THE THIRD PUNIC WAR
[Sidenote: The dramatic representation of debates though convenient is
not history.]
+1.+ It may occur to some to ask why I have not given a dramatic turn
to my narrative, now that I have so striking a theme and a subject of
such importance, by recording the actual speeches delivered; a thing
which the majority of historians have done, by giving the appropriate
arguments used on either side. That I do not reject this method
altogether I have shown in several parts of my work, in which I have
recorded popular harangues and expositions delivered by statesmen; but
that I am not inclined to employ it on every occasion alike will now be
made clear; for it would not be easy to find a subject more remarkable
than this, nor material more ample for instituting a comparison of
such a character. Nor indeed could any form of composition be more
convenient to me. Still, as I do not think it becoming in statesmen
to be ready with argument and exposition on every subject of debate
without distinction, but rather to adapt their speeches to the nature
of the particular occasion, so neither do I think it right for
historians to practise their skill or show off their ability upon their
readers: they ought on the contrary to devote their whole energies to
discover and record what was really and truly said, and even of such
words only those that are the most opportune and essential....
[Sidenote: The Romans were careful to have a fair pretext for war.]
[Sidenote: 32, 20.]
+2.+ This idea having been firmly fixed in the minds of all, they
looked out for a suitable opportunity and a decent pretext to justify
them in the eyes of the world. For indeed the Romans were quite rightly
very careful on this point. For instance, the general impression that
they were justified in entering upon the war with Demetrius enhances
the value of their victories, and diminishes the risks incurred by
their defeats; but if the pretext for doing so is lame and poor the
contrary effects are produced. Accordingly, as they differed as to the
sentiments of the outer world on the subject, they were very nearly
abandoning the war....
_The policy of Rome in Africa of constantly supporting Massanissa
against Carthage was mentioned in 32, 2. Frequent complaints came to
Rome from the Numidian king, and the Carthaginians were said to be
collecting an army contrary to treaty. Commissioners were sent over in
154 B.C. on the advice of Cato, who were roughly treated at Carthage;
and when, in B.C. 151, Massanissa sent his son Gulussa with similar
complaints to Rome, Cato urged immediate war. The Senate, however,
again sent commissioners, among whom was Cato himself, to examine
into the matter. They reported that the Carthaginians had an army and
navy. An ultimatum was therefore sent, that the army and navy were to
be broken up within the year, or that the next consuls should bring
the question of war before the Senate (B.C. 150). Just at this crisis
Utica, in enmity with Carthage, placed itself under the protection of
Rome. Livy_, Ep. 48; _Appian_, Pun. 75.
[Sidenote: B.C. 149. Utica puts itself under the protection of Rome.]
[Sidenote: Carthaginian plenipotentiaries at Rome.]
+3.+ When the Carthaginians had been some time deliberating how they
should meet the message from Rome they were reduced to a state of the
utmost embarrassment by the people of Utica anticipating their design
by putting themselves under the protection of Rome. This seemed their
only hope of safety left: and they imagined that such a step must
win them favour at Rome: for to submit to put themselves and their
country under control was a thing which they had never done even in
their darkest hour of danger and defeat, with the enemy at their very
walls. And now they had lost all the fruit of this resolve by being
anticipated by the people of Utica; for it would appear nothing novel
or strange to the Romans if they only did the same as that people.
Accordingly, with a choice of two evils only left, to accept war
with courage or to surrender their independence, after a long and
anxious discussion held secretly in the Senate-house, they appointed
two ambassadors with plenary powers, and instructed them, that, in
view of the existing state of things, they should do what seemed for
the advantage of their country. The names of these envoys were Gisco
Strytanus, Hamilcar, Misdes, Gillimas, and Mago. When they reached Rome
from Carthage, they found war already decreed and the generals actually
started with their forces. Circumstances, therefore, no longer giving
them any power of deliberating, they offered an unconditional surrender.
[Sidenote: What is implied by their surrender. See 20, 9-10.]
[Sidenote: The Senate regrant their liberty and territory to the
Carthaginians,]
[Sidenote: but on condition of giving 300 hostages, and obeying certain
orders not yet expressed.]
+4.+ I have spoken before about what this implies, but I must in this
place also briefly remind my readers of its import. Those who thus
surrender themselves to the Roman authority, surrender all territory
and the cities in it, together with all men and women in all such
territory or cities, likewise rivers, harbours, temples, and tombs, so
that the Romans should become actual lords of all these, and those who
surrender should remain lords of nothing whatever. On the Carthaginians
making a surrender to this effect, they were summoned into the
Senate-house and the Praetor delivered the Senate’s decision, which was
to this effect: “They had been well advised, and therefore the Senate
granted them freedom and the enjoyment of their laws; and moreover, all
their territory and the possession of their other property, public or
private.” The Carthaginian envoys were much relieved when they heard
this; thinking that, where the alternatives were both miserable, the
Senate had treated them well in conceding their most necessary and
important requirements. But presently the Praetor went on to state
that they would enjoy these concessions on condition of sending three
hundred hostages to Lilybaeum within thirty days, sons of members of
the Hundred[235] or the Senate, and obeying such commands as should be
imposed on them by the consuls. This dashed their satisfaction for a
time, because they had no means of knowing what orders were to be given
them through the consuls; however, they started at once, being anxious
to report what had occurred to their countrymen with all speed. When
they arrived in Carthage and stated the facts, the citizens considered
that the envoys had in all respects acted with proper caution; but they
were greatly alarmed and distressed by the fact that in the answer no
mention was made of the city itself.
[Sidenote: Speech of Mago Brettius.]
[Sidenote: The hostages are sent to Lilybaeum.]
+5.+ At this juncture they say that Mago Brettius delivered a manly and
statesmanlike speech. He said: “The Carthaginians had two opportunities
of taking counsel in regard to themselves and their country, one
of which they had let pass; for in good truth it was no use now to
question what was going to be enjoined on them by the consuls, and why
it was that the Senate had made no mention of the city: they should
have done that when they made the surrender. Having once made that,
they must clearly make up their mind to the necessity of submitting
to every possible injunction, unless it should prove to be something
unbearably oppressive or beyond what they could possibly expect. If
they would not do this, they must now consider whether they preferred
to stand an invasion and all its possible consequences, or, in terror
of the attack of the enemy, accept without resistance every order
they might impose upon them.” But as the imminence of war and the
uncertainty of the future made every one inclined to submit to these
injunctions, it was decided to send the hostages to Lilybaeum. Three
hundred young men were forthwith selected and sent to Lilybaeum amidst
loud expressions of sorrow and tears, each of them being escorted
by his nearest friends and relations, the whole scene being made
especially moving by the lamentations of the women. On landing at
Lilybaeum the hostages were at once handed over by the consuls to
Quintus Fabius Maximus, who had been appointed to the command in Sicily
at that time. By him they were safely conveyed to Rome and confined in
the dockyard of the six-benched ships.
[Sidenote: The Consuls, L. Marcius Censorinus, M’. Manilius, land in
Africa. B.C. 149.]
[Sidenote: They demand the total disarming of the Carthaginians.]
+6.+ The hostages being thus disposed of, the consuls brought their
fleet to the citadel of Utica. When news of this reached Carthage,
the city was in the utmost excitement and panic, not knowing what to
expect next. However, it was decided to send envoys to ask the consuls
what they were to do, and to state that they were all prepared to obey
orders. The envoys arrived at the Roman camp: the general’s council
was summoned: and they delivered their commission. The senior Consul
thereupon, after complimenting them on their policy and readiness to
obey, bade them hand over all arms and missiles in their possession
without subterfuge or concealment. The envoys answered that they would
carry out the directions, but begged the Consul to consider what would
happen if the Carthaginians surrendered all their arms, and the Romans
took them and sailed away from the country. However, they gave them
up....
It was clearly shown that the resources of the city were enormous, for
they surrendered to the Romans more than two hundred thousand stands of
arms and two thousand catapults....
_This was followed by a second injunction of the consuls that the whole
people of Carthage should remove to some other spot, to be not less
than ten miles from the sea, and there build a new city. Livy_, Ep. 49.
[Sidenote: Return of the envoys with the last orders from the Consuls.]
+7.+ The people had no idea what the announcement was going to be, but
suspecting it from the expression of the envoys’ countenances, they
immediately burst into a storm of cries and lamentations....
[Sidenote: The popular fury.]
Then all the Senators,[236] uttering a cry of horror, remained as
though paralysed by the shock. But the report having quickly spread
among the people, the general indignation at once found expression.
Some made an attack on the envoys, as the guilty authors of their
misfortunes, while others wreaked their wrath upon all Italians caught
within the city, and others rushed to the town gates....
_The Carthaginians determine to resist, and the consuls, who had not
hurried themselves, because they believed that resistance from an
unarmed populace was impossible, found, when they approached Carthage,
that it was prepared to offer a vigorous resistance. The scene which
followed the announcement of the Consul’s orders, and the incidents of
the siege, are chiefly known to us from Appian_, Pun. 91 sq. _Livy_,
Ep. 49. _Scipio was serving as military Tribune, B.C. 149-148; consul,
B.C. 147._
[Sidenote: Hamilcar Phameas, the commander of the Punic cavalry.
Appian, _Pun._ 100.]
+8.+ Hamilcar Phameas[237] was the general of the Carthaginians, a man
in the very prime of life and of great physical strength. What is of
the utmost importance too for service in the field, he was an excellent
and bold horseman....
When he saw the advanced guard, Phameas, though not at all deficient
in courage, avoided coming to close quarters with Scipio: and on one
occasion when he had come near his reserves, he got behind the cover of
the brow of a hill and halted there a considerable time....
The Roman maniples fled to the top of a hill; and when all had given
their opinions, Scipio said, “When men are consulting what measures to
take at first, their object should be to avoid disaster rather than to
inflict it.”[238]...
[Sidenote: Polybius’s personal knowledge of Scipio.]
It ought not to excite surprise that I am more minute than usual in my
account of Scipio and that I give in detail everything which he said....
When Marcius Porcius Cato heard in Rome of the glorious achievements
of Scipio he uttered a palinode to his criticisms of him: “What have
you heard? He alone has the breath of wisdom in him: the rest are but
flitting phantoms.”[239]