1624, he filed suit in the general court against Robert Evers. It would
appear that John Bailey received a grant from Governor Yeardley about
1617 for 490 acres on Hog Island. He did not seek to improve his land
and seemed reluctant to locate it specifically. Hamor, too, had a
"particular patent" from the Company in England "which patent was burnt
in the massacre." Moreover he had "a purpose to settle a plantacion
already begunne upon an island, called Hog Island." Reference would
indicate that other areas, too, had been "cleared & seated upon"
including one "parcell of land cleered by Southampton Hundred Company."
The end result was that Robert Evers, guardian for Mary, John Bailey's
daughter, should see to it that the original grant be selected and
"survayde and laid owte in hogg Islande." Any "surplusage" would go to
the next claimant in line, but Captain Hamor would have to be satisfied
"for the buildinge of such howses & cleringe of land as he shall build
and cleare, till the right be decided." Hamor, who already had his
dwelling house here, seemingly obtained some 250 acres in the end.
The 1625 muster would indicate that Hamor was not in residence although
he had seven servants here. It shows, too, that Sir George Yeardley was
in the picture with fifteen men at Hog Island, three listed as
"Dwellers." Five houses were listed but only nine hogs, a number too
small to be impressive. There was some armor, a good supply of small
arms and, comparatively speaking, an adequate stock of corn of 30
barrels. All of this speaks of an established settlement.
LAWNE'S PLANTATION (35)
It was in the spring of 1619 that Capt. Christopher Lawne's "private
plantation" was established. A ship bearing some 100 emigrants and
supplies, sent out by Richard Wiseman, Nathaniel Basse and others
reached Virginia and located on the south side of the James River below
Hog Island. Among other things he was to have provided twenty men for
the common Company land; however, he reduced this to fifteen when the
expected "loane of corne and cattle" was not forthcoming.
He and his men apparently, as was reported later, proceeded effectively
to plant the land he had been granted "accordinge to the purpose of
theire patentes." This was one of four private patents issued in the
first twelve years of the Virginia settlement, the others being that of
Samuel Argall, Martin's Hundred, and John Martin. The Company, on
November 5, 1618, had acted to encourage these particular Hundreds and
it had been specified that they could return what commodities they could
produce to their own adventurers. They could buy from goods in the
general store, if available; however, they could not trade for other
commodities produced in Virginia.
In July, 1619, Lawne's settlement was noted to be a new plantation
recently seated. It was, however, eligible for representation in the
Assembly and Lawne and Ensign Washer journeyed up to Jamestown to attend
the Assembly meeting that summer. In November, 1619, when "the danger of
his seate beinge far from any other Englishe Plantacon in the bottom of
the bay of Warrestoyack" was mentioned Lawne expressed confidence that
he could "make the place good against the Indians beinge a necke land
and defended by his howse...." Besides, he expected in emergency to team
up with "Lieftennant Basse and Ensigne Washer." Together they could
muster "a party of thirtye men."
Shortly, Lawne became ill and because of "his owne sicknes and his
peoples, wherein there was improvidency" he quit his plantation and went
up to Charles City where he died. One contemporary commented that "so
his project is likely, unles better followed and well seconded, to come
to nothing." More was to come. Nathaniel Basse, John Hobson, Richard
Wiseman and other fellow adventurers, with Captain Christopher Lawne
deceased, "applied for and received, on November 13, 1620," a
"confirmacon of their old pattent" in which it was specified that
henceforth it would be called the "Ile of Wightes Plantacon." The heirs
of Lawne were to be protected and the Company allowed five years to
bring the settlement up to strength. A little later Nathaniel Basse went
on to establish a plantation known for a time as "Basse's Choyce."
WARRASCOYACK (BENNETT'S PLANTATION) (36)
Located on the south side of the James River above Nansemond, this
plantation took its name from the Indians of the locality. It, along
with several other sites which included Martin's Hundred, and Pasbehegh,
was described as a "verie fruitful and pleasant" seat, "free from salt
mariches beinge all on the fresh river and ... [a] verie healthfull and
high land." This was unlike "James Citty" even though Jamestown was "as
high as Debtforde or Ratcliffe." Warrascoyack was known, too, as
Bennett's Plantation, and as "Bennetes Wellcome" after Edward Bennett, a
well established London merchant, who, with others of his family,
established it as a "particular" plantation.
Bennett, who was admitted to the Virginia Company on April 12, 1621,
obtained a patent the next October. At the time it was noted that he
"had deserved singularly well of the Company before he was a member
thereof, and since his admittance hee had been att a verie great charge
for transportinge of people to Virginia...." On November 21, 1621, he
was issued a patent for 100 "planters." This undoubtedly explains how
quickly Warrascoyack was settled.
It was evidently well established in the spring of 1622 when there is
reference to the "houses wherein Warresquiocke people were placed."
This, it should be added, was not the only plantation to be contemplated
in the Warrascoyack district. Captain Christopher Lawne, in 1619, for
example, was in the general area having been located just to the north
of where Bennett's patent was fixed and "Basses Choyse" was not far away
to the south, downstream.
The Indian massacre was disastrous to the Warrascoyack settlement. More
than 50 men and women were slain "at Mr. Edward Bennett's Plantation"
including the commander "Master Th: Brewood, his wife, his childe, two
servants." Perhaps, the Indians remembered the fall of 1610 when Edward
Brewster and Samuel Argall fell upon their Chief and burned two of his
townes accusing him of "acting falsely." There had been no hint of
destruction when the Indians returned "one Browne" two days before the
onslaught. Browne had been living with them to learn their language.
Following the massacre Governor Wyatt ordered Captain Ralph Hamor to
"bring away all the people and goodes from Wariscoyack upp to James
Cittie" for safety. The military expedition against the natives may not
have been wholly successful or, perhaps, there were other reasons that
delayed the return to Warrascoyack. Such might be inferred from
Bennett's request to the Company on October 7, 1622 "that his people
might be returned to his plantacon at Warascoacke." He was given leave
for the "repossessinge."
In April, 1623, the Governor by proclamation ordered the building of a
fort at Warrascoyack. This, "to defend ... against the invasion of any
forreine ennimy," was more against external than internal foes. It was
to be by public subscription and to be carried out under Captain Roger
Smith's direction in six months. It was known to require "great
ordnance." Two years later, however, it had not been effected although
it was still considered a good point from which "to secure the places
above."
Evidently the massacre produced but a temporary delay at Warrascoyack.
The picture painted in a letter from Richard to Edward Bennett on June
9, 1623, written from Bennett's Welcome, was one of new supplies, fears
of encroachments, growth and thankfulness: "Our men stande well to ther
helthe God be thanced and I hope to make you a good crope, bothe for
tobaco and corne. The forte is abuildinge apase." The Indians were still
respected nonetheless and the plan called for an expedition "to cute
downe their corne and put them to sorde" after "we have wedid our Tobaco
and cornne." It was a little later in the year that William Bennett, the
minister at Warrascoyack, sued for his two years of back
salary--1,533-1/3 pounds of tobacco.
In 1624 the plantation was represented in the Assembly by one John
Pollington. In fact, in that year, the settlement had thirty-three
persons including three negroes even though twenty-six had died in the
preceding twelve months period. A year later, in 1625, the population
had dropped to nineteen. A dozen more deaths were recorded including
five "slayne by the Indianes." Mortality continued high at Warrascoyack
("Warwick Squeake" as it was occasionally designated).
In the February, 1625 census listings, there were two houses, a store,
and two palisadoes. Armament was light, consisting of nine suits of
armor and thirteen "fixed pieces." The largest of the four musters was
that which listed the twelve servants of Edward Bennett. The others were
one, two, and four persons respectively. Before May, 1625 it was
reported out of Virginia that some 1,750 acres of land had been
patented at "Warrasquoake plantacon downe wards from Hogg Island xiiii
miles, by the river side." This included 300 acres "planted" by Captain
Nathaniel Basse.
"BASSE'S CHOYSE" (37)
In November, 1621, the Virginia Company voted a patent to Arthur Swayne
and Nathaniel Basse, adventurers, and to their associates to transport
100 persons to Virginia. This patent for a "particular plantation" was
further confirmed in January, 1622. Basse evidently proceeded to execute
the necessary measures to translate this into reality. He was in
Virginia in October, 1622.
Basse located in the Warrascoyack area downstream from Bennett's
Plantation and proceeded to establish his settlement. In 1624 he
represented it in the Assembly. About this time the settlement numbered
some twenty persons, but a year later it had only twelve in four
separate musters. The even dozen inhabitants included three women and a
child, "borne in Virginia," all indicating family life rather than a
military outpost. Arms and weapons were in plentiful supply nonetheless:
twenty-two "armours" of various types, twenty small arms, four pistols,
twelve swords and two pieces of ordnance. There was ample corn, a good
fish supply and seven houses to give the settlement comfort.
Basse, it appears, had planted by patent some 300 acres and his neighbor
to the north was interested in his activity. In June, 1623 Robert
Bennett wrote to Edward Bennett in Virginia asking that he report
whether Basse, or others, might "claim anye lande as ther righte" in the
Bennett's Welcome sphere.
NANSEMOND (38)
A settlement was attempted on an island in the Nansemond River in the
late summer of 1609, yet it was of short duration. With Jamestown
overpopulated, due to the arrival of the third supply, and dissension
rife, Smith sent out several parties with supplies to establish other
posts. For the Nansemond effort, he dispatched sixty men under the
command of Captain John Martin and George Percy. The expedition moved
partly by water and partly by land and consolidated in the Nansemond
River. When efforts "to barter with ... [the Indian Chief] for an island
righte opposite ageinste the maine ... [for] copper hatches and other
comodeties" failed, the island was seized by force with little concern
for the natives who proved wholly unhospitable. "So haveinge scene
Capte: Martin well settled I [George Percy] retourned with Capte Nellson
to James Towne ageine acordinge to apoyntementts."
The Indians continually attacked the settlement and the good supplies of
corn in the area could not be utilized. For reasons of business and
safety Martin journeyed up to Jamestown. Reinforcements helped not at
all. A party sent from Nansemond to trade at Kecoughtan was not heard
from and many of the settlers were killed in skirmishes in the area of
the island post. In late fall, it was necessary for all survivors to
return to Jamestown, as Percy relates, "to feede upon the poore store we
had lefte us."
THE EASTERN SHORE (39)
The census of early 1625 showed clearly that the colonization of the
area across the Chesapeake Bay was secure. The enumeration listed a
total of fifty-one persons, a decline from the seventy-six persons named
the year before. The listing of property and accommodations, however,
showed stability and establishment. This embraced twenty dwellings and
seventeen stores, the latter, perhaps, suggesting an active Indian trade
which had long been a hopeful prospect here. There was, too, a fort and
a substantial listing of arms: thirty-five firearms, three swords and
twenty-eight armors as well as 155 pounds of powder and 646 pounds of
shot. The inhabitants were classified as thirty-two free, seventeen
servants and two children (forty-four males, seven females). The
Company's and Secretary's tenants were seated on their respective lands
although they had not yet been surveyed. The several distinct musters
included those of Charles Harman, John Blore, and Captain John
Willcockes as well as "Ancient" Thomas Savage. The largest was that of
Captain William Epes who could count thirteen servants. All were grouped
on the Bay side of the lower part of the peninsula and, although not
contiguous, formed a compact group in "The Kingdome of Acchawmacke."
This was in a sense the most isolated of all Virginia plantations being
separated from the main body of the settlement by the wide waters of the
Chesapeake. It enjoyed, however, a healthful climate, fruitful land and
waters, and a continuing friendly Indian population.
As early as June, 1608, an exploring group under John Smith had made a
landing on the Eastern Shore and visited the Indian "King of
Accawmacke." They learned much of the area including the observation
that the natives fished "with long poles like javelings, headed with
bone." This was the beginning of a lasting friendship with "Laughing
King," a friendship which was strengthened by Thomas Savage, the young
boy exchanged with Powhatan in 1608, who later went to dwell across the
Bay.
In 1613 Samuel Argall, seeking fish for the James River settlements as
well as trade, visited the Eastern Shore. He found people "who seemed
very desirous of our love." He traded successfully for corn, found great
store of fish and then explored along the outer islands observing that
"salt might easily be made there, if there were any ponds digged, for
that I found salt kerned where the water had overflowne in certain
places."
Argall's thoughts about salt manufacture were followed up in June, 1614
when a group of some twenty men under Lieutenant Craddock was dispatched
to the area to set up a salt works and to catch fish. This was the first
settlement "across the Bay" and it was known as "Dale's Gift" after Sir
Thomas Dale then deputy governor in Virginia. The site selected for the
work was on Smith's Island along the outer edge of the point of the
peninsula. The quarters for the workmen may have been built on the
mainland just above the point of the peninsula long known as Cape
Charles.
Dale's Gift endured for a time although it appears to have been
abandoned during Argall's administration. It was one of only six points
of settlement as listed for Virginia in 1616. John Rolfe's description
of it at this time shows its garrison-like quality: "At Dales Gifte
(lieng upon the sea neere unto Cape Charles, about thirty miles from
Kequoughtan) are seventeen [men] under the command of one Leiftenaunte
Cradock; all these are fed and maintained by the Colony. Their labor is
to make salte; and to catch fishe at the two seasons aforemencioned
[spring and fall]." The work was allowed to lapse and in 1620 the "salt
works" were described as "wholly gone to rack and let fall" with serious
consequences. It led, it appears, to some "distemper" in Virginia caused
by the colonists "eating pork and other meats fresh and unseasoned." In
any case measures were taken in 1620-21 to re-establish the works and
Pory reported that he had found a suitable spot not far from "where was
our salt-house."
Permanent colonization of the Eastern Shore dates, it seems, from about
1619 when Thomas Savage went there to live on a large tract of land
lying between Cheriton and King's Creek (Savage's Neck) given him by
"Laughing King" (Debedeavon). Savage, as reported by John Martin who
visited there in April, 1619, was already well established in Indian
councils. Both Savage and Martin recognized the value of trade with the
Indians here as did John Pory who visited the Eastern Shore in 1621.
Pory, Secretary of the Colony, had been authorized the year before to
lay out 500 acres and to place 20 men on them for the support of his
office. This he did sending 10 men in 1620 and 10 more in 1621. In 1621,
too, John Willcox planted across the bay. In this same year Sir George
Yeardley obtained a large acreage from Debedeavon. When Yeardley, in
June, 1622, crossed the bay to inspect his property he was so pleased
with what he saw that he stayed six weeks. There had been no massacre
here for "Laughing King" had refused to join in the Indian plot. He had,
in fact, warned the Governor of the impending catastrophe. The area
across the Bay had also escaped the "foull distemper" that swept along
the James plantations about this time. Mortality had been high from the
epidemic that probably came from the newly arriving immigrants to
Virginia.
The Eastern Shore was now well established. In 1624 its first
representatives, Captain John Willcox and Henry Watkins, were sent to
the Assembly which met at Jamestown in March. It appears that a
minister, the Rev. Francis Bolton, served here for a time. Others moved
over from the western shore including Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir
Thomas Dale. Few, it seems, came directly from Europe to Virginia's
Eastern Shore. Most came after a sojourn in one, or more, of the
settlements along the James.
ELIZABETH CITY (KECOUGHTAN) (40)
Early in 1625 the community of Elizabeth City, or rather the communities
that made up Elizabeth City, could count some 359 persons. This included
those "Beyond Hampton River" earlier referred to as "At Bucke Row." In
the year before, 1624, this area had counted some 349 (thirty at "Bucke
Roe") and in that year a total of 101 had died. These figures indicate
both a high mortality as well as a high rate of immigration into this
section. Elizabeth City, in 1625, was the largest community in Virginia,
much larger than James City and its Island with its 175 persons (218 in
1624), which held second place in population.
In 1625 it was an established community including 279 males and eighty
females. Four were negroes. More than twenty-five per cent were living
beyond Hampton River. It had the large total of eighty-nine houses
besides twenty stores, all beyond Hampton River, and twenty-four
palisadoes. Its supplies of corn and fish were large and ample compared
with other settlements although it was weak in livestock and poultry
when viewed in comparison with Jamestown and some of the upriver
communities. Although strong in small arms, it had a major allotment of
ordnance. It did boast of six boats. Excepting Jamestown, this was the
largest fleet in the Colony although the Eastern Shore was close with
its five.
There were fifty-four separate musters or groups in Elizabeth City with
the largest of them being that of Capt. William Tucker including his
wife and daughter, "borne in Virginia in August," and eighteen others.
Among these were three negroes, Antoney, Isabell and "William theire
Child Baptised." There was, too, the muster of the ancient planters John
and Anne Laydon and their four girls, all Virginia "borne." The oldest
of them was the first child born in the Colony. Nicolas Martiau was
listed here, as was Ensign Thomas Willoby and Edward Waters. In addition
to the fifty-four musters, or groups, in Elizabeth City proper there
were sixteen resident beyond Hampton River. These embraced Captain
Francis West and Sergeant William Barry. The latter had fifteen servants
which was a larger number than most musters enumerated. It appears that
in excess of 4,000 acres of land had been patented and the greater part
of it had been planted. Patents, too, had been issued for land across
the Hampton Roads on the south side of the James River, yet none is
listed as having been planted at this date.
Elizabeth City began on the site of an Indian village on the west side
of Hampton Creek and was known by its Indian name of Kecoughtan for a
decade. The English first saw this spot on May 1, 1607 when the three
ships moved over from Cape Henry. The friendly Indians welcomed the
shore party and took them to their village of some 18 houses of twigs
and bark and twenty fighting men where there was food, a friendly smoke,
and entertainment.
After this visit the settlers moved on up the James and it was fall
before the English were here again. John Smith then traded successfully
with them for corn. Smith was here again in the summer of 1608 and in
the following winter always being well received and refreshed before
leaving. There is clear evidence that the first post established by the
Colonists for trade with the Indians was here where Indians and whites
lived together in some number. When, however, Humphry Blunt out of Fort
Algernourne, that is Old Point Comfort, was killed by Indians at
Nansemond, Sir Thomas Gates used the opportunity to punish the Indians
by driving the Kecoughtans away from their cornfields and fishing
grounds. It was in the summer of 1610 that he "posseseinge himselfe of
the Towne and the fertill ground there unto adjacentt haveinge well
ordered all things he lefte his Lieftenantt Earley to comawnd his
company and retourned to James Towne."
In October, 1609, after Smith's departure for England, President George
Percy had sent Captain John Ratcliffe down to the mouth of the river to
erect a fort due to "the plenty of the place for fisheinge" and "for the
comodious discovery of any shippeinge which sholde come uppon the
co[a]ste." He chose Point Comfort, so named in 1607, and designated it
"Algernowns Foarte" after Lord De La Warr's "name and howse." When
Ratcliffe was killed by the Indians while on an expedition up the York,
Captain James Davis was named to command in his stead.
Those at Point Comfort in the winter of 1609-10 apparently fared much
better than those at Jamestown. When Percy visited here he found them,
he reports, "in good case and well lykeinge haveinge concealed their
plenty from us above att James Towne beinge so well stored thatt the
crabb fishes where with they fede their hoggs wold have bene a greate
relefe unto us and saved many of our lykes."
It was on the Kecoughtan site that an English settlement (Hampton) began
to evolve. For two or three years it was little more than a military
outpost and a plantation where corn was grown to help fill the larder at
Jamestown. To supplement the fort at Point Comfort, De La Warr had two
more built on either side of a small stream, Fort Henry and Fort
Charles. This river De La Warr called the Southampton (Hampton), the
name that came to be applied, too, to the wide waters into which it
flowed, Hampton Roads. The forts were intended both as strongholds
against the Indians and as a rest stop, or acclimation point, for
incoming settlers "that the weariness of the sea may be refreshed in
this pleasing part of the countree."
The forts were abandoned in the fall, but when Sir Thomas Dale reached
Point Comfort on May 22, 1611, he reoccupied them. He left James Davis
in command of Fort Algernourne and proceeded to restore Fort Charles on
the east side of, and Fort Henry on the west side of, Hampton River
before going on to Jamestown.
It was in 1611 that a Spanish caravel appeared at Point Comfort, picked
up an English pilot and sailed away leaving three of its crew. One of
them was the spy Diego de Molina who later reported that Fort
Algernourne had a garrison of twenty-five and four iron pieces. A fire
destroyed the fort, except for Captain Davis' house and storehouse. He,
however, rebuilt it with "expedition." In 1614 "Point Comfort Fort" as
Fort Algernourne was called after Percy left in April, 1612, was
described as a stockade "without brick or stone" containing fifty
persons (men, women and boys), protected by seven iron pieces. Soon
after this the fort evidently fell into disuse.