Spain, the eastern and southern parts of which were, since the 2d
Punic war, governed by the Romans under a kind of military
occupation without being reduced to the form of regular
provinces, was always in a disturbed state, partly from sudden
uprisings of various tribes against the Roman authority, and
partly from numerous bodies of banditti, who seized strongholds
or fortified towns and carried on their depredations from these
centres. Hence it had been the policy of the Roman praetors and
consuls to insist on the demolition of fortresses and city walls,
as we learn from the accounts of Cato in B.C. 195 and others. In
B.C. 177 Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus had inflicted a severe
defeat upon the Celtiberians, and had made a settlement of the
country, which for a few years produced comparative quiet and
content. But in B.C. 154 an outbreak of the Lusitani led to a
considerable disaster to the Roman army under Lucius Mummius; and
when the consul Q. Fulvius Nobilior arrived in B.C. 153, he found
that the war had accordingly spread to the Celtiberian tribes,
the Belli and Titthi, who attempted to build the walls of Segeda.
On Nobilior ordering them to desist, in accordance with Gracchan
settlement, most of them obeyed after some resistance, but some
of them fled to the Arevacae (near the sources of the Douro and
Tagus); and this powerful tribe, after defeating the Roman army,
entrenched themselves in Numantia, under the walls of which
Nobilior sustained further losses. He was superseded in B.C. 152
by Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who, partly by strategy, and partly
by administrative skill and conciliation, restored the Roman
fortunes to a better position. The Belli and Titthi became allies
of Rome, and the Arevacae at least thought it worth while to ask
for a truce to enable them to send envoys to Rome to arrange
peace.—Appian, _Hispan._ 44-50.
[Sidenote: B.C. 153-151. The war with the Celtiberian Arevacae
conducted by Q. Fulvius Nobilior and M. Claudius Marcellus.]
+1.+ The war between the Romans and Celtiberians was called the “fiery
war;” for it was of a peculiarly fierce kind and remarkable for the
frequency of its battles. The wars in Greece and Asia were as a rule
settled by one battle, or in rare cases by two; and the battles
themselves were decided by the result of the first charge and shock of
the two armies. But in this war things were quite different. As a rule
the battles were only stopped by the fall of night; the men neither
lost heart nor would yield to bodily fatigue; but returned again and
again with fresh resolution to renew the combat. The whole war, and its
series of pitched battles, was at length interrupted for a time by the
winter. One therefore could hardly conceive a war more nearly answering
to our notion of a “fiery war” than this....
[Sidenote: M. Claudius Marcellus winters at Cordova. B.C. 152-151.]
[Sidenote: The envoys from Spain.]
[Sidenote: demand the settlement of Tiberius Gracchus, B.C. 177.]
[Sidenote: The Arevacae]
[Sidenote: Speech of the Belli and Titthi.]
+2.+ The Celtiberians, after making a truce with the consul M. Claudius
Marcellus, had sent ambassadors to Rome who remained there quietly
waiting for the answer of the Senate. Meanwhile M. Claudius went on
an expedition against the Lusitani, took Nercobrica by assault, and
then went into winter quarters at Corduba. Of the ambassadors who
came to Rome the Senate admitted those from the Belli and Titthi, who
were on the side of Rome, to enter the city; but ordered those from
the Arevacae to lodge on the other side of the Tiber, as being at war
with Rome, until such time as the Senate should have decided the whole
question. When the time for the interview was come,[232] the praetor
introduced the envoys from their allies first. Barbarians as they were,
they made a set speech, and endeavoured to explain clearly the causes
of all the dissension prevailing in their country: pointing out that
“Unless those who had broken out into war were reduced to tranquillity
and punished as they deserved, the very moment the Roman legions left
Iberia, they would inflict punishment upon the Belli and Titthi as
traitors; and that if they escaped unpunished for their first act
of hostility, they would make all the tribes in Iberia ripe for an
outbreak from the belief that they were capable of coping with Rome.”
They begged, therefore, that the legions should remain in Iberia, and
that each year a consul should come thither[233] to protect the allies
of Rome and punish the depredations of the Arevacae; or, if they wished
to withdraw the legions, they should first take signal vengeance for
the outbreak of this tribe, that no one might venture to do the like
again.” Such, or to this effect, was the speech of the envoys of the
Belli and Titthi who were in alliance with Rome. The envoys of the
hostile tribe were then introduced. On coming forward the Arevacae
assumed a feigned tone of submission and humility in the language of
their answer, without being, as was evident, at all yielding in their
hearts or acknowledging themselves beaten. On the contrary, they
continually hinted at the uncertainty of fortune; and speaking of the
battles that had taken place as undecided, they conveyed the impression
that they had had the best of the contest in them all. The upshot of
their speech was this: “If they must submit to some definite mulct for
their error, they were ready to do so: but, when that was completed,
they demanded that things should revert to the position fixed by their
treaty made with the Senate in the time of Tiberius Gracchus.”
[Sidenote: The Senate refer both the deputations to Marcellus,]
[Sidenote: but secretly determine to go on with the war and to
supersede Marcellus.]
[Sidenote: B.C. 151. Coss. Lucius Licinius Lucullus, Aulus Postumius
Albinus.]
+3.+ The Senators having thus heard both sides called in the legates
from Marcellus; and when they saw that they also were inclined to a
pacification, and that Marcellus was more inclined to favour the enemy
than the allied tribes, they answered the Arevacae that Marcellus
would declare in Iberia to both parties the decision of the Senate.
However, they were convinced in their own minds that their true
interests were such as the envoys of the allied tribes suggested, and
that the Arevacae were still inclined to haughty independence, and that
their own commander was afraid of them: they therefore gave secret
instructions to the legates of Marcellus to carry on the war with
spirit, and as the honour of the country demanded. But when they had
thus determined on a continuance of the war, feeling no confidence in
Marcellus, they determined first of all to send a commander to relieve
him in Iberia, as the new consuls Aulus Postumius and Lucius Licinius
Lucullus had just taken up their office. They then entered with spirit
and vigour on their preparations, because they believed that the
Iberian question would be decided by the result of this campaign: if
these enemies were beaten, they assumed that all others would accept
the orders of Rome; but that, if the Arevacae proved able to ward off
the punishment that threatened them, not only would their spirits be
again raised, but those of all the other Iberian tribes besides.
[Sidenote: The terror of the Celtiberians at Rome made men use every
pretext for avoiding service in the army.]
[Sidenote: Scipio volunteers to act as legatus or tribune.]
[Sidenote: This offer shames others into doing the same.]
+4.+ The more determined however the Senate was to carry on the war,
the greater became their embarrassment. For the report brought to
Rome by Q. Fulvius Nobilior, the commander in Iberia in the previous
year (B.C. 153), and those who had served under him, of the perpetual
recurrence of the pitched battles, the number of the fallen, and the
valour of the Celtiberians, combined with the notorious fact that
Marcellus shrank in terror from the war, caused such a panic in the
minds of the new levies as the old men declared had never happened
before. To such an extent did the panic go, that sufficient men were
not found to come forward for the office of military tribune, and these
posts were consequently not entirely filled up; whereas heretofore a
larger number than were wanted had been wont to volunteer for the duty:
nor would the men nominated by the Consuls as _legati_ to accompany the
commanders consent to serve; and, worst of all, the young men tried
to avoid the levies, and put forward such excuses as were disgraceful
for them to allege, and beneath the investigation of the Consuls, and
yet impossible to refute. But at length, in this embarrassment of the
Senate and magistrates, when they were wondering what was to be the
end of this shameless conduct of the young men, for they could call it
nothing else, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who, though still a
young man, had been one of those to advise the war, and who, though he
had already acquired a reputation for high principle and pure morality,
had not been known for his personal courage, seeing the Senate was
in a difficulty, stood up and bade them send him to Iberia, either
as military tribune or legatus, for he was ready to serve in either
capacity. “Though, as far as I am concerned,” he said, “my mission to
Macedonia would be safer and more appropriate”—for it happened that at
that time Scipio was personally and by name invited by the Macedonians
to come and settle the disputes which were raging among them—“yet
the needs of my own country are the more pressing of the two, and
imperatively summon to Iberia all who have a genuine love of honour.”
This offer was unexpected by all, both from the youth of Scipio and his
general character for caution, and consequently he became exceedingly
popular on the spot, and still more so on subsequent days. For those
who had before shrunk from the danger of the service, now, from
dislike of the sorry figure they made in comparison with him, began
volunteering to serve. Some offered to go as _legati_ to the generals,
and others in groups and clubs entered their names on the muster
rolls....
_Lucius Lucinius Lucullus, consul for B.C. 151, is sent to Spain,
Scipio Aemilianus acting as his legatus. They found that the Arevacae
had already submitted to Marcellus; but being in want of money Lucullus
was determined not to be deprived of a campaign. He therefore attacked
the next tribe, the Vaccaei, who lived on the other side of the Tagus,
nominally on the pretext of their having injured the Carpetani. The war
which followed was marked by signal acts of cruelty and treachery on
the part of Lucullus, as on that of the praetor Servius Sulpicius Galba
among the Lusitani. Appian,_ Hisp. 49-55.
[Sidenote: Incidents in Scipio’s Spanish campaign.]
+5.+ In Scipio’s mind there rose a contest of feelings, and a
hesitation as to whether he ought to meet the barbarian and fight him
in single combat.[234]...
Scipio’s horse was much distressed by the blow, but did not come down
entirely, and accordingly Scipio managed to light on his feet....
[Sidenote: Restoration of the Achaean detenus, B.C. 151.]
+6.+ Cato was consulted by Scipio, at the request of Polybius, on
behalf of the Achaeans; and when the debate in the Senate, between
the party who wished to grant it and the party that opposed it, was
protracted to a considerable length, Cato stood up and said: “As
though we had nothing else to do, we sit here the whole day debating
whether some old Greek dotards should be buried by Italian or Achaean
undertakers!” Their restoration being voted, Polybius and his friends,
after a few days’ interval, were for appearing before the Senate again,
with a petition that the exiles should enjoy the same honours in Achaia
as they had before. Cato, however, remarked with a smile that Polybius,
like another Odysseus, wanted to go a second time into the cave of the
Cyclops, because he had forgotten his cap and belt....