D. 705)[270]. His eldest son, Valid
or Elulid, embellished and enlarged the mosque, enriching it with a dome
of gilded copper, which he took from the church of Baalbek and placed
over the _Sakharah_[271]. The completion of the building must therefore
be attributed to him; although it was from time to time improved by the
Khalifs his successors, being considered second only in sanctity to
Mecca and Medina; so that when, during the Khalifat of Al-Moktadar (Hej.
229 = A.D. 950), the pilgrimages to the former place were interrupted by
the invasions of the Karmali, the _Kubbet-es-Sakharah_ took the place of
the _Kaaba_[272]. It is evident that the present mosque is not in every
respect identical with that built by Omar, from the words of Adamnanus
(an author of the eighth century) in a book on the Holy Places, compiled
from the accounts of Arculf, who had passed nine months at Jerusalem. He
says (speaking of the mosque) "but on that celebrated spot where once
the magnificent Temple stood, near the wall on the east side, the
Saracens have now meanly built with uprights and great beams, a
quadrangular house of prayer over some ruined remains, which they
frequent; it is large enough to contain three thousand men at
once[273]." William of Tyre however asserts that on the building seen by
him (which was different from the one described by Adamnanus), the name
of Omar its founder was inscribed. One of the existing Arabic
inscriptions seems, at first sight, to cause some difficulty; it runs as
follows: "May God render illustrious the great king, son of Meruan, who
enlarged this majestic temple, and grant him mercy." 65th year of the
Hejra (A.D. 684, the first of the reign of Abd-el-Malek[274]). This at
first sight appears to contradict the assertion made above, that Elulid,
son and successor of Abd-el-Malek, was the Khalif who added to the
splendour of the mosque, but it is very likely that if he completed the
work of restoration, he would inscribe not only the name of the first
founder Omar, but also that of his father. In other respects William of
Tyre gives no detailed information, in speaking of the mosque of Omar;
only alluding to it in general terms[275]. During my frequent visits to
the _Haram_, I often thought of copying all the inscriptions, but was
always pressed for time, and afraid that each visit might be the last;
therefore, as the examination of the subterranean vaults was by far the
most important matter, I thought it better not to turn aside to a work,
which others may easily execute by degrees.
It is evident that the mosque remained in the hands of the Mohammedans
from the commencement of Omar's building, A.D. 643, to the arrival of
the Crusaders, A.D. 1099. These soldiers of Christ, forgetful alike
of charity and mercy, slaughtered numbers of the followers of Islam
in the building[276]: they also converted the mosque _el-Aksa_
into a dwelling-house, and after altering the interior of the
_Kubbet-es-Sakharah_, consecrated it as a Christian church, on the
third day after Easter, A.D. 1143[277], under the name of Templum
Domini[278]; because the first Temple to the honour of God had been
erected by Solomon on that spot. Saladin, the champion of toleration,
magnanimity, and generosity[279], restored the worship of Islam in the
two mosques, A.D. 1187[280]; and from his time the _Haram-es-Sherîf_
has remained in the hands of the Mohammedans as one of their holy
places.
Selim I., Sultan of Constantinople, who conquered Syria and Palestine,
A.D. 1517, restored and improved the two mosques; doubtless the internal
and external mosaic decorations, with the various arabesque ornaments
still existing, are due to his liberality, and that of his successor,
Solyman I., with his favourite Sultana Rossellane; who, according to the
works of authors preserved in the Mohammedan archives, spent large sums
of money in adorning the whole of the _Haram_, and in erecting there
schools and other philanthropic establishments.
From the above narrative I draw the following conclusions: that history
and an unbroken chain of events prove that the whole _Haram-es-Sherîf_
is the ancient Mount Moriah; that the present mosque of Omar stands upon
the ancient threshing-floor of Araunah; that the levelled rock on the
north-west, and that rising at the barrack mark the position of the
tower Antonia, and that the mosque _el-Aksa_ is the original basilica of
Justinian.
Let us now proceed to a detailed examination of the whole area, within
and without, pausing at each object, which, either from its antiquity or
other causes, seems to merit special attention. The barrack, which,
according to ancient tradition, stands on the site of the Prætorium,
touches the western part of the north side of the wall enclosing
Moriah[281]; east of the barrack are buildings of the period of the
Crusades, or not much later; and near the north-east angle of the wall
the Pool of Bethesda[282]. Before proceeding to examine these places, we
must notice some objects in their immediate neighbourhood, which are
worthy of the most careful attention.
The Society of the Daughters of Sion bought (November, 1857) a plot of
land a few yards to the north-west of the barrack[283], on which stands
the north pier of the arch of the 'Ecce Homo[284];' and requested me to
survey it. In December, after removing with considerable difficulty the
accumulated rubbish of centuries, I came upon a small arch, close to the
larger one, which from its style, masonry, and materials, evidently was
part of the same building. I at once tried to examine the south side,
belonging to the Kusbeck dervishes, but as in this place excavations
were impossible, I was obliged to restrict myself to what appeared above
ground; and found, in the line of the large arch, a fragment of an
ancient wall, which from its form and position seemed to have belonged
to a pier supporting an arch corresponding to the one I had discovered.
Both the arches are semicircular, with a single archivolt composed of a
narrow fillet, a wide ogee moulding, and a band of the same breadth,
supported by a cornice, formed by two fillets, separated by an ogee
moulding. In the west face of the north pier is a semicircular recessed
niche, above a projecting cornice of the same width and pattern as the
one just described. Early in the year 1860 I took charge of the already
commenced buildings of the new convent of the Daughters of Sion, which
abut upon the arch mentioned above; and consequently had an opportunity
of examining the foundations of the piers, and convincing myself that
both their materials and masonry are of the Roman period; because the
blocks of stone, being neither rusticated nor clamped with iron or lead,
are not earlier than the time of Hadrian, and are not sufficiently
finished for so late an age as that of Constantine or Justinian. Some
think that the large arch was built before the capture of Jerusalem by
Titus; but how in that case could it have escaped the general
destruction of the city, and especially of the adjoining tower Antonia,
of which it was actually a part, in the opinion of those who believe
that from it our Lord was shewn to the people? But would the Romans, who
razed the tower and reduced the Temple and whole city to ruins, have
spared this insignificant building; or would the fire have left its
architectural features uninjured? The conformation of the ground itself
shews us that the arch could not have been standing at that time;
because, in its present position, there was then a valley or ditch,
separating Moriah from Bezetha. I found the rock, supporting the piers,
18 feet below the surface (as I have before stated), and to the north
and south are vaulted cisterns excavated in it, in the natural slopes of
Bezetha on one side and Moriah on the other. It is therefore highly
improbable that an arch would have been built in such a position with
reference to the fortress.
My predecessor had laid the foundations of the east wall of the convent,
but being ill acquainted with the nature of the ground at Jerusalem, he
discovered too late that they rested, especially on the north-east, on
unsolid ground, namely, on the vaulted roof of a subterranean building,
and as the walls rose they began to crack. Some of the masons were just
aware of the existence of the vault when I came; but no one had entered,
or measured it, or examined its whole length, so that I was the first to
do this and determine its age. In order to build a buttress at the
north-east corner, and at the same time to lay new foundations in a
small plot of land on the north, I was obliged to dig a hole, 18 feet
deep, below the level of the street, which rises towards Bezetha: and on
the 3rd of June came upon a layer of large slabs, each 4 or 5 feet long,
3 or 4 wide, and 9 or 10 inches thick. On removing two of these I found
a square hole, through which I entered, or rather fell, into the vault I
was looking for, but the intense heat and foul air compelled me to beat
a hasty retreat, and have the aperture enlarged to permit the air to
circulate more freely. Meanwhile I continued excavating a little to the
north, and met with the wall bounding the vault on that side, and found,
4-1/2 feet below its top, (measured from the outer surface,) the
original entrance; by which I obtained easy access for myself and
afterwards for many others.
The end of the east side of this gallery is just at the south-east angle
of the building on the north, separated from the body of the convent by
a small level street; and it terminates at the north-west angle of the
_Haram-es-Sherîf_; the floor throughout the whole length slopes slightly
and is formed in the rock: though the place was partly filled with earth
at the north end, and with filthy stinking mud at the south, I
thoroughly examined it and made a plan and elevation. At the entrance a
stone staircase, with steps about 2-1/2 feet wide, afforded an easy
descent; but unfortunately I was obliged to mutilate this, in order to
construct a pier to sustain the weight of the north-east corner of the
building above. The side walls are founded on the rock, which appears
above the level of the floor, at a distance of 69 feet from the
entrance, and gradually rises in them up to the southern extremity. They
are built of squared blocks, generally 3-1/2 feet long, and from above 2
to 3 high, perfectly fitted together. The semicircular vaulting is
admirable, being formed of oblong stones, 2-1/2 feet long, and 8 inches
high. Its exact regularity is its most striking feature.
I consider that this gallery was remodelled during the Roman period,
because some holes in it to admit the water are no part of the original
design. In the east wall is a semicircular arched door, built up, whose
width and height shew that it was formerly the entrance of a passage.
Along the side walls are semicircular headed apertures, which, together
with the two openings of the same shape, opposite one to another, near
the south end, are also no part of the original design. These two are
the beginnings of conduits, one of which ran eastward down to the Pool
of Bethesda; the other westward, into the Tyropoeon valley. The
accumulated water and filth did not allow me to make a close
examination of these, but, as far as I could see at the openings, the
masonry and shape of the stones led me to think that they formed part of
a Roman restoration. A short distance from these the gallery is closed
by a wall, entirely of Arab work; but I made a temporary opening in it,
and was able to continue my examination as far as the _Haram-es-Sherîf_;
the ground of which is about 8 feet above the top of the vault. The
quantity of water, earth, and filth, prevented my approaching the rock
at the end, and ascertaining the means of communication with the surface
at the _Haram_, but as I saw that the south-east corner was built up, I
have no doubt there had been access at that point. It immediately
occurred to me that the vault had originally been a passage between
Bezetha and Moriah, and was the 'Strato's Tower,' where Antigonus,
younger brother of Aristobulus, (the sons of John Hyrcanus,) was
murdered by the treacherous devices of the Queen Alexandra[285].
After completing the examination of the interior I applied myself to the
exterior, and found that the side walls rose one foot above the top of
the vault; the space thus made being filled with strong masonry, so as
to form a level surface of the same size as the gallery; which was
covered over along the whole length by large slabs, of the size
mentioned above; these, being firmly cemented together, bound into one
mass the two side walls and the vaulting.
At the same time, during the progress of the excavation another
interesting discovery was made, namely, the arched opening of a sewer,
3-1/2 feet wide and 4 feet high, by the side of the entrance to the
gallery on the east. It was choked up with dirt, but appeared to come
from the north, and ran along the east side of the vault of the gallery
as far as the middle of the Via Dolorosa, where it turned to the east.
Afterwards upon making further examinations I discovered that it bent
again towards the south, opposite to S. Ann's church, and came out on
the north side of the Pool of Bethesda. I followed it down for 112 feet
from the entrance, and found that after 22 feet the vaulting gave place
to a covering of large slabs. The floor rested upon made ground, and was
also formed of large slabs, strongly cemented together. I was unable to
continue my expedition by reason of the filth it contained, in which I
had a disgusting bath through a fall, caused by a sudden change of level
in the downward course of the sewer: so to make sure of its direction,
by the permission of the Pasha, I excavated in the middle of the Via
Dolorosa, opposite to the projecting north-east angle of the barrack,
and over against the tower commonly called the Antonia; and so verified
what I have already stated, and ascertained with greater certainty that
it rested upon made ground; another proof of the existence of a valley
in this part of the city. The sewer was made centuries after the first
construction of the gallery.
I have however not yet exhausted the objects of interest afforded by the
property of the convent of the Daughters of Sion. On continuing the
excavation to the north in order to lay new foundations, at a depth of
36 feet below the street, water was met with in abundance. At first I
supposed it had filtered through from some cistern, but as it did not
increase or diminish, I had the excavation deepened and enlarged, and
then discovered, to the north of the water, a perpendicular face of hewn
rock; and on digging deeper a small conduit cut in it, through which the
water ran from north to south. I was anxious to follow it in these
directions, but was prevented by the depth of the soil, the houses in
the neighbourhood, and above all by the customs of the country, and so
was obliged to restrict my researches to that spot, and even there the
owner did not allow me to do much, fearing to attract the attention of
the Mohammedans. I ascertained however that this water did not enter the
gallery, because after drawing off all that was found there, no more
appeared beyond what drained from the street after rain, while the
stream flowed continuously southward, yielding a constant supply for
building purposes. During the first three days its water was muddy and
brackish, but afterwards it gradually became clearer, but always had a
disagreeable taste and contained the same ingredients as that at the
springs of the _Hammam-es-Shefa_ and at the fountain of the Virgin in
the Kidron valley. From the day of its discovery (June 12, 1860), to the
end of January, 1861, it yielded a daily supply of from 200 to 250
gallons without any diminution, and was not affected by the fall of rain
or snow. At this time I resigned the charge of the works to a
master-mason, as all the difficulties had been overcome, but I am told
that the water continued to flow, and has done so abundantly up to the
present date (April, 1863). From several investigations which I will
mention in the chapter on the waters, I infer that this stream enters
the well of the _Hammam-es-Shefa_[286].
My plan and sections shew all the ancient cisterns, both excavated and
built, which occur in this small compass, and some remains of masonry
either of the age of the Crusades or of Arab work. This spot is an
excellent example of the great and frequent changes that the ground of
Jerusalem has undergone, and shews the difficulty that all have to
encounter, who attempt to form an opinion without taking them into
account.
Let us now examine the north side of the _Haram_. I have already
mentioned the depth of the foundations of the north walls of the
barrack[287]; but on the south the masonry rests upon the bare rock,
which here rises 35 feet above the level of the _Haram-es-Sherîf_ as is
shewn in the drawing[288]; its north face being 55 feet above the bottom
of the valley. Hence I cannot admit the common tradition that the
barrack stands on the site of the Antonia, but consider that the rock
above named is the true position of the _north_ side of the ancient
tower. This opinion, I think, is in accordance with all that Josephus
says of its height and situation, divided from Bezetha by a valley and
ditches[289]. If its southern side had coincided with that of the
barrack (which the height of the rock mentioned above entitles us to
assume), I cannot understand why it was built in so bad a position,
where it would be completely commanded by Bezetha, and from which it
could not have been separated by any work of defence. Besides, where are
we then to place the pool Struthium[290]? We must remember that the
shape of the Antonia was a square, each side being half a stadium; it
must therefore have extended to the north right across the valley. Now
if it had stood in this position, Titus would not have been obliged to
batter its walls with engines, and to throw up banks to support them and
to enable his troops to make the assault; because he could have poured
upon it such a storm of stones and combustibles from the summit of
Bezetha, that the garrison would have been obliged to evacuate so
untenable a post. Moreover, Josephus states, that the perimeter of the
Temple and the Antonia together was 6 stadia[291]. Now according to
every estimate of this measure, this condition cannot be satisfied
unless the latter is placed _within_ the north-west angle of the
_Haram_, as the description in Josephus seems to require[292]. We are
also told that it was razed by Titus; the place which I assign still
bears traces of this; and as a still stronger proof, there remains, in
the middle of the rock that has been thus levelled, a fragment of the
ancient Herodian wall; which I believe to have formed the south-east
corner of the inner buildings of the tower, i.e. of the Prætorium. On
the west is the house belonging to the Pasha, governor of Jerusalem, and
there I have seen, by means of excavations, the rock in the foundations
and, resting against it, the earth which conceals the valley filled up
by the Asmoneans. Lastly, there is a vault, which starts from the
position I assign to the Antonia and goes towards the present Golden
Gate. This I discovered by descending into two cisterns on the north of
the _Haram_, and by the fall of the west portion of an old wall, near
the north-west corner of the above gate, which, being washed away by the
rain, exposed the other end. I was not able to pass along its whole
extent, as it was nearly filled up by rubbish, but by examining the two
extremities at these places, I convinced myself that they belonged to a
continuous building. It is partly excavated in the rock, which however
sinks on approaching the east. The masonry of the side walls and
vaulting resembles that in the gallery below the convent of the
Daughters of Sion. The floor is also paved throughout the whole length,
as far as I saw. Josephus[293] mentions that a subterranean
communication existed between the Antonia and the east gate of the
Temple; consequently for this and the other preceding reasons I firmly
believe that I have placed the tower in the true position. I believe
then that the barrack stands in the valley; that is, upon the ancient
position of the Pool Struthium, which has been filled up, by the
materials cast into it by order of Titus, in making the bank to support
the Roman battering train, and by the ruins of the Antonia itself. Had
the tower occupied this position, the only side properly defended would
have been that towards the Temple, by the high face of rock, which in
that case ought to shew traces of having been hewn away towards the
north. What purpose could my 'Strato's tower' have then served, if it
had passed through the basement of the Antonia? It would have been
useless as a communication, because the tower itself would have done as
well, and it is too deep in the ground and too small for a work of
defence.
The buildings on the east of the barrack, between it and the first
passage leading up to the Temple, may belong either to the age of
Saladin or of Solyman I.; the Arabs attribute them to the latter. They
have been greatly altered within and without, and therefore do not
present any distinctive features. Their foundations rest upon the rock,
which on the south side is one or two feet below the level of the
_Haram_, but on the north from 14 to 18 feet lower down, being at the
bottom of the valley which I have already mentioned.
On the left of the passage going up to the _Haram_ is a bath now
disused, inside the buildings. During my examination of it I discovered
the eastern conduit, which starts from inside the gallery. Its course
from this place to the pool of Bethesda cannot be followed, as it is
stopped up by rubbish; it is vaulted but not founded upon the rock.
Facing the little passage mentioned above, on the north, are the remains
of an ancient building[294], commonly called a bastion of the tower
Antonia. It rests upon the rock, and is doubtless of considerable
antiquity, but certainly not Jewish work. The stones composing it are
small and bevelled at the edges, so that the part projecting from the
wall is like a thin slice cut horizontally from a pyramid: they are laid
with mortar, and do not appear to belong to an age remarkable for the
splendour of its work. This place is about a stadium from the north-west
angle of the _Haram_, and therefore, besides being in too low a
situation, cannot have been included in the tower Antonia, if we accept
the dimensions of the fortress given us by Josephus.
The north side is terminated on the east by the Pool of Bethesda[295].
This, I believe, was made by Herod the Great, at the same time as the
Antonia, from the valley or ditch defending the north side of the
Temple. It has obviously undergone great alterations and greater
injuries. Porticoes were built upon its south wall by Solyman I.; on
the others are Arab houses in the meanest style, most of which are now
in ruins. It is nearly filled with soil and rubbish, which are covered
with creepers and shrubs. By this time it would probably have been quite
full, if I had not preserved it[296]. At its west end are two arches,
almost choked up with earth, and overgrown by vegetation. I forced my
way into them, and saw two more arches, built of small stones, and
obviously of Arab work; the northern of these was the termination of the
eastern conduit from the great gallery. With much difficulty I traversed
it for a distance of 72 feet, and found it vaulted in the same way as
the one I have described below the bath. Tradition asserts this place to
be the Pool of Bethesda, at which our Saviour healed a paralytic[297]. I
shall notice it again, in describing the various works connected with
the supply of water to the city.
In both faces of the north-east angle of the _Haram_ wall are several
courses of ancient stones, rusticated, which prove that in former times
this was also the corner of the sacred enclosure.
After passing the Gate of S. Mary and leaving on the left the ruins of a
small Saracenic building of the age of Saladin, the Mohammedan cemetery
is reached, which occupies almost the whole of the high narrow plateau
running parallel to the east wall of the _Haram_, above the Kidron
valley. I consider the foundation of the whole line of wall, from the
north-east to the south-east corner, to be the work of Solomon; being
led to this conclusion by a series of observations, carried on when
graves were dug against the wall, and by excavations which I made with
the help of the keepers of the cemetery, wherever I could do it without
exciting suspicion and arousing the fanaticism of the Mohammedans.
Near the south-east corner is a stone, which appears to have been the
impost of an arch; as there are no tombs in this part, I made an
excavation opposite to it, at a distance of 12 feet, and, after digging
down for 14 feet, came upon the great foundation stones. By opening
another hole along the same line, nearer to the corner, I found them
again at a depth of 12 feet; the difference being caused by the slope of
the ground. By this means I convinced myself that the foundations of the
wall were laid far down in the valley (as stated by Josephus), and that
they rose up to the place, where it still appears above the surface of
the ground, in a series of steps about 2 feet wide. The foundation
(strictly speaking) is made of large blocks, roughly squared, and not
rusticated, fastened together by a tenon left projecting from the face
of one stone, fitting into a corresponding mortise in the next: there is
not a trace of iron or lead or mortar; but where the wall rises above
ground its face is vertical, the blocks are more carefully squared, and
rustic work is used, with wide and deep grooves; as may be seen at many
places in the lower part of the present wall[298]. The force of the
flames, the vandalism of man, and the course of time, have produced no
effect upon these massive buildings; which have been saved from the fate
of those on Sion and Ophel, by the ruins heaped about them, and still
more by the reverence paid by the Mohammedans to the ground on which
they stand.
These valuable remains enable us to compare their masonry with the
Herodian work, seen more especially in the projecting wall at the
north-east angle[299], and at the south-east extremity. The stones in
these two places are of large size[300] and rusticated; only the grooves
here are small, and the whole surface of the block is well smoothed;
they also are perfectly fitted together without mortar, but clamps of
iron or soldering plugs of lead are used; as I was able to ascertain
when a small part was repaired: each course stands a little more than a
tenth of an inch farther back than the one below it. The general
appearance of the work manifests a progress in art and a delicacy of
execution, which could not have been produced in the time of Solomon,
even with Phoenician aid. In all the countries formerly occupied by
this people there are not any examples of a wall in this style, while
those resembling the architecture of Solomon are far from uncommon. We
might reasonably suppose that Herod would increase the strength of the
northern corner, as an outwork to the Antonia on the east; while the
south-east corner might have been destroyed by the Chaldeans, being
weaker than the rest owing to the existence of the great vaulted cistern
within the _Haram_; and, as Nehemiah was no doubt unable to repair it in
a manner befitting its position, Herod would rebuild it in his
restoration of the above-named cistern, whose east and south sides are
not formed by the rock, but by the outer wall of the Temple enclosure,
and are made of great strength to withstand the pressure of the water.
I have already explained by what marks I distinguish the walls which I
attribute to Nehemiah, the Romans, and the Arabs[301]; examples of each
can be readily found in the eastern wall of the _Haram_. From the side
of a small sepulchral building (containing the ashes of Yacûb Pasha and
his wife) to beyond the Golden Gate the masonry shews many signs of Arab
restorations. Here may be seen columns of verd antique, porphyry and
valuable marbles, built longwise into the thickness of the wall.
Doubtless these formerly decorated some Christian edifices, and were
placed in their present position when the city walls were repaired by
Sultan Solyman.
The principal object that attracts attention on the east side is the
Golden Gate[302], which projects slightly from the line of the wall. The
two outer doorways, as I have already said, are built up[303]; but for
the sake of description we will for a moment imagine them opened. From
the outside we see two round-headed arches each supported by two
pilasters, built of stones of no great size, which are laid in mortar,
without rustic work, and form a perfectly smooth face, in strong
contrast with the genuine ancient blocks in the lower parts of the walls
on each side, and at each corner. The two arches and their capitals are
richly carved with leaves and other ornaments. The whole building is
cased, except at the base, with Saracenic work of the date of Solyman;
as I infer from the irregular masonry, the smallness of the stones, the
occurrence of a Byzantine capital (out of its proper place) on the top
of the façade, and many other minor ornamental details, bad in taste and
execution, which are characteristic of that age[304].
Passing through the entrance, we find the piers and architraves of the
doors composed of immense blocks, six in number, which resemble Jewish
work. Their state of decay shews their antiquity, and they must have
been exposed to the action of fire, being calcined and crumbling; for
otherwise, from their great size and sheltered situation, they ought to
have been in good preservation, like all the rest of the internal
masonry of the gate; which I assign to the age of Justinian. The plan of
the building is an oblong, the length being double the breadth, divided
into two aisles by two large columns of grey veined marble and two
half-columns, which, with the help of small pilasters, projecting
slightly from the lateral walls, sustain the vaulting, composed of very
narrow pointed domes; beneath this a magnificent entablature, carved in
leaf patterns[305], is carried round the walls of the building. The west
façade[306], inside the _Haram_, has a double doorway with round-headed
arches, supported by a central column and two side pilasters. Their form
and ornamentation resemble those on the east front. The outer roof is
also a series of domes, which were built during some repairs about 60
years since. Not a few authors have attributed the architecture of this
gate to the time of Herod, forgetting that Josephus states that the
Temple and its cloisters were burnt and utterly destroyed by the Roman
troops. How then is it possible that the walls, and still more the
ornamental work, should have survived the fury of the soldiers? If the
east cloister has so entirely disappeared, how is it that the gate,
which stood in the middle of it, has escaped? Those few blocks in the
piers of the door may be of the age of Herod, but not the rest of the
masonry, and we cannot therefore on this evidence assign the whole
building to that period. It is however very probable that they were
found among the ruins of the ancient eastern gate and incorporated in
the present. Nor can we believe that the two large monolithic columns
were brought to Jerusalem by Herod. It is far more likely that they were
sent by Justinian to adorn a spot sacred in Christian tradition as the
place where our Saviour entered Jerusalem, among the shouts of one part
of the populace, to keep that last Passover before he suffered[307]. I
consider therefore that the present Golden Gate stands not only upon the
site of the ancient east gate, but also upon its foundations, for we
find its dimensions given in the Mishna, 'the east gate was 40 cubits
long and 20 wide;' and a strong proof of the truth of this opinion is,
that, on making an excavation near the north door, I discovered at a
depth of 10 feet the foundations, of undoubted Herodian work. At the
same time I saw that there have never been any steps leading up to the
gate, and that a mass of rubbish is heaped against its east front, in
the slopes of which are the graves of the Mohammedan cemetery.
There is a small doorway closed with masonry a little to the south of
the Golden Gate, and besides this nothing else remains to be noticed on
the east side, except that the whole length of the wall is covered with
creepers, which flourish here luxuriantly and do constant mischief;
breaches are already formed in some places, but the guardians of the
_Haram_ pay no attention to them; though in a few years they will not be
so indifferent to the expense of the repairs, which will then be
absolutely necessary. All the loop-holes were made in the time of
Solyman.
After the south-east corner has been turned, the whole wall, both in its
foundations and upper part, exhibits the same solid and magnificent
ancient masonry as on the east face. A few yards from the corner is a
doorway with a pointed arch, now walled up, which I consider to have
been made at the time of the Crusades, and possibly then called the Gate
of the Valley of Jehoshaphat. We shall hereafter notice the purpose for
which it was used. A little distance to the west of this, we see three
plain round-headed arches, supported by four pilasters, whose masonry
differs both from the older and newer work in the immediate
neighbourhood. Their general character is Roman, and I believe them to
have been built at the time of Justinian, to communicate with the vaults
within the _Haram_; which I shall presently describe.
Under the mosque _el-Aksa_ is a gate not only built up, but also partly
buried[308]. The arch is cut in two by the city-wall, which here turns
to the south. Its architectural features both constructive and
decorative resemble those of the Golden Gate; so that I consider it also
the work of Justinian. Under its arch is a grated window; by climbing up
to this, it is possible to look into a vaulted gallery below the mosque.
A stone, bearing the following inscription, is built slantwise into the
wall above and turned upside down.
TITO AEL. HADRIANO
ANTONINO AVG. PIO
P. P. PONTIF. AVGVR.
D. D.
No doubt it was picked up with many others in removing the ruins at the
time of Justinian and built in here by the masons, and when the wall was
again repaired in the reign of Solyman, the workmen, less careful and
skilful than the former, placed it in its present position. The
Mohammedans call this archway the Gate of the Prophetess Huldah[309],
for what reason they cannot say, for they also consider it to have been
the grand entrance to the stables of Solomon, and consequently hold it
in great respect. I shall recur to this gate in my account of the
vaults. I made several excavations in front of it, like those at the
south-east corner, and after digging 10 or 12 feet through the rubbish,
came upon the foundations laid in the age of Solomon, but could not
discover anything to prove that a gate had then existed on this spot.
Starting from the Aksa the city wall goes to the south, and then turns
again to the west down to the Dung Gate. Throughout the whole of this
angle the lower part of the wall is Roman work, the upper Saracenic, of
the time of Solyman. Although this gate is evidently only a few hundred
years old, it is usually pointed out by the guides as that entered by
our Saviour, when he was brought from the garden of Gethsemane to the
house of Caiaphas. Ignorance of architecture and of the plan of the
ancient city has allowed this tradition to exist[310]. Entering, and
forcing our way through a thicket of cactus, we regain the south wall of
the Temple enclosure, whose lower parts date from the reign of Solomon.
An excavation made at the south-west angle gave, first the masonry of
Solomon, secondly that of the Crusaders, and above these that of
Solyman[311].
The ruins south of the Aksa belong to the choir of Justinian's basilica,
which was thrown down by an earthquake between the years A.D. 775 and
785. They now await the last stroke of the hand of Time to bring them to
the ground, when they evidently must injure in their fall the south wall
of the mosque; but the Mohammedan fatalists never think of averting this
by timely repairs.
The whole of the space between the walls of the city and the _Haram_ was
probably, at the time of Herod the Great, covered by the amphitheatre
erected by that king[312].
Near the south-west angle is a very remarkable fragment of an arch and
its pier, built into the _Haram_ wall. Nearly all the learned writers
who have noticed it, with the exception of the Rev. G. Williams, have
considered these remains to belong to the age either of Solomon or
Herod; I however venture to differ from them, and attribute it to
Justinian; who, when building the neighbouring basilica, may have
contemplated throwing a bridge over the valley between Moriah and Sion
to facilitate the communication between the two sanctuaries on these
hills. The work may have been left unfinished, because the plan was
either changed or found impracticable. The blocks shew none of the
characteristics of the work of Solomon or Herod, nor have they the same
marked appearance of antiquity; nor does the masonry in any respect
resemble the Jewish; the stones being laid with mortar. I cannot but
think that if either of these kings had executed a work of such
importance, the Bible and Josephus would not have passed it over in
silence. We can scarcely imagine that so vast an arch, 375 feet in span,
could have been built in those times; and if we suppose that the bridge
crossed the valley with a series of arches, then traces of the piers, or
at least of the stones that composed them, ought to be found among the
rubbish below; also there should be some remains of it on the eastern
slope of Sion; where nothing of the kind occurs. On this point I can
speak with confidence, because when the Pasha requested me to inspect
the city sewer, which runs down the valley to the Pool of Siloam, I
availed myself of this fortunate opportunity to widen and deepen the
excavation, and did not find the slightest indication of a bridge.
Josephus[313] states that when Pompeius approached the city with his
forces, the partisans of Aristobulus, on retreating to the Temple, cut
off the bridge. He alludes to it again on other occasions[314], and to
the tower near it, built by Simon to defend himself against John. What
then has become of the ruins of this bridge and of the tower? Though
now, as on Ophel and part of Sion, there may be open fields on the site
of some parts of ancient Jerusalem, numbers of stones, as I have already
described[315], are scattered about; why then does not the same thing
happen in the Tyropoeon valley, where the great accumulation of
rubbish would have buried the fallen blocks and preserved them from the
action of fire? Besides, the rock exposed in the eastern slope of Sion
is rough and rugged, and untouched by the chisel; there is no part of it
that we can suppose to have supported a building. I have also excavated
along by the side of it in the valley below and found nothing. I have
examined the lower parts of the Arab houses, which some have imagined to
be built upon its foundation, but all my investigations have confirmed
me in my opinion that the bridge never stood upon this spot. Had it done
so, why, as we see the pier on the east, do we not see some
corresponding remains on the west; or if not these, the place where the
spring-stones of the arch rested upon the rock? I believe the bridge
mentioned by Josephus was near the present _Mekhemeh_ (the Mohammedan
Court of Justice), which is on the west of the _Haram_, at the bottom of
Temple Street, because at this point the valley is still crossed from
west to east by arches, sustaining the conduit which brings the water
from Etham into the Temple, and the ground south of this, on the
opposite side, formerly occupied by the Xystus, has been levelled. The
height of this bridge or dyke above the street is 38 feet on the south,
and 20 on the north; which, it must be remembered, is not the true
elevation of the work itself; because the ground has been raised on each
side by the accumulation of rubbish in the bottom of the Tyropoeon.
This, in my opinion, joined the Upper city to the Temple-hill in former
times, as it now does. It is surely very improbable that the principal
approach to the Temple from the west should have been placed at one
corner, instead of in the centre of the enclosure; as would have been
the case had the great arch formed part of a bridge while that building
was standing: and when this was broken down, the communication with the
Temple would not have been cut off, as the dyke would still have been a
more direct and convenient road from the city.
Before arriving at the Jews' wailing place, we come to the Gate
_el-Mogarba_, leading to the mosque of the Mogarabins; a few yards to
the north of which is a little rectangular plot of ground, surrounded by
a low wall: after passing this I entered a dark chamber, in which was a
doorway almost buried. M. Isambert[316] has attempted to identify this
with one of the four western gates mentioned by Josephus[317]; but not
having tested his theory on the spot, he is unaware that the difference
of level between the outside and inside of the _Haram_ renders this
impossible; moreover, the gate has evidently been made at a date long
after the building of the wall.
The Jews' wailing place is a small open plot; where a piece of Herod's
wall is still seen between the outer wall of the _Mekhemeh_ and that of
a private house (belonging to Abu-Saud): it is called in Arabic _Haï
el-Mogharibeh_ (the wall of the Mogarabins). M. de Saulcy says of it:
"Up to a height of more than 12 metres (about 39 feet) the original
building has remained entire; regular courses of fine stones, perfectly
squared, but with an even border standing out as a kind of framework,
enclosing the joints, rise over each other to within two or three yards
from the top of the wall. A moment's inspection is enough to ascertain,
without any doubt, that the Jewish tradition is positively correct; a
wall like this has never been constructed either by Greeks or Romans. We
have evidently here a sample of original Hebraic architecture[318]. In
the inferior courses the stones are on the average twice as wide as they
are high; now and then, however, some square blocks happen to be laid
between the long ones. The four inferior courses nearest the ground are
formed of square blocks, with the exception of the last but one, which
is composed of blocks three times as long as they are high. As the
courses successively rise above the ground, the dimensions of the blocks
decrease, and, lastly, every course recedes about one fifth of an
English inch behind the surface of the one immediately below it. Beyond
these walls (bounding the space on each side) the ancient construction
extends about 38 feet to the right, and 36 to the left, or in the
direction of the _Mekhemeh_. Again, the primitive wall is crowned
towards the summit by several courses of hewn stones regularly disposed,
but of small dimensions. These upper courses are of comparatively recent
date, and their age cannot be referred to a period anterior to the
Mohammedan conquest. On the face of the ancient wall appear large
notches, which have been made at some undeterminable period, for the
purpose of fixing a pediment over this part of the enclosure; these
notches, hollowed out in the shape of a niche, that is to say, round at
the top with a rectangular basis, are of different dimensions, perhaps
they may have been made at the period of the rebuilding of the Temple by
Herod[319]." From its delicacy of execution I consider this wall
Herodian work; besides, I think it very unlikely that the Chaldeans,
more barbarous than the Romans, would have left anything standing at
Jerusalem: they would have pulled down all that the flames had spared. I
consider the smaller masonry of the upper part to be of the time of the
Crusades or Saracenic. Friday is the day on which the Jews chiefly
assemble here in great numbers, to pray, to recite the Psalms of David,
and bedew with their tears these remains of their former greatness. This
privilege is granted to them on payment of a sum of money to the Effendi
in charge of the _Haram_. This custom dates from a very early period; it
is mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century[320].
The stones in the lower parts of the walls of the _Mekhemeh_ are
remarkable for their rough rustic work in high relief. They are not so
large as those we attribute to the age of Solomon or Herod, but still
appear ancient. I think they may belong to the Asmonean epoch, and have
formed the basement of a tower, defending the Xystus bridge on the side
of the Temple. The masonry in the upper hall of the time of the
Crusaders, where the vaulting is supported by pointed arches springing
from pillars, is evidently much more modern. According to Mohammedan
tradition this is the Judgement Hall of Solomon, converted into an
armoury by the Crusaders: it is certainly not improbable that it may
have been a dependency of the Knights Templar. The large chamber below,
which has undoubtedly been used as a cistern, as is shewn by the very
strong cement in the walls, is now filled with rubbish. In the middle of
the upper hall is a fountain, now and then supplied with the water of
Etham; and on the left of the principal entrance (part of a restoration
by Saladin or Solyman) an ancient sarcophagus, found in the Tombs of the
Kings outside the Damascus Gate: it is a facsimile of that carried to
Paris by M. de Saulcy, and now placed in the Gallery of the Louvre; it
at present serves to hold water[321].
Close to the _Mekhemeh_ is the principal entrance into the _Haram_,
which has two doorways, and is ornamented with groups of spiral columns
supporting elegant capitals carved in leaf patterns, the work of
Saladin. Before its west front is a fountain, an elegant specimen of
ornate Saracenic work: its small basin, no longer filled with water, is
an ancient sarcophagus of red Palestine breccia. From this spot up to
the north-west corner the ancient foundations of the _Haram_ wall are
concealed by Arab houses, and can only be seen here and there above the
level of the ground; enough, however, is visible to shew that the old
wall followed the line of the present enclosure from south to north.
Returning to the Temple Street and going westward along the dyke, which,
with the Rev. G. Williams[322], I consider to be the ancient bridge
between Sion and Moriah, we see, after a few yards, on the right hand a
small façade of Saracenic architecture, adorned with arabesques of
excellent design; whose accurate execution deserves notice. It is a
fragment of an ancient school, established by Saladin, the revenues of
which are now exhausted, so that nothing else remains besides this
building. A little further on we leave this street (called by the
Crusaders the Bridge of S. Giles), by taking the first turning to the
north, and find, after passing the corner, a stone embedded in the lower
part of the wall of the first Arab house on the right hand, bearing an
inscription, which however is of no importance. This street runs along
the top of a vault which I have examined. It was constructed to form an
easy communication with the Tyropoeon, and proves that in former times
there was high ground on this spot. Going on northward we arrive at a
Saracenic fountain, now without water; near it on the south is a passage
leading into the central sewer, which here deviates a little to the east
to regain the middle of the valley, and consequently passes under the
bridge near the above-named school of Saladin. On the north of the
fountain is an ancient Mohammedan bath rapidly falling to ruin, and near
it the great gate of the Bazaar of the _Haram_, at the end of which is
the _Bâb el-Katannin_ (Gate of the Cotton Merchants). The entrance to
the Bazaar is a frontispiece of rude rustic work, which I attribute to
the age of the Crusades. The interior is Saracenic, as is shewn by the
architraves of the cells on each side, which were built for merchants'
shops, but now are receptacles for filth. After passing the middle of
the Bazaar, there is a bath on the south side called the _Hammam
es-Shefa_, supplied by a spring rising at a great depth: its waters have
an unpleasant taste; but we will speak more particularly of it
presently. On the north, nearly opposite to the entrance of the bath, a
little street leads to the _Bâb el-Kadid_ (Iron Gate) and the Convent of
Blind Dervishes, (a philanthropic establishment of Solyman,) where
singers in the mosque, suffering from this calamity, are still received.
The first lane on the north of the Bazaar leads directly up to the _Bâb
el-Kadid_; along each side are establishments in aid of the poor, but,
as the revenues have been swallowed up, they are going to ruin, like
the schools of Saladin, which are in the next street on the north,
leading up to the _Bâb el-Nadhir_ (Inspector's Gate). Here, according to
Mohammedan tradition, the Prophet alighted from his steed Borak[323], on
his visit to the Holy Stone of Jacob. Near this gate, on the south, is a
magnificent building, which from the various kinds of stone employed,
the delicacy of its ornamentation, the regularity of its columns, and
the harmony of all its parts, is an excellent example of Saracenic
taste. It was erected by Solyman, and is said by the Mohammedans to have
been the residence of his Sultana Rossellane. It is now gradually
falling to decay, although a very small sum spent in repairs would make
it last for centuries.
Before leaving this side I need only remark that the arches, crossing
the street down the Tyropoeon, shew that the houses on the west side
of the valley are also in the precincts of the _Haram_ and consequently
inalienable. Up to the time of Saladin and his successors, these
belonged exclusively to the Jews; who, since then, have been gradually
deprived of them by the law of might; and, in order to conceal the
iniquitous usurpation, they have been thus joined to the enclosure of
the _Haram_.
Having thus described the outside of the Mohammedan sanctuary, I shall
now conduct my reader within, and introduce him to places all as yet
unknown to him, except one or two, which, from their connection with the
exterior, I have been obliged to mention. In doing this, I shall not
spend time over the minor details, which are explained by the Plan and
its description[324]; but attend solely to the matters of greater
interest, not forgetting the Mohammedan traditions.
I have already, in describing the exterior, noticed all the important
points on the north side, and therefore only call attention to the
extent of levelled rock, continuous with that which forms a large part
of the south wall of the barrack, and was, in my opinion, the north of
the tower Antonia[325]. A short distance from the barrack is an
octagonal oratory, surmounted by a dome, containing (according to the
Mohammedans), a piece of the sacred rock, which was cut off by the
Christians during the time of the Latin kingdom. I have been inside the
building, and seen a stone; but it is too shapeless to enable me to form
any opinion of the truth of the tradition. I think that the place has a
vault beneath, and that probably the passage already mentioned, which
was constructed by Herod as a communication between the tower Antonia
and the east gate, passes by it.
Above the pool of Bethesda rises the minaret of _Israel_, erected to
commemorate the Patriarch's sleeping on Moriah; this, and the minaret of
the _Serai_ at the north-west corner, are used for the especial purpose
of calling to prayer the faithful of the rite _Hannefi_: both are
founded on the rock, and near the latter the large Herodian masonry is
still visible: they were built in the time of Omar, according to the
Mohammedan chronicles; which I am disposed to believe, because I have
seen, in the interior of the second, small holes, which may have been
made for the fittings of Christian bells during the Latin kingdom. These
would not be there had the minarets been built by Saladin, by whom
however the second may certainly have been restored.
A small Arab building abutting on the outer wall is the first thing to
attract attention on the east side. In the middle of the room inside is
a kind of pedestal, covered with rich carpets woven in different
colours. According to the Mohammedans, this is the site of the throne of
Solomon, and the place where the Book of Wisdom was composed, to which,
in consequence, he will return at the Day of Judgement to assist his
father David in judging the Israelites. We can see how highly the
followers of the prophet esteem the place by the number of small tablets
fastened to the window, as tokens of gratitude for some blessing
received.
To the south of this is the Golden Gate[326]; a small staircase on the
north side conducts us to the top, which is an excellent position for a
general view of the _Haram es-Sherîf_, the Valley of Kidron, the Mount
of Olives, and the whole of Jerusalem. Here we see the truth of the
words of Josephus[327], that "the city lay over against the Temple in
the manner of a theatre." The Mohammedans say that on the Last Day the
Prophet _Isa_ (Jesus) will descend from heaven upon this gate to judge
the world, and will commit the Jews to the decision of David and
Solomon, and the followers of Islam to the Prophet. Passing along the
boundary wall to the south we come to a very narrow staircase built
against it, leading up to a window from which the shaft of a column laid
longwise projects for about 5 feet; beneath it is the deep valley of
Kidron. This marks the position of the invisible bridge _es-Sirah_ and
the 'Window of Judgement,' where Mohammed will sit on the Day of
Judgement, and order all to pass the bridge, no wider than the edge of a
sword; over it the faithful will run swiftly and enter Paradise; while
the infidels, in trying to cross, will fall into the abyss of Hell open
wide beneath them. I have seen not a few fanatics come to pray in a
niche very near the window, and then step on to the column; and
afterwards try to obtain the credit of having seen that which is
invisible. In the south-east corner of the enclosure is a ruined mosque,
with 14 arches, in two rows, supported by square pillars. This was
formerly the place of prayer according to the rite _Hanbeli_. The keeper
asserts that, in times long since past, there was a high tower on this
spot; he is indeed not altogether mistaken; for, in the days of Herod,
the cloister with its four rows of columns stood here; high enough to
afford a beautiful view[328].
Just on the north of the site of this is a staircase leading down into a
chamber lighted by loopholes in the outer wall of the _Haram_. After
passing the upper doorway we have on the right hand a small aperture,
through which we can look into the great vault, and see some of its many
columns. In the south wall at the end of the chamber the keeper points
out a marble basin in the form of a cradle, as the one which held the
Infant Jesus, when He was brought to the Temple for circumcision; and
shews the places occupied by the Virgin Mary and S. Joseph, and the two
niches where stood the Prophets Zacharias and Ezekiel. The story is
worthless, but the view of the grotto excavated partly in the rock and
of the enormous blocks in the wall is very interesting.
On quitting this place we observe a large terrace formed above the
subterranean vault. I descended by a large hole close to the south wall
of the _Haram_, and on arriving in the great chamber, saw a forest of
columns supporting the roof, rising among heaps of earth and ruins. I
believe that this immense building was originally constructed by
Solomon, in order to increase the area of the platform of the Temple;
and at the same time to contain water, which was used in such quantities
in the service of the Sanctuary; the height of the vault, measured near
the south-east corner, is 39 feet above the floor of rock; which I found
after digging through a layer of earth. It is lower towards the north,
for the rock rises there, as it does towards the north-west corner,
where I had great difficulty in finding it, from the accumulation of
rubbish. The whole building has evidently undergone restoration at
different periods; as is shewn by its irregular shape and the condition
and different kinds of masonry of the present walls. Of these the east
and south walls (being part of the _Haram_ wall) are Herodian work; at
the south-east corner, by the chamber of the cradle of Christ, which we
have already visited, we see Roman work in the inner wall and in some
masonry on the north, at which point it is evident that the size of the
vault has been diminished; some other small walls in the interior belong
to a much later period, perhaps that of the Crusades. The plinths of the
numerous columns are rusticated in the Herodian style, but their shafts
are Roman. Their length diminishes towards the north owing to the rise
of the rocky floor towards the main mass of the hill on that side; which
however is generally not visible from within, as it is faced with
masonry. The whole vaulting, supported by semicircular arches, is Roman.
I consider therefore that the last restoration was made by order of
Justinian, but cannot allow that the whole building dates from that
time, because it is not likely that his historian, Procopius, would have
omitted to mention so stupendous a work; nor would there have been any
necessity for that Emperor to enlarge this part of the area of Moriah.
From within we plainly see the triple gate and the pointed arch, to
which we drew attention during our circuit of the walls. The former is
of the age of Justinian; but the quantity of earth and rubbish, now
piled against it on the inside, renders it difficult to form an opinion
on the purpose for which it was constructed. I believe that at that
period the vault was not used as a cistern. The pointed arch was, I
think, built in the time of the Latin kingdom, as a postern gate for
sorties, and an entrance into the stables of the Knights Templar; which,
from the small splayed loopholes in the south and east walls, the iron
rings fastened to the masonry, and the small party walls and holes cut
in the ground, I suppose to have been in this building. I was confirmed
in this opinion by observing a door (built-up) on the west side of the
vault which, I think, must have communicated with those under the mosque
_el-Aksa_. The Mohammedan legend, that both these were the stables of
Solomon[329] (as they still call them), probably took its rise from the
use to which they were applied by the Crusaders. On excavating inside,
near the ruined passage, I found three capitals of columns in white
veined marble[330] of an elegant design and good execution.