A COMMON-WEALTH
Dissolution Of Common-wealths Proceedeth From Imperfect Institution
Though nothing can be immortall, which mortals make; yet, if men had the
use of reason they pretend to, their Common-wealths might be secured, at
least, from perishing by internall diseases. For by the nature of their
Institution, they are designed to live, as long as Man-kind, or as
the Lawes of Nature, or as Justice it selfe, which gives them life.
Therefore when they come to be dissolved, not by externall violence, but
intestine disorder, the fault is not in men, as they are the Matter; but
as they are the Makers, and orderers of them. For men, as they become
at last weary of irregular justling, and hewing one another, and desire
with all their hearts, to conforme themselves into one firme and lasting
edifice; so for want, both of the art of making fit Laws, to square
their actions by, and also of humility, and patience, to suffer the rude
and combersome points of their present greatnesse to be taken off, they
cannot without the help of a very able Architect, be compiled, into any
other than a crasie building, such as hardly lasting out their own time,
must assuredly fall upon the heads of their posterity.
Amongst the Infirmities therefore of a Common-wealth, I will reckon in
the first place, those that arise from an Imperfect Institution,
and resemble the diseases of a naturall body, which proceed from a
Defectuous Procreation.
Want Of Absolute Power
Of which, this is one, "That a man to obtain a Kingdome, is sometimes
content with lesse Power, than to the Peace, and defence of the
Common-wealth is necessarily required." From whence it commeth to passe,
that when the exercise of the Power layd by, is for the publique safety
to be resumed, it hath the resemblance of as unjust act; which disposeth
great numbers of men (when occasion is presented) to rebell; In the
same manner as the bodies of children, gotten by diseased parents, are
subject either to untimely death, or to purge the ill quality, derived
from their vicious conception, by breaking out into biles and scabbs.
And when Kings deny themselves some such necessary Power, it is not
alwayes (though sometimes) out of ignorance of what is necessary to the
office they undertake; but many times out of a hope to recover the same
again at their pleasure: Wherein they reason not well; because such as
will hold them to their promises, shall be maintained against them by
forraign Common-wealths; who in order to the good of their own Subjects
let slip few occasions to Weaken the estate of their Neighbours. So was
Thomas Beckett Archbishop of Canterbury, supported against Henry
the Second, by the Pope; the subjection of Ecclesiastiques to the
Common-wealth, having been dispensed with by William the Conqueror at
his reception, when he took an Oath, not to infringe the liberty of the
Church. And so were the Barons, whose power was by William Rufus (to
have their help in transferring the Succession from his Elder brother,
to himselfe,) encreased to a degree, inconsistent with the Soveraign
Power, maintained in their Rebellion against King John, by the French.
Nor does this happen in Monarchy onely. For whereas the stile of the
antient Roman Common-wealth, was, The Senate, and People of Rome;
neither Senate, nor People pretended to the whole Power; which first
caused the seditions, of Tiberius Gracchus, Caius Gracchus, Lucius
Saturnius, and others; and afterwards the warres between the Senate and
the People, under Marius and Sylla; and again under Pompey and Caesar,
to the Extinction of their Democraty, and the setting up of Monarchy.
The people of Athens bound themselves but from one onely Action; which
was, that no man on pain of death should propound the renewing of the
warre for the Island of Salamis; And yet thereby, if Solon had not
caused to be given out he was mad, and afterwards in gesture and habit
of a mad-man, and in verse, propounded it to the People that flocked
about him, they had had an enemy perpetually in readinesse, even at the
gates of their Citie; such dammage, or shifts, are all Common-wealths
forced to, that have their Power never so little limited.
Private Judgement Of Good and Evill
In the second place, I observe the Diseases of a Common-wealth, that
proceed from the poyson of seditious doctrines; whereof one is, "That
every private man is Judge of Good and Evill actions." This is true in
the condition of meer Nature, where there are no Civill Lawes; and also
under Civill Government, in such cases as are not determined by the
Law. But otherwise, it is manifest, that the measure of Good and Evill
actions, is the Civill Law; and the Judge the Legislator, who is alwayes
Representative of the Common-wealth. From this false doctrine, men are
disposed to debate with themselves, and dispute the commands of the
Common-wealth; and afterwards to obey, or disobey them, as in their
private judgements they shall think fit. Whereby the Common-wealth is
distracted and Weakened.
Erroneous Conscience
Another doctrine repugnant to Civill Society, is, that "Whatsoever a
man does against his Conscience, is Sinne;" and it dependeth on the
presumption of making himself judge of Good and Evill. For a mans
Conscience, and his Judgement is the same thing; and as the Judgement,
so also the Conscience may be erroneous. Therefore, though he that is
subject to no Civill Law, sinneth in all he does against his Conscience,
because he has no other rule to follow but his own reason; yet it is
not so with him that lives in a Common-wealth; because the Law is the
publique Conscience, by which he hath already undertaken to be guided.
Otherwise in such diversity, as there is of private Consciences, which
are but private opinions, the Common-wealth must needs be distracted,
and no man dare to obey the Soveraign Power, farther than it shall seem
good in his own eyes.
Pretence Of Inspiration
It hath been also commonly taught, "That Faith and Sanctity, are not to
be attained by Study and Reason, but by supernaturall Inspiration, or
Infusion," which granted, I see not why any man should render a reason
of his Faith; or why every Christian should not be also a Prophet; or
why any man should take the Law of his Country, rather than his own
Inspiration, for the rule of his action. And thus wee fall again into
the fault of taking upon us to Judge of Good and Evill; or to make
Judges of it, such private men as pretend to be supernaturally Inspired,
to the Dissolution of all Civill Government. Faith comes by hearing,
and hearing by those accidents, which guide us into the presence of them
that speak to us; which accidents are all contrived by God Almighty; and
yet are not supernaturall, but onely, for the great number of them that
concurre to every effect, unobservable. Faith, and Sanctity, are indeed
not very frequent; but yet they are not Miracles, but brought to passe
by education, discipline, correction, and other naturall wayes, by which
God worketh them in his elect, as such time as he thinketh fit. And
these three opinions, pernicious to Peace and Government, have in this
part of the world, proceeded chiefly from the tongues, and pens of
unlearned Divines; who joyning the words of Holy Scripture together,
otherwise than is agreeable to reason, do what they can, to make men
think, that Sanctity and Naturall Reason, cannot stand together.
Subjecting The Soveraign Power To Civill Lawes
A fourth opinion, repugnant to the nature of a Common-wealth, is this,
"That he that hath the Soveraign Power, is subject to the Civill Lawes."
It is true, that Soveraigns are all subjects to the Lawes of Nature;
because such lawes be Divine, and cannot by any man, or Common-wealth
be abrogated. But to those Lawes which the Soveraign himselfe, that is,
which the Common-wealth maketh, he is not subject. For to be subject to
Lawes, is to be subject to the Common-wealth, that is to the Soveraign
Representative, that is to himselfe; which is not subjection, but
freedome from the Lawes. Which errour, because it setteth the Lawes
above the Soveraign, setteth also a Judge above him, and a Power to
punish him; which is to make a new Soveraign; and again for the same
reason a third, to punish the second; and so continually without end, to
the Confusion, and Dissolution of the Common-wealth.
Attributing Of Absolute Propriety To The Subjects
A Fifth doctrine, that tendeth to the Dissolution of a Common-wealth,
is, "That every private man has an absolute Propriety in his Goods;
such, as excludeth the Right of the Soveraign." Every man has indeed a
Propriety that excludes the Right of every other Subject: And he has it
onely from the Soveraign Power; without the protection whereof, every
other man should have equall Right to the same. But if the Right of the
Soveraign also be excluded, he cannot performe the office they have put
him into; which is, to defend them both from forraign enemies, and
from the injuries of one another; and consequently there is no longer a
Common-wealth.
And if the Propriety of Subjects, exclude not the Right of the
Soveraign Representative to their Goods; much lesse to their offices
of Judicature, or Execution, in which they Represent the Soveraign
himselfe.
Dividing Of The Soveraign Power
There is a Sixth doctrine, plainly, and directly against the essence
of a Common-wealth; and ’tis this, "That the Soveraign Power may be
divided." For what is it to divide the Power of a Common-wealth, but
to Dissolve it; for Powers divided mutually destroy each other. And for
these doctrines, men are chiefly beholding to some of those, that making
profession of the Lawes, endeavour to make them depend upon their own
learning, and not upon the Legislative Power.
Imitation Of Neighbour Nations
And as False Doctrine, so also often-times the Example of different
Government in a neighbouring Nation, disposeth men to alteration of
the forme already setled. So the people of the Jewes were stirred up to
reject God, and to call upon the Prophet Samuel, for a King after
the manner of the Nations; So also the lesser Cities of Greece, were
continually disturbed, with seditions of the Aristocraticall, and
Democraticall factions; one part of almost every Common-wealth, desiring
to imitate the Lacedaemonians; the other, the Athenians. And I doubt
not, but many men, have been contented to see the late troubles in
England, out of an imitation of the Low Countries; supposing there
needed no more to grow rich, than to change, as they had done, the forme
of their Government. For the constitution of mans nature, is of it selfe
subject to desire novelty: When therefore they are provoked to the same,
by the neighbourhood also of those that have been enriched by it, it is
almost impossible for them, not to be content with those that solicite
them to change; and love the first beginnings, though they be grieved
with the continuance of disorder; like hot blouds, that having gotten
the itch, tear themselves with their own nayles, till they can endure
the smart no longer.
Imitation Of The Greeks, And Romans
And as to Rebellion in particular against Monarchy; one of the most
frequent causes of it, is the Reading of the books of Policy, and
Histories of the antient Greeks, and Romans; from which, young men,
and all others that are unprovided of the Antidote of solid Reason,
receiving a strong, and delightfull impression, of the great exploits
of warre, atchieved by the Conductors of their Armies, receive withall
a pleasing Idea, of all they have done besides; and imagine their great
prosperity, not to have proceeded from the aemulation of particular men,
but from the vertue of their popular form of government: Not considering
the frequent Seditions, and Civill Warres, produced by the imperfection
of their Policy. From the reading, I say, of such books, men have
undertaken to kill their Kings, because the Greek and Latine writers,
in their books, and discourses of Policy, make it lawfull, and laudable,
for any man so to do; provided before he do it, he call him Tyrant. For
they say not Regicide, that is, killing of a King, but Tyrannicide, that
is, killing of a Tyrant is lawfull. From the same books, they that live
under a Monarch conceive an opinion, that the Subjects in a Popular
Common-wealth enjoy Liberty; but that in a Monarchy they are all Slaves.
I say, they that live under a Monarchy conceive such an opinion; not
they that live under a Popular Government; for they find no such matter.
In summe, I cannot imagine, how anything can be more prejudiciall to a
Monarchy, than the allowing of such books to be publikely read, without
present applying such correctives of discreet Masters, as are fit to
take away their Venime; Which Venime I will not doubt to compare to
the biting of a mad Dogge, which is a disease the Physicians call
Hydrophobia, or Fear Of Water. For as he that is so bitten, has a
continuall torment of thirst, and yet abhorreth water; and is in such
an estate, as if the poyson endeavoured to convert him into a Dogge:
So when a Monarchy is once bitten to the quick, by those Democraticall
writers, that continually snarle at that estate; it wanteth nothing
more than a strong Monarch, which neverthelesse out of a certain
Tyrannophobia, or feare of being strongly governed, when they have him,
they abhorre.
As here have been Doctors, that hold there be three Soules in a man;
so there be also that think there may be more Soules, (that is, more
Soveraigns,) than one, in a Common-wealth; and set up a Supremacy
against the Soveraignty; Canons against Lawes; and a Ghostly Authority
against the Civill; working on mens minds, with words and distinctions,
that of themselves signifie nothing, but bewray (by their obscurity)
that there walketh (as some think invisibly) another Kingdome, as it
were a Kingdome of Fayries, in the dark. Now seeing it is manifest, that
the Civill Power, and the Power of the Common-wealth is the same
thing; and that Supremacy, and the Power of making Canons, and granting
Faculties, implyeth a Common-wealth; it followeth, that where one is
Soveraign, another Supreme; where one can make Lawes, and another
make Canons; there must needs be two Common-wealths, of one & the same
Subjects; which is a Kingdome divided in it selfe, and cannot stand. For
notwithstanding the insignificant distinction of Temporall, and Ghostly,
they are still two Kingdomes, and every Subject is subject to two
Masters. For seeing the Ghostly Power challengeth the Right to declare
what is Sinne it challengeth by consequence to declare what is Law,
(Sinne being nothing but the transgression of the Law;) and again, the
Civill Power challenging to declare what is Law, every Subject must
obey two Masters, who bothe will have their Commands be observed as Law;
which is impossible. Or, if it be but one Kingdome, either the Civill,
which is the Power of the Common-wealth, must be subordinate to the
Ghostly; or the Ghostly must be subordinate to the Temporall and then
there is no Supremacy but the Temporall. When therefore these two Powers
oppose one another, the Common-wealth cannot but be in great danger
of Civill warre, and Dissolution. For the Civill Authority being more
visible, and standing in the cleerer light of naturall reason cannot
choose but draw to it in all times a very considerable part of the
people: And the Spirituall, though it stand in the darknesse of Schoole
distinctions, and hard words; yet because the fear of Darknesse, and
Ghosts, is greater than other fears, cannot want a party sufficient to
Trouble, and sometimes to Destroy a Common-wealth. And this is a Disease
which not unfitly may be compared to the Epilepsie, or Falling-sicknesse
(which the Jewes took to be one kind of possession by Spirits) in the
Body Naturall. For as in this Disease, there is an unnaturall spirit,
or wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the Nerves, and moving
them violently, taketh away the motion which naturally they should have
from the power of the Soule in the Brain, and thereby causeth violent,
and irregular motions (which men call Convulsions) in the parts;
insomuch as he that is seized therewith, falleth down sometimes into the
water, and sometimes into the fire, as a man deprived of his senses;
so also in the Body Politique, when the Spirituall power, moveth the
Members of a Common-wealth, by the terrour of punishments, and hope of
rewards (which are the Nerves of it,) otherwise than by the Civill Power
(which is the Soule of the Common-wealth) they ought to be moved; and by
strange, and hard words suffocates the people, and either Overwhelm
the Common-wealth with Oppression, or cast it into the Fire of a Civill
warre.
Mixt Government
Sometimes also in the meerly Civill government, there be more than
one Soule: As when the Power of levying mony, (which is the Nutritive
faculty,) has depended on a generall Assembly; the Power of conduct and
command, (which is the Motive Faculty,) on one man; and the Power of
making Lawes, (which is the Rationall faculty,) on the accidentall
consent, not onely of those two, but also of a third; This endangereth
the Common-wealth, somtimes for want of consent to good Lawes; but most
often for want of such Nourishment, as is necessary to Life, and Motion.
For although few perceive, that such government, is not government,
but division of the Common-wealth into three Factions, and call it
mixt Monarchy; yet the truth is, that it is not one independent
Common-wealth, but three independent Factions; nor one Representative
Person, but three. In the Kingdome of God, there may be three Persons
independent, without breach of unity in God that Reigneth; but where men
Reigne, that be subject to diversity of opinions, it cannot be so. And
therefore if the King bear the person of the People, and the generall
Assembly bear also the person of the People, and another assembly bear
the person of a Part of the people, they are not one Person, nor one
Soveraign, but three Persons, and three Soveraigns.
To what Disease in the Naturall Body of man, I may exactly compare this
irregularity of a Common-wealth, I know not. But I have seen a man, that
had another man growing out of his side, with an head, armes, breast,
and stomach, of his own: If he had had another man growing out of his
other side, the comparison might then have been exact.
Want Of Mony
Hitherto I have named such Diseases of a Common-wealth, as are of the
greatest, and most present danger. There be other, not so great; which
neverthelesse are not unfit to be observed. As first, the difficulty of
raising Mony, for the necessary uses of the Common-wealth; especially
in the approach of warre. This difficulty ariseth from the opinion, that
every Subject hath of a Propriety in his lands and goods, exclusive of
the Soveraigns Right to the use of the same. From whence it commeth to
passe, that the Soveraign Power, which foreseeth the necessities and
dangers of the Common-wealth, (finding the passage of mony to the
publique Treasure obstructed, by the tenacity of the people,) whereas
it ought to extend it selfe, to encounter, and prevent such dangers in
their beginnings, contracteth it selfe as long as it can, and when it
cannot longer, struggles with the people by strategems of Law, to obtain
little summes, which not sufficing, he is fain at last violently to
open the way for present supply, or Perish; and being put often to these
extremities, at last reduceth the people to their due temper; or else
the Common-wealth must perish. Insomuch as we may compare this Distemper
very aptly to an Ague; wherein, the fleshy parts being congealed, or
by venomous matter obstructed; the Veins which by their naturall course
empty themselves into the Heart, are not (as they ought to be) supplyed
from the Arteries, whereby there succeedeth at first a cold contraction,
and trembling of the limbes; and afterwards a hot, and strong endeavour
of the Heart, to force a passage for the Bloud; and before it can do
that, contenteth it selfe with the small refreshments of such things as
coole of a time, till (if Nature be strong enough) it break at last
the contumacy of the parts obstructed, and dissipateth the venome into
sweat; or (if Nature be too weak) the Patient dyeth.
Monopolies And Abuses Of Publicans
Again, there is sometimes in a Common-wealth, a Disease, which
resembleth the Pleurisie; and that is, when the Treasure of the
Common-wealth, flowing out of its due course, is gathered together in
too much abundance, in one, or a few private men, by Monopolies, or by
Farmes of the Publique Revenues; in the same manner as the Blood in a
Pleurisie, getting into the Membrane of the breast, breedeth there an
Inflammation, accompanied with a Fever, and painfull stitches.
Popular Men
Also, the Popularity of a potent Subject, (unlesse the Common-wealth
have very good caution of his fidelity,) is a dangerous Disease; because
the people (which should receive their motion from the Authority of the
Soveraign,) by the flattery, and by the reputation of an ambitious man,
are drawn away from their obedience to the Lawes, to follow a man, of
whose vertues, and designes they have no knowledge. And this is commonly
of more danger in a Popular Government, than in a Monarchy; as it may
easily be made believe, they are the People. By this means it was, that
Julius Caesar, who was set up by the People against the Senate, having
won to himselfe the affections of his Army, made himselfe Master, both
of Senate and People. And this proceeding of popular, and ambitious men,
is plain Rebellion; and may be resembled to the effects of Witchcraft.
Excessive Greatnesse Of A Town, Multitude Of Corporations
Another infirmity of a Common-wealth, is the immoderate greatnesse of a
Town, when it is able to furnish out of its own Circuit, the number, and
expence of a great Army: As also the great number of Corporations; which
are as it were many lesser Common-wealths in the bowels of a greater,
like wormes in the entrayles of a naturall man.
Liberty Of Disputing Against Soveraign Power
To which may be added, the Liberty of Disputing against absolute Power,
by pretenders to Politicall Prudence; which though bred for the most
part in the Lees of the people; yet animated by False Doctrines, are
perpetually medling with the Fundamentall Lawes, to the molestation
of the Common-wealth; like the little Wormes, which Physicians call
Ascarides.
We may further adde, the insatiable appetite, or Bulimia, of enlarging
Dominion; with the incurable Wounds thereby many times received from
the enemy; And the Wens, of ununited conquests, which are many times a
burthen, and with lesse danger lost, than kept; As also the Lethargy of
Ease, and Consumption of Riot and Vain Expence.
Dissolution Of The Common-wealth
Lastly, when in a warre (forraign, or intestine,) the enemies got a
final Victory; so as (the forces of the Common-wealth keeping the field
no longer) there is no farther protection of Subjects in their loyalty;
then is the Common-wealth DISSOLVED, and every man at liberty to protect
himselfe by such courses as his own discretion shall suggest unto him.
For the Soveraign, is the publique Soule, giving Life and Motion to the
Common-wealth; which expiring, the Members are governed by it no more,
than the Carcasse of a man, by his departed (though Immortal) Soule. For
though the Right of a Soveraign Monarch cannot be extinguished by the
act of another; yet the Obligation of the members may. For he that
wants protection, may seek it anywhere; and when he hath it, is obliged
(without fraudulent pretence of having submitted himselfe out of fear,)
to protect his Protection as long as he is able. But when the Power of
an Assembly is once suppressed, the Right of the same perisheth utterly;
because the Assembly it selfe is extinct; and consequently, there is no
possibility for the Soveraignty to re-enter.