plantation as one that was probably functioning well. There were cases
revolving around the use of livestock, particularly cattle, and the
cultivation of tobacco. At least one such case led Yeardley to examine
witnesses at "Flowerdieu Hundreth." One reference to tobacco puts
interesting light on its cultivation at this time. Yeardley's overseer,
one Sergeant Fortescue, was charged with negligence in the care of the
harvested tobacco:
... hee did hange the tobacco soe thick uppon the lynes that
the lynes brake and the tobacco fell to the ground, and before
the said tobaco was at all dryed he made it upp into role and
soe by his faulte it was not marchantable and that all the
tobacco except six or seven hundred waight, was made upp wett
and nott merchantable, The whole crop amounting to 9000 waight
or thereabouts.
This seems to mean a yearly harvest of 9,000 pounds at Flowerdieu
Hundred in 1624.
This was the year that Yeardley sold this plantation as well as his
holding across the James at Weyanoke to Captain Abraham Piercey, one of
the leading merchants in the Colony. In 1624, the year of the sale, a
population of sixty-three (including eleven negroes) had been listed for
Flowerdieu Hundred with another eighteen having died in the previous
twelve months. In the census of 1625, Piercey's Hundred, as the place
was now called, had fifty-seven including its seven negroes (four men,
two women and one child). The enumeration included twelve houses, three
stores, four tobacco houses, and two boats, all of which had been
bought, or built, by Piercey. There was a windmill too, and this, the
first in the Colony, had been erected by Yeardley, it is said, in 1621.
It stood on Windmill, earlier known as Tobacco, Point.
Corn supplies were given at ninety-three barrels and fish at 1,600
pounds. Cattle was totaled at forty-four head and hogs at thirty-one.
Supplies of powder and lead were ample for the thirty-four "fixed
pieces" which were on hand. Besides, there were thirty-four swords and
20 complete suits of armor as well as some other types. Two pieces of
ordnance were included and, perhaps, one of these is that described as
on hand in the winter of 1622. This evidently was one of the most
successful of the Virginia private plantations.
"CAPTAINE SPILMANS DIVIDENT" (28)
Sometime prior to 1622 Captain Spilman, perhaps, Thomas Spilman, brother
of Henry Spilman, occupied a tract that lay between Flowerdieu Hundred
and Martin's Brandon. It was Thomas who had come to Virginia in 1616 or
1617. The massacre uprooted the settlement here and two persons were
slain by the Indians. "Captaine Spilman, a man warie enough heretofore &
acquainted with their trecheries," was forced to locate elsewhere.
Thomas appears to have chosen Elizabeth City where he planted fifty
acres and in 1625 was established with his wife, a child "borne in
Virginia," and four servants.
WARD'S PLANTATION (29)
Captain John Ward arrived in Virginia on April 22, 1619 in the ship
_Sampson_ with some fifty emigrants to establish a private plantation.
Samuel Argall later placed this as in 1618. He selected some 1,200 acres
west of Martin's Brandon and adjoining a creek on the south side of the
James which still bears his name. He appears to have been in association
with Captain John Bargrave who, for some years, had been intimately
associated in Virginia trade and colonization. Several members of the
Bargrave family were with him. It was Captain John Bargrave who, in
1622, claimed the distinction of having undertaken to be "the first
planter of a private colony in Virginia." This effort he dated as late
1617, or early 1618, and it seemingly came to nought unless his effort
was continued in the Ward and John Martin enterprises.
Both Ward and Bargrave were among those granted patents in 1619 and were
included in the eleven people "Who had undertaken to transport to
Virginia great multitudes of people, with store of cattell." Soon after
arrival in the Colony, Ward found himself on the New England coast
fishing to aid Virginia's food supply. On his return in July, he made
his contribution to the general store.
His plantation evidently took root for it was among those that sent
representatives to the first Assembly at Jamestown in July and August,
1619. Ward and his Lieutenant, John Gibbs, attended and Ward, himself,
served on the Assembly committee that examined the first and third books
of the "Great Charter."
Initially his representation was challenged on the grounds that he had
seated in Virginia without authority and without a commission. The
Burgesses, however, recognized his support of the Colony and the fact
that he had adventured his person. He was permitted to take his seat
providing he agree to get a lawful commission. There was no further
question when he assented to this. Perhaps he fulfilled his obligation
when his old indenture was passed again under the seal on May 17, 1620
in the name of "Capt John Warde and his associates."
Ward continued his activities and in the fall of 1620 he was again
trading on the Potomac--"the people there, are said, to have dealt
falsely with him, so he took 800 bushels of corne per force." Such acts
probably had a bearing on the massacre that came in 1622. The massacre
may, as a matter of fact, have ended the Ward Plantation story as it did
the story for a number of settlements in early Virginia. Probably the
twelve persons killed at Lieutenant Gibbs "Dividend" had reference to
Ward's Plantation. Mention of the plantation ceases after this date
although seemingly Ward received a new grant, or a reaffirmation of his
old one, in June, 1623.
MARTIN'S BRANDON (30)
This private plantation, as did its founder John Martin, had a
tumultuous history from the time of its establishment. Martin, a member
of the first Virginia Council in 1607, lived almost constantly in the
Colony for a quarter of a century. He will always be remembered as the
single dissenting voice to the projected abandonment of Virginia in
June, 1610. He, as James P. C. Southall, has stated was "in many ways
... a typical Englishman in the sense that he was jealous and tenacious
of his own rights, stubborn and courageous in maintaining them."
When in England in 1616-17 he "was allowed in reward ten shares" of
Company stock and on January 29, 1617, obtained a patent that contained
privileges and exemptions such as were never before, or after, granted
to a Virginian planter. It was stipulated that he could "hold and enjoy"
his Virginia lands "in as large & ample manner and to all intents &
purposes as any Lord of Mannor here in England." It included, too,
provision for "free trafick in the Bay and Rivers" and the right to
establish "convenient markets" on his lands. He entered into close
business partnership with Captain John Bargrave, whom the Company, in
March, 1617, granted fifteen shares of land in Virginia. Bargrave
"relying upon the said patent of Martin" proceeded to furnish the
"_Edwyn_ of London with men and wares of good value fit for the said
plantation, and sent the same with the said Captain Martin into
Virginia." Martin left England in April, 1617 on the _Edwin_, "a barke
of very good sayle" and reached Virginia in May just after Argall who
had come as governor.
Bargrave had been hopeful of trading with Martin's Brandon and
transporting more colonists, yet Argall, to support the Colony,
compelled the _Edwin_ to remain in Virginia for almost a year and to be
used in the Colony and on the coast. It was March, 1618 before it could
set sail for England. In the meanwhile, Company affairs had come under
different management and Martin's patent was under fire.
When the Assembly was called in 1619, his plantation, now being well
established, sent two representatives down to Jamestown. The Burgesses
challenged them saying that Martin's patent exempted his settlement from
obedience to the laws of the Colony. Thomas Davis and Robert Stacy could
be seated, it was ruled, if Martin would bring his patent into
conformity. This he would not do saying that he would not "infringe any
parte" of it. Thereupon, the General Assembly submitted the case to the
Company for a definition and explanation of the offending clauses in
Martin's patent. Later, exception was taken to the nature of the
operation of Martin's Brandon plantation. It was alleged to be "a
receptacle of vagabonds and bankrupts & other disorderly p[er]sons &
whereof there hath been a public complaint...." It was charged further
to be a place "where such as are indebted do shroud and rescue them
selves under his protection."
Martin proceeded to fight for his patent in England and did all that he
could to maintain it. In the end, however, on April 2, 1623, he accepted
a new one for the land to be "laid out in Martin's Brandon." He was
denied the request for the nearby "swamps and boggs" for the use of "his
swine."
When he had departed for England in the spring of 1621 he had left his
settlement in the care of Lieutenant Edward Saunders. It was not until
1624 that Martin returned to Virginia with more servants and supplies.
In the meanwhile the massacre had caused at least the temporary
abandonment of the plantation after seven persons had been slain here.
The area is not mentioned as such in either the population listing of
1624 or in the census of 1625. In the listing of land patents in 1625,
however, there is an entry that reads "Marttin Brandon belonging to
Captaine John Marttin by Patent out of England (planted)." A later deed
(1643) defines "Martin's Brandon" as 4,550 acres between Chippokes and
Ward's Creeks.
"PACES-PAINES" (31)
Richard Pace, late in 1620, braved the wilds over the river from
Jamestown when, on December 5, he received a grant for 200 acres
upstream from Jamestown. These acres became known as "the plantation
called Paces Paines." It was in the territory of Tappahanna in the
western extremity of the Corporation of James City. Adjoining him was
the 100 acre tract granted, at the same time, to Francis Chapman who was
described as "scituate nere unto Paces-Paines." This, a little later,
was added to the Pace holdings. Pace was an "ancient planter" as was his
wife Isabella who also took land in her own right. Their son George
seated here and later claimed fifty acres each for the transportation of
6 persons in the _Marmaduke_ in 1621. John Burrows became one of their
neighbors.
Paces-Paines was seated soon after the patent was issued in 1620 and
Richard, who produced tobacco here, reported later that he "bestowed
great cost & charges uppon building ther, & cleareing of ground." He
made this statement when he applied, successfully, for permission to
return to his plantation some months after the massacre of 1622.
Both Pace and his plantation are mentioned in the accounts of this
Indian uprising. As reported later, "if God had not put it into the
heart of an Indian ... to disclose it, the slaughter of the massacre
could have been even worse." This Indian, one Chanco by name, belonged
to William Perry. Perry was active in the Paces-Paines area and later
married Richard Pace's widow and became "Commander" of the settlement.
The night before the Indian attack Chanco was at Pace's. In the night he
told Pace, who, it is reported, "used him as a sonne," of the impending
danger. Whereupon Pace secured his own house and quickly crossed the
river to Jamestown. The governor then spread the word as rapidly as
possible undoubtedly saving many lives in the Jamestown area. Chanco,
the Christian convert, has become a Virginia hero.
The retrenchment following the massacre led to the temporary abandonment
of Paces-Paines; yet late in 1622 Pace returned, having promised to
"fortifie & strengthen the place with a good company of able men."
Although not listed in 1624, the settlement was among those enumerated
in 1625. At that time it had a population of thirteen persons. It is of
note, perhaps, that the census made no mention of Pace, or Perry, yet it
does mention Francis Chapman as in residence. It included four old
planters: John Proctor (1607), Phettiplace Close (1608), Thomas Gates
(1609) and Francis Chapman (1608).
BURROWS' MOUNT (32)
This, like Paces-Paines, was located on the south side of the James,
upriver from Jamestown, and in the western part of the Corporation of
James City. At the time of the census, early in 1625, it boasted of but
seven persons. This, perhaps, should be increased by another ten
suggested by the reference that "Mr. [John] Burrowes and six of his men
which are planted heare are reconned, with theire armes provisions, etc.
at _James Cittie_." His Jamestown listing actually included his wife,
seven servants, and Mara Buck. He had become guardian for this daughter
of the Rev. Richard Buck and this included the management of "the
cattell belonging to Mr. Buck's children."
Burrows' Mount, or Burrows' Hill, was, it seems, a relatively new
plantation early in 1625. Burrows' 150 acres here very likely were the
result of his request for this amount on February 6 of that year. At
that time the court awarded him, on presentation of the required
"Certificates," the usual allotment for the transportation of three
persons. His actual settlement at "Burrowes Mount" may, however, have
preceded his grant.
PLANTATIONS "OVER THE RIVER FROM JAMESTOWN" (33)
Early in 1609 "We built also a fort for a retreat, near a convenient
river, upon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assaulted, and easie
to be defended: but ere it was halfe finished, this defect caused a
stay," it is recorded in _The Proceedings of the English Colonies in
Virginia_ (1612). This was envisioned as a place of refuge in the event
that enemy attack would force an evacuation of Jamestown. It is now
assumed that this was about a mile up a creek directly across the river
from Jamestown and that it still exists in part.
The fort saw no service. As a matter of fact, the colonists evidently
did not, in the first decade, find the south shore of the James across
from "James Citty" particularly hospitable. There is little record of
activity here prior to the massacre in March, 1622, although some land
grants may have preceded it.
Captain William Powell traded acres here with Captain John Hurleston as
early as 1620. A court case in 1625 establishes that Captain Powell and
others "did cleere a piece of grounde" here in April, 1622 which later
fell to Captain Samuel Mathews. This embraced some eight or nine acres
and did involve "howses" as well. On April 23, 1623, there was reference
to "all the plantations right over against James Citty." They were
described as pleasant and fruitful seats. The area in question here
extended from Hog Island up to the projection of land now called Swan's
Point.
The plantations were represented as a group in the Assembly of 1624 by
Samuel Mathews and Edward Grindon. Collectively, in 1624, they had a
reported population of thirty-three. In that year twenty-one persons
died, two having been slain by the Indians. It is not until the census
of 1625 that a number of the plantations in this section are clearly
identified. Five such are listed with a total population of ninety-six
persons. This was clearly a growing community at this time.
In May, 1625, it is of record that in excess of 3,700 acres had been
taken up in "The territory of Tappahanna over against James Citie" by
sixteen persons. Eleven of the grants were noted as "planted." The
largest single grant was to William Ewens for 1,000 acres. It should be
noted, perhaps, that no acreage figure was shown for the "Divident" of
Captain Samuel Mathews and that of Captain John Hurleston. Among those
listed as having received grants, and some were dead, were John Rolfe
(400 acres), Richard Pace (200 acres), Captain William Powell (750 acres
in two parcels), George Sandys (300 acres), and John Burrows (150
acres). All were "planted." Only the acreage of John Dodd, Francis
Chapman, Thomas Gates, John Utie and Robert Evers were not "planted."
THE TREASURER'S PLANTATION (GEORGE SANDYS) (33A)
George Sandys was named resident treasurer of the Colony and came to
Virginia in the ship _George_ in 1621. He, it seems, soon became
interested in the area over the water from Jamestown. His patent for 300
acres, here, as Treasurer of Virginia, is dated in December, 1624, yet
he was already "actually possessed" of this dividend, 100 acres of which
was for a bill of adventure for a share of Company stock and 200 for the
transportation of four persons to Virginia in 1621. He had William
Claiborne survey "at his plantation over the water" 650 acres including
his and parcels belonging to John Bainham and Edward Grindon. This was
"by the water side" and was about a square mile in extent as reported by
Claiborne. Evidently Sandys was actually in possession of all three
tracts at the time of the survey.
In 1625 his plantation had seventeen servants including two boys, and
Daniel Poole, "a french man" with his wife and "a yong child of
theires." Poole was defined as a "hired" man. Besides his own people,
another twenty-two lived "in the Treasurors Plant." In this number were
two women and several Italians. His was, perhaps, one of the best
equipped plantations in Virginia. There were two dwellings, cabins, two
stores, a framed house for raising silkworms, a vineyard of two acres,
and an acre and a half garden as well as "one large fort palled in" and
a piece of mounted ordnance. His 100 barrels of corn was the largest
amount reported by any single plantation. His arms were
extensive--thirty "armours" of various types, thirty small arms and
twenty swords. He was, however, a little short on livestock having only
nine goats and kids and two hogs.
HUGH CROWDER'S PLANTATION (33B)
Crowder came to Virginia in 1619 and became interested in a group ground
clearing project across the water as early as April, 1622. He reported
that "six of his family did help to cleere that grounde." In this he was
joined by Captain William Powell, Richard Pace, William Perry, Richard
Richards and Thomas Garses.
In 1625 Crowder was living on land here that earlier had been claimed by
Captain John Hurleston who exchanged it about Christmas time in 1620
with Captain William Powell. At the time of the census of 1625 Crowder's
Plantation evidently was a small one. He was in residence along with
five male servants, one a boy of fourteen years of age.
EDWARD BLANEY'S PLANTATION (33C)
Blaney's muster of 1625 included fifteen men all in the age group from
seventeen to forty with most being under thirty. He, it seems, was not
in residence here over the water. In 1624 he had represented Jamestown
in the Assembly and was still living in "James Citty" in 1625. He was a
prominent man of affairs and was one of the thirty-one signers of the
planters' answer to the attack on the administration of Colony affairs
during its first twelve years.
CAPT. ROGER SMITH'S PLANTATION (33D)
Smith came to Virginia in 1620 and a year later was named to the
Council, being first designated a "provisionall Councellor" on July 12,
1621. He, it might be added, married Jane, the widow of John Rolfe who
is thought to have been killed in 1622. Perhaps, this gave him use of
the land across the James which Rolfe is reported to have patented.
In 1625 Captain Smith seemingly was, like Edward Blaney, in residence at
"James Citty." He had at his plantation over the river, however, a small
group of nine men one of whom had his wife with him. These were well
armed as were most of those living in this area at the time.
CAPT. SAMUEL MATHEWS' PLANTATION (33E)
Samuel Mathews, long time a councilor in Virginia beginning in 1624,
first came to Virginia, it appears, in 1620. In November, 1622 there is
reference to a patent granted to him for undertaking to transport 100
persons to the Colony. About a month later he seems to have been
interested in Captain Powell's cleared ground across the water from
Jamestown. Mathews evidently seated on it and Powell loaned him "the
howses of the upper fort for the use of his servants." In 1625 the court
saw no way to "put Captain Samuell Mathews who is presently seated
thereon, out of possessione" in spite of a petition to do this.
In a listing of land grants in 1625, there is reference to Mathews
"Divident planted" although no acreage is mentioned. The same list
indicated that Powell had earlier received two tracts of 200 and 550
acres respectively, both of which were now "planted" over the water from
Jamestown.
At the time of the census in 1625 Mathews' plantation had a single
muster. It consisted of a minister, Rev. David Sands, himself and
twenty-three men who were all listed as servants. The plantation
apparently had no women in it. The scarcity of wives and children in
this, as in most of the plantations here, would indicate a lack of
settled conditions. Perhaps this was to be expected in an area which had
not long been opened to actual settlement as seems to have been
generally true of this section.
HOG ISLAND (34)
This low marshy area on the south side of the river at the wide bend of
the James some five miles below Jamestown appears in the records as
early as January, 1609. At that time Mathew Scrivener, a Councilor, and
nine others "would needs visit the Ile of hogges." A mishap occurred and
the entire party was drowned en route. Perhaps this was just before "the
hogges [at Jamestown] were transported to Hog Ile, where also we built
[in 1609] a blocke house with a garrison, to give us notice of any
shipping; and for their exercise, they made clapboard, wainscott, and
cutt downe trees against the ships comming." Evidently when the three
sows in one year increased to 60 and odd "piggs" it proved too much for
the fort and its environs at Jamestown. In 1610 there was another
reference to the "Ile of Hogs" and then all is silence for a decade. The
doubtful safety of the spot, its inconvenience, and its distance from
Jamestown probably caused its abandonment as a suitable place for
quartering the Colony's supply of hogs.
In 1619 a request for a grant of 300 acres of marsh land in the area
called "Hogg Iland" was made to the Company, yet precise assignment was
not approved since the Court in England correctly stated that it did not
know "who allredie may lay clayme thereunto or otherwise how necessary
itt may be for the publique." On March 28, 1619, Governor Argall
proclaimed "Hog Island" within the bounds of Jamestown and granted
"inhabitants of Jamestown" the right to plant here as in other parts of
the area as "members of the corporation and parish of the same." There
is still, however, no record of a settlement here and no references to
losses in the massacre.
A year later the picture evidently had changed. In February, 1623, there
is mention of "Ensigne John Utie at Hog-Ileand" in instructions
involving the shipment of "three score thousand waight of sasafras" to
be raised on a levy basis in Virginia. In November, 1624, this John Utie
received a grant of 100 acres at Hog Island for the transportation, in
1623, of two persons to Virginia. He, it seems, was here before his
patent came through. The settlement apparently grew rapidly as the 1624
population listing enumerates thirty-one persons for Hog Island and the
census of 1625 shows fifty-three persons. Although not represented in
the Assembly of 1619, it had two representatives, Burgesses, in the
Assembly of 1624, John Utie and John Chew. Chew, who came to Virginia in
1620 and became a prominent merchant, also had property at Jamestown.