CHAPTER VIII

OF THOSE WHO HAVE ATTAINED THE POSITION OF PRINCE BY VILLAINY

But as there are still two ways of becoming prince which cannot be

attributed entirely either to fortune or to ability, they must not be

passed over, although one of them could be more fully discussed if we

were treating of republics. These are when one becomes prince by some

nefarious or villainous means, or when a private citizen becomes the

prince of his country through the favour of his fellow-citizens. And in

speaking of the former means, I will give two examples, one ancient,

the other modern, without entering further into the merits of this

method, as I judge them to be sufficient for any one obliged to imitate

them. Agathocles the Sicilian rose not only from private life but from

the lowest and most abject position to be King of Syracuse. The son

of a potter, he led a life of the utmost wickedness through all the

stages of his fortune. Nevertheless, his wickedness was accompanied

by such vigour of mind and body that, having joined the militia, he

rose through all its grades to be prætor of Syracuse. Having been

appointed to this position, and having decided to become prince, and

to hold with violence and without the support of others that which

had been granted him; and having imparted his design to Hamilcar the

Carthaginian, who with his armies was fighting in Sicily, he called

together one morning the people and senate of Syracuse, as if he had

to deliberate on matters of importance to the republic, and at a given

signal had all the senators and the richest men of the people killed by

his soldiers; after their death he occupied and held rule over the city

without any civil disorders. And although he was twice beaten by the

Carthaginians and ultimately besieged, he was able not only to defend

the city, but leaving a portion of his forces for its defence, with the

remainder he invaded Africa, and in a short time liberated Syracuse

from the siege and brought the Carthaginians to great extremities, so

that they were obliged to come to terms with him, and remain contented

with the possession of Africa, leaving Sicily to Agathocles. Whoever

considers, therefore, the actions and qualities of this man, will see

few if any things which can be attributed to fortune; for, as above

stated, it was not by the favour of any person, but through the grades

of the militia, which he had gained with a thousand hardships and

perils, that he arrived at the position of prince, which he afterwards

maintained by so many courageous and perilous expedients. It cannot be

called a virtue to kill one's fellow-citizens, betray one's friends,

be without faith, without pity, and without religion, by which methods

one may indeed gain an empire, but not glory. For if the virtues of

Agathocles in braving and overcoming perils, and his greatness of soul

in supporting and surmounting obstacles be considered, one sees no

reason for holding him inferior to any of the most renowned captains.

Nevertheless his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity, together with his

countless atrocities, do not permit of his being named among the

most famous men. We cannot attribute to fortune or merit that which

he achieved without either. In our own times, during the reign of

Alexander VI., Oliverotto du Fermo had been left a young boy under the

care of his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, who brought him up, and

sent him in early youth to fight under Paolo Vitelli, in order that he

might, under that discipline, obtain a good military position. On the

death of Paolo he fought under his brother Vitellozzo, and in a very

short time, being of great intelligence, and active in mind and body,

he became one of the leaders of his troops. But deeming it servile to

be under others, he resolved, with the help of some citizens of Fermo,

who preferred servitude to the liberty of their country, and with the

favour of the Vitellis, to occupy Fermo; he therefore wrote to Giovanni

Fogliani, how, having been for many years away from home, he wished

to come to see him and his city, and in some measure to revisit his

estates. And as he had only laboured to gain honour, in order that

his fellow-citizens might see that he had not spent his time in vain,

he wished to come honourably accompanied by one hundred horsemen, his

friends and followers, and prayed him that he would be pleased to

order that he should be received with honour by the citizens of Fermo,

by which he would honour not only him, Oliverotto, but also himself,

as he had been his pupil. Giovanni did not fail in any duty towards

his nephew; he caused him to be honourably received by the people of

Fermo, and lodged him in his own houses. After waiting some days to

arrange all that was necessary to his villainous projects, Oliverotto

invited Giovanni Fogliani and all the principal men of Fermo to a

grand banquet. After the dinner and the entertainments usual at such

feasts, Oliverotto artfully introduced certain important matters of

discussion, speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander, and of his

son Cesare, and of their enterprises. To which discourses Giovanni

and others having replied, he all at once rose, saying that these

matters should be spoken of in a more secret place, and withdrew into

a room where Giovanni and the other citizens followed him. They were

no sooner seated than soldiers rushed out of hiding-places and killed

Giovanni and all the others. After which massacre Oliverotto mounted

his horse, rode through the town and besieged the chief magistrate in

his palace, so that through fear they were obliged to obey him and form

a government, of which he made himself prince. And all those being

dead who, if discontented, could injure him, he fortified himself

with new orders, civil and military, in such a way that within the

year that he held the principality he was not only safe himself in

the city of Fermo, but had become formidable to all his neighbours.

And his overthrow would have been difficult, like that of Agathocles,

if he had not allowed himself to be deceived by Cesare Borgia, when

he besieged the Orsinis and Vitellis at Sinigaglia, as already

related, where he also was taken, one year after the parricide he had

committed, and strangled, together with Vitellozzo, who had been his

teacher in ability and atrocity. Some may wonder how it came about

that Agathocles, and others like him, could, after infinite treachery

and cruelty, live secure for many years in their country and defend

themselves from external enemies without being conspired against by

their subjects; although many others have, through their cruelty, been

unable to maintain their position in times of peace, not to speak of

the uncertain times of war.

I believe this arises from the cruelties being used well or badly.

Well used may be called those (if it is permissible to use the word

well of evil) which are committed once for the need of securing one's

self, and which afterwards are not persisted in, but are exchanged for

measures as useful to the subjects as possible. Cruelties ill used

are those which, although at first few, increase rather than diminish

with time. Those who follow the former method may remedy in some

measure their condition, both with God and man; as did Agathocles.

As to the others, it is impossible for them to maintain themselves.

Whence it is to be noted, that in taking a state the conqueror must

arrange to commit all his cruelties at once, so as not to have to recur

to them every day, and so as to be able, by not making fresh changes,

to reassure people and win them over by benefiting them. Whoever acts

otherwise, either through timidity or bad counsels, is always obliged

to stand with knife in hand, and can never depend on his subjects,

because they, through continually fresh injuries, are unable to depend

upon him. For injuries should be done all together, so that being less

tasted, they will give less offence. Benefits should be granted little

by little, so that they may be better enjoyed. And above all, a prince

must live with his subjects in such a way that no accident should make

him change it, for good or evil; for necessity arising in adverse

times, you are not in time with severity, and the good that you do does

not profit you, as it is judged to be forced, and you will derive no

benefit whatever from it.

The Prince(#57037) · 第 8 / 26 章