ordnance and in 1614 Capt. George Webb was the principal commander of
both. Ralph Hamor at this time described them as "goodly seats and much
corne ground about them, abounding with the commodities of fish, fowle,
deere and fruits, whereby the men live there, with halfe that
maintenaunce out of the store, which in other places was allowed." He
thought it an excellent spot except "we cannot secure it, if a forraigne
enemy, as we have just caus to expect daily should attempt it."
The settlement grew slowly as the report of John Rolfe in 1616 shows:
"At Keqoughtan, being not farr from the mouth of the river, thirty-seven
miles below James Towne on the same side, are twenty [persons] whereof
eleven are Farmors. All these also mayntayne themselves as the former.
Captain George Webb Commander, Mr. William Mays Mynister there."
At this time it ranked fifth in size of the then existing six Virginia
settlements. Only Dale's Gift on Eastern Shore was smaller. The largest
at the time was Bermuda Hundred with its 119 persons. Jamestown was
second with fifty. Although small it can be assumed that since 1611,
although much a military post, it was changing. Rolfe relates that there
were women and children "in every place some" and where there are women
and children there is family life.
In 1619 the settlement of Kecoughtan was captained by William Tucker and
he and William Capps represented the settlement in the first House of
Burgesses. It was evidently on their petition that the Assembly was
asked "to change the savage name of Kiccowtan, and to give that
Incorporation a new name." It was so ordered, and the new name was
Elizabeth City after the daughter of King James.
The next five years saw extensive growth in this area including the
assignment of 3,000 acres of Company land, 1,500 acres for common use
and 100 acres for a glebe. In 1620 some Frenchmen were sent to the Buck
Roe section to instruct the colonists in planting mulberries and vines
and in sericulture and viniculture. In 1621 Captain Thomas Newce came as
manager of the Company lands and obtained a grant of 600 acres for
himself. The resident minister at the time was Reverend James Stockton
who took a rather dim view of Indian character.
The massacre of 1622 did not leave any dead at Elizabeth City. This
appears to have been due in part to the good work of Captain Newce who
took defensive measures and made plans to alleviate the suffering
resulting from the Indian devastation. The massacre stimulated the
growth of population in Elizabeth City which still, however, was not
immune from Indian attack as witnessed by the four who were killed in
September, 1622.
William Tucker of Elizabeth City was one of those whom Wyatt called on
to lead punitive attacks on the Indians. Following these the Indian
threat to Elizabeth City was essentially removed and the area came to
enjoy peace and freedom for development as was reflected in the census
of 1624 and that of 1625. In 1623 it was called in one document "the
first plantation." The Elizabeth City community embraced the sites of
Point Comfort, Fort Charles, Fort Henry, and Kecoughtan, west of Hampton
Creek, as well as the areas of Buck Roe, "Strawberry Banks," east of
Hampton Creek, and "Indian Thickett."
NEWPORT NEWS (41)
The English first saw the site of Newport News on May 2, 1607 as they
ascended the James River en route to Jamestown. There is, however, no
reference to an Indian site here or to any specific use of the area,
which Smith listed as "Point Hope" on his map of Virginia, until more
than a decade later, November, 1621 when Daniel Gookin settled here. It
is reported that "at _Nupor[t]s-newes_: the cotton trees in a yeere grew
so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a man: here; any thing that is
planted doth prosper so well as in no other place better."
A brief account penned by David Pietersz de Vries, a Dutch shipmaster,
who visited Virginia in March, 1633 implies that Newport News then was
an established watering point for incoming, and even outgoing, vessels.
His description tends to provoke the thought that such had been the case
for years, perhaps from the early days of Virginia. "The 10th, we sailed
up the river [James]. When we came to the before-mentioned point of
Newport-Snuw, we landed and took in water. A fine spring lies inside the
shore of the river, convenient for taking water from. All the ships come
here to take in water on their way home. After we had procured some
water, we sailed on...." On March 20, when leaving Virginia, De Vries
observed again "anchored at evening before the point of Newport-Snuw,
where we took in water."
The earliest known reference to the name Newport News is in a letter
written from Jamestown on November 11, 1619 when the inhabitants of
Kecoughtan were assured the opportunity "to choose ther divident alonge
the banke of the great river betweene Kequohtan and Newportes Newes."
The origin of its name is obscure yet it is not unlikely that Captain
Christopher Newport is honored here. A second reference, one in January,
1620 lists "Newports Newes." Later references, in the Virginia Company
records (1621-24), show varying forms: "Newportnewes," "Nuports Newes,"
"New ports-newes" and "Newport newes." The name seems established before
Gookin and his friends, the Newces, entered the scene; hence it is
improbable that Newce or Newcetown, Ireland, is responsible for the
name. The name "Newportes Poynte" is shown on Robert Tindall's map of
1608 but it refers to a point on the York River rather than to the
Newport News site.
Daniel Gookin was a friend and associate of Sir William Newce and
Captain Thomas Newce, both prominent in Virginia affairs, yet not of
long time in the Colony, and like them was from Newcetown in Ireland.
All had plans to establish a strong settlement in Virginia. As early as
November, 1620, the Company had agreed to pay Gookin to transport some
livestock to Virginia. He was promised a patent in Virginia for a
"particular" plantation. His arrival and establishment, late in 1621, is
recorded in a letter of the governor and council in January, 1622:
There arived heere about the 22th of November a shipp from mr
Gookine out of Ireland wholy uppon his owne adventure,
withoute any relatione at all to his contract with you in
England which was soe well furnished with all sortes of
provisione, as well as with cattle, as wee could wishe all men
would follow theire example, hee hath also brought with him
aboute fifty more uppon the adventure besides some thirty
other passengers, wee have accordinge to their desire seated
them at Newportes news, and we doe conceave great hope (if the
Irish plantacone prosper) that frome Ireland greate multitudes
of people wilbe like to come hither....
His plantation did, it seems, prosper, yet not without loss in men and
effort. In the spring of 1623 when forty new men reported to the
settlement things were not good. "Of all Mr. Gookins men which he sent
out the last year we found but seven, the rest being all killed by the
Indians, and his plantation ready to fall to decay." At the time of the
Indian massacre he refused to take refuge in a stronger place deeming
his settlement strong enough to withstand attack. With thirty-five men
he succeeded in this and, it seems, was the first to reach England with
news of the massacre. His son Daniel Gookin, Jr., evidently took over
the management of the settlement when he left.
The census of 1625 from "Newportes newes" lists only the muster of
Daniel Gookin and would indicate that neither he, nor his son, was in
residence at the time. The listing shows only a total of twenty
servants, eight of whom came in the _Flyinge Hart_ in 1621 and twelve of
the forty who had come in the _Providence_ in 1623. The entire
population was male and evidently they lived in four houses; at least
only four were reported. At the time corn supplies stood at thirty
barrels and cattle numbered fifteen head. For arms, the plantation had
sixteen fixed pieces, twenty swords, and three pieces of ordnance. It
would seem that the area of the plantation embraced 1,300 patented acres
all of which were "planted."
In January, 1624 it had been sufficiently strong to be included in the
Governor's instructions to Captain William Tucker, of Elizabeth City.
These called for the meeting of "all the free men inhabiting in those
plantacons under your comand at Keycotan & Nuport Newes [for the purpose
of] by pluralitie of voices to make election of twoe men" to attend the
General Assembly called for February. Of the four who were chosen from
the "Incorporation of Elizabeth City," however, two were from Elizabeth
City proper and two from "Elizabeth City beyond Hampton River." None was
from Newport News.
BLUNT POINT (42)
The extent of settlement in this area on the north side of the James
above Newport News in 1625 is difficult to determine. There had been a
number of land patents issued prior to this date. One for 100 acres, on
August 14, 1624, was to Edward Waters at "Blunt point" and several
others were issued four months later in the area between the point and
Newport News. Some were to old residents of Newport News and Kecoughtan
and several were issued to new arrivals. One grant for 150 acres to
Maurice Thompson had been made as early as March 4, 1621. Patented
acreage at "Blunt Pointe" and "belowe Blunt Point" in 1625 embraced some
2,200 acres and 1,390 acres respectively.
The massacre of 1622 forced the withdrawal of any who may have been
located in the area at that date. Included in the list of those killed
at the time was Edward Walters, his wife, child, maid and boy all at
"Master Edward Walters his house" which may have been in the Blunt Point
vicinity. If this were really Edward Waters who received the patent at
Blunt Point in 1624, it would mean that he had already established
himself here. Such is conceivable since, at the time of the massacre, he
and his wife were made prisoners by the Nansemond Indians and possibly
could have been listed as dead. He was fortunate in being able to manage
an escape and took refuge at Elizabeth City (Kecoughtan).
Waters was an ancient planter who had come to Virginia with Gates,
reaching the Colony in 1610. He was one of a party who returned to
Bermuda for hogs for Virginia. Circumstances intervened and he remained
there about seven years. It was not until about 1617 that he returned to
Virginia where he was married and settled down. In 1625 he was listed
as living at Elizabeth City with his wife, son and daughter, "borne in
Virginia." His muster then included six servants and five others.
In a statement made by a number of Virginia planters on April 30, 1623,
there is mention of the plantation at "Blunt point" which would imply an
established settlement here at that time. It was enumerated along with a
number of others, including Newport News, which were described "as verie
fruitfull and pleasant seates." This was ten months after Captain Samuel
Each's offer to "erect before the end of March [1623] uppon the oyster
bankes, a block-house, that should forbid the passage of any shipp" up
the James. Each felt that he could lay his vessel near "Blunt point" and
do this with dispatch with his mariners and twelve carpenters. The
Governor and Council embraced his offer to build this "Block house about
Blunt Point." Company officials in England, too, liked the idea very
much. Seemingly, however, it never materialized. Instead, talk turned to
the fort which was undertaken at Warrascoyack on the opposite shore of
the James.
MULBERRY ISLAND (43)
On the north side of the James River some ten miles below Jamestown,
this "island" embraces some ten square miles of ground. Its name
evidently was derived from a heavy growth of the native Virginia
mulberry trees (_Morus rubra_). This must have been the case since
"Mulberry Island" and "Mulberry Point" were in use as place designations
as early as July, 1610. It was so named even before it was settled.
When Gates was proceeding down river, having abandoned Jamestown, in
June, 1610, it was just off Mulberry Island that he encountered Lord De
La Warr's "long boat" which gave word of reinforcements and supplies.
This saved the Colony and Gates reversed his course and returned to
Jamestown. In this way Mulberry Island is linked with this decisive
meeting which greatly affected the survival of the Colony.
It is not clear when actual settlement of the Island began. Seemingly it
was not before 1617 or 1618. In any event, about this time, settlers did
begin to drift in to this section of the James River basin. In 1619 it
appears that Captain William Pierce patented 650 acres in this quarter.
Pierce had been in Virginia since 1610 and in 1617 was well established
being Captain of the Guard at Jamestown where he had "the fairest
[house] in all Virginia." Now, however, he removed to his new holding
where, before March, 1622, he built another home and established his
residence.
Another prominent patentee at Mulberry Island was John Rolfe who had
"land on Mulberry Island Virginia" before March 10, 1621. He and "some
others," including William Pierce, obtained 1,700 acres by patent and
proceeded to "plant" it. His chief residence at the time was in Bermuda
Hundred and it is doubtful that he resided here. He had, it might be
mentioned, in 1620, married Jane the daughter of Captain William Pierce
and he appears to have lost his life in the Indian massacre.
It is not known how many others "planted," or lived, here at this time.
Evidently it was not sufficient to send a representative to the Assembly
in 1619. Whatever growth it enjoyed was checked by the Indian massacre
in 1622. It is recorded that Thomas Pierce, probably a son of William,
his wife and child, two men and "a French boy," were killed at Thomas'
house "over against Mulberry Island." The resettlement of the area after
the massacre was delayed. No persons are listed from this locality in
1624 nor were there representatives in the Assembly of the same year.
Within a year, however, the picture had changed.
The census of January, 1625 lists thirty persons, twenty-five males and
five women, at "Mulburie Island." Not much else is listed in the muster
except the arms of the settlement. The twenty-two suits of armor, the
thirty-seven "fixed pieces" and the forty-two swords would indicate
that protection was uppermost in the plans. There were several distinct
musters including those of Anthony Baram and Thomas Harwood, yet the
largest was that of Captain William Pierce. Although not in residence
himself, he had thirteen servants at Mulberry Island. Except for
Pierce's, there were no other servants save one of Thomas Harwood.
MARTIN'S HUNDRED (44)
This was one of the earliest of the "particular" plantations and had a
larger and more vigorous life than most. It has been said that this
might be listed as the leading, or model, Hundred in the Colony. It was
one organized and promoted by a group within, yet outside of, the
regular Company projects. It was named for Richard Martin, an attorney
for the London Company. He was a leading member in the Society of
Martin's Hundred as this special group of adventurers was known. Another
leader in the sponsoring group was Sir John Wolstenholme whose name was
associated with the town, described in January, 1622 as "the Towne in
Martin's Hundred [which] is now seated called Wolstenholme Towne."
Wolstenholme was located on the James, it seems, and the boundaries of
the Hundred, when laid down in 1621, were measured five miles along the
"river called (Kinge) James River" in each direction from it. This was
five miles toward Jamestown and five toward "Newportes Newes." Northward
the bound was the Queenes River alias Pacomunky [York]. It is of
interest to note that the boundaries were to "the middest" of the
rivers. Roughly its 80,000 acres lay on the north side of the James
between Archer's Hope and Mulberry Island.
In October, 1618, the Society sent its first colonists to Virginia.
These made up a party of 280 who reached Virginia several months later
in the _Guift of God_. Several additional groups were sent out in 1619,
a large party in 1620 and others in 1621. The latter were sent, it was
recorded, "to plante and inhabite and to erect and make perfect a church
and towne there already begunne." At the time of the Assembly in 1619 it
was an established community and sent its representatives up to
Jamestown--John Boys and John Jackson.
It appears to have been a determined lot of "ancient adventurers" who
sponsored Martin's Hundred and the record indicates that they worked
hard and zealously to make it a paying organization. They were, however,
often beset with difficulties. Shipmasters and mariners abused them as
did the "Capemarchant," according to their reports. When they sought
Company shares to sustain losses in one shipment to Virginia, Sir Edwin
Sandys reminded them that they were a particular group. He related "As
Martins Hundred hath been at great charges, so have divers other
hundreds, so have also beene many perticuler persons, Captaine Bargrave
alone hath brought and sett out divers shipps ... Sir Thomas Gates, and
Sir Thomas Dale, besides a multitude of other[s], who have spent a large
portion of their estates therein...."
In May, 1621, Yeardley wrote concerning the arrival of servants to be
located at Martin's Hundred. He described the difficulty of making land
assignments "because we have never a surveyour in the lande." He added
too that "the undertakers at Martins Hundred would thinke themselves
muche wronged, if any other should be sett on worke to divide their
groundes." He commented, too, that a proper division might be better
since he had heard that the Society "intende ... to buy out the Indians
of Chischiack [on the York River]."
Martin's Hundred suffered severely in the massacre of 1622. The
slaughter took a total of seventy-eight persons including the commander.
Among those killed were a score of women and children showing that
family life was well developed here. The loss was so great that the
settlement was temporarily abandoned along with a great many others in
Virginia. The abandonment was of short duration, it seems, for new
references soon appear such as that naming Captain Ralph Hamor "to have
absolute power, and comand in all matters of war over all the people of
Martins Hundred." In any case "the replantinge" was left to the Society
which had originally established it. Although the Company deemed it,
along with others which had been deserted, "of absolute necessitie," it
was too busy with its own projects to aid materially.
The Society "set forth a verie chargeable supply of people" in October,
1622. When William Harwood was mentioned for the Council, Martin's
Hundred asked that he not be named since they needed his services full
time. Reverend Robert Paulett was named instead. In April, 1623 it was a
going concern although life was dark in the eyes of Richard Frethorne
who wrote of the danger, hunger, and the heavy work. He related "ther is
indeed some foule [fowle], but wee are not allowed to goe, and get it,
but must worke hard both earlie, and late for a messe of water gruell,
and a mouthfull of bread, and beife." He stated that of twenty who came
the last year but three were left. In all, he said, "wee are but
thirty-two." The Indians he feared; "the nighest helpe that Wee have is
ten miles of us." Here "wee lye even in their teeth." The break in the
monotony, it seems, was an occasional trip to Jamestown "that is ten
miles of us, there be all the ships that come to the land, and there
must deliver their goodes." The trip up took from noon till night on the
tide. The return was the same.
Nothing came, at this time, of the proposal for "runninge a pale from
Martin's Hundred to Cheskacke," between the York and the James rivers.
The stockade across the peninsula was still a decade away. When built it
would be several miles to the west. There is nothing to indicate that
the church, or school, for which William Whitehead left funds in his
will in 1623, ever materialized. The plan was that it be built in
Martin's Hundred.
Evidently conditions at this time were at a low ebb. George Sandys felt
it was a pity that the project could not be pushed more vigorously.
When the plantation was asked to take a number of the "infidelles
children to be brought up" the officials asked to be excused since they
were "sorely weakened and ... in much confusion." The Indians, too, were
still around. The Governor in May, 1623 urged that the "Commander" keep
watch, insure the carrying of arms and prevent stragglers from loitering
about. The Indians were suspected of coming to "spy and observe."
Seemingly the plantation, perhaps already a parish in the church
organization, was not represented in the Assembly in 1624.
At this time Martin's Hundred was reported to have twenty-three persons,
but twenty-eight had died within the year, two being killed. At the time
of the general census of the next year, there were but thirty-one, a
fact that indicates small growth. To accommodate these there were seven
houses, supplies of corn and fish and some cattle and hogs. The
settlement was well stocked in weapons with thirty-two armors of various
types, thirty-one swords, and fifty-two small arms. Perhaps William
Harwood, who was in charge, remembered well the massacre.
ARCHER'S HOPE (45)
The place name Archer's Hope is older even than Jamestown located
several miles upstream from it. Here on May 12, 1607 colonists went
ashore to evaluate a spot as a site for their initial settlement. It had
advantages, yet it was not possible to bring the ships in close to the
shore so the next day they made choice of Jamestown. Gabriel Archer, it
appears, liked the spot and it was named in his honor. The site was at
the mouth of College (Archer's Hope) Creek, the waterway that may have
been used by the Spanish Jesuit missionaries four decades earlier when,
in 1570, they were searching for a mission site in Virginia.
Even though the settlers elected not to establish themselves here in
1607, it was in the Jamestown neighborhood and very likely was soon in
use. It is clearly established that a distinct community took form
within a dozen years. Unfortunately not much is known prior to 1619
when a number of land grants were made to men like William Fairfax, John
Fowler, William Capp and Joakim Andrews, most with established Jamestown
connections. It was at Archer's Hope that the great massacre reached
closest to Jamestown. Five persons were slain "At Ensigne Spence his
house." Following the slaughter the settlement appears to have been
abandoned with survivors taking refuge elsewhere, perhaps, at Jamestown.
The abandonment was of short duration. On February 16, 1624 some
fourteen persons were in residence here, at least three family units and
presumably a number of servants. Evidently this was not sufficient to
merit representation in the Assembly of 1624. The fact that Archer's
Hope had a commander, Thomas Bransby, and that its inhabitants had been
cautioned not to go too far from their homes alone, even when armed,
leads to the conclusion that there was still danger from the Indian,
"the Enemie," even in 1625. At the same time there is evidence of an
expanding agriculture and increasing population. Archer's Hope had its
disturbers of the peace as well in citizens such as Joseph Johnson who
from time to time found himself answering to the General Court.
The census of 1625 named fourteen persons as constituting the settlement
of Archer's Hope which then extended to the east as well as to the west
of the creek bearing the same name. Each of the four major entries
showed a single house although there must have been more than this in
aggregate. On a population basis the amount of arms and armor available
would indicate that, perhaps, the community had a military cast. Food
supplies were about normal, yet no livestock is shown except eight hogs
which included "piggs" as well.