pounds; they are known by the general name of the red fish, and begin to
collect in the bays, and at the mouths of the rivers, the beginning of
June; from which time, till the end of September, they are caught in
great quantities both upon the eastern and western coast, where any
fresh water falls into the sea, and likewise all along the course of the
rivers, to their very source. The manner in which they draw their nets
within the bay of Awatska, is as follows: they tie one end of the net to
a large stone at the water’s edge, they then push off in a canoe about
twenty yards in a right line, dropping their net as they advance, after
which they turn and run out the remainder of the net in a line parallel
to the shore; in this position they wait, concealing themselves very
carefully in the boat, and keeping a sharp look-out for the fish, which
always direct their course close in with the shore, and whose approach
is announced by a rippling in the water, till they find that the shoal
has advanced beyond the boat, when they shoot the canoe to shore in a
direct line, and never fail of enclosing their prey. Seldom more than
two men are employed to a net, who hawl with facility, in this manner,
seines larger than ours, to which we appoint a dozen. We at first met
with very poor success in our own method of hawling; but after the
Kamtschadales had very kindly put us in the way, we were not less
successful than themselves. In the rivers, they shoot one net across,
and hawl another down the stream to it.
The lakes that have a communication with the sea, which was the case of
all those that I saw, abound with fish, that have very much the
resemblance of small salmon, and are from four to six pounds’ weight. I
could not understand that the inhabitants thought it worth their while
to fish for them. As these lakes are not deep, they become an easy prey
to the bears and dogs during the summer; and if I might judge from the
quantity of bones to be seen upon the banks, they devour vast numbers of
them.
The inhabitants, for the most part, dry their salmon, and salt very
little of it. Each fish is cut into three pieces, the belly-piece being
first taken off, and afterward a slice along each side the back-bone.
The former of these are dried and smoked, and esteemed the finest part
of the fish, and sold, when we were at Saint Peter’s and Saint Paul’s,
at the rate of one hundred for a rouble. The latter are dried in the
air, and either eaten whole as bread, or reduced to powder, of which
they make paste and cakes, that are not unpleasant to the taste. The
head, tail, and bones, are hung up and dried for winter provision for
the dogs.
_List of the Animals found in Kamtschatka, communicated by Mr._
PENNANT.[57]
** Argali, wild sheep, Arct. _Capra ammon_, Lyn.
Zool. Sist. 97
vol. i.
p. 12
Ibex, _or_ wild goat 16 _Capra ibex_ 90
** Rein 22 _Cervus tarandus_ 93
** Wolf 38 _Canis lupus_ 58
** Dog 40
** Arctic fox 42 _Canis lagopus_ 59
** European fox 45 _Canis vulpes_ _ib._
a. black 46
b. cross _ib._
** Polar bear, in the frozen sea 55 _Ursus arctos_ 69
only
** Bear 57 _Ursus arctos._
** Wolverene 66 _Ursus luscus_ 71
** Common weasel 75 _Mustela nivalis_ 69
** Stoat, _or_ ermine _ib._ _Mustela erminea_ 68
** Sable 79 _Mustela zibellina_ _ib._
Common otter 86 _Mustela lutra_ 66
** Sea otter 88 _Mustela lutris_ _ib._
** Varying hare 94 _Lepus timidus._
Alpine hare 97
** Earless marmot 113 _Mus citellus_ 113
Bobak marmot 115
Water rat 130 _Mus amphibius_ 82
Common mouse 131 _Mus musculus_ 83
Oeconomic mouse 134
Red mouse 136
Ichelag mouse 138
Fœtid shrew 139 _Sorex araneus_ 74
** Walrus. Icy sea 144 _Trichechus rosmarus_ 49
** Common seal 151 _Phoca vitulina_ 56
Great seal 159
Leporine seal 161
Harp seal 163
Rubbon seal. Kurile isles 165
Ursine seal _ib._ _Phoca ursina_ 58
Leonine seal 172
** Whale-tailed manati 177
There were no domestic animals in Kamtschatka, till they were introduced
by the Russians. The dogs, which seem to be of wolfish descent, are
aboriginal.
_Birds._
_LAND BIRDS._
I. Sea eagle. Vol. II. _Falco ossifragus_ 124
p. 194
** Cinereous eagle 214 _Vultur albiulla_ 123
** White-headed eagle 196 _Falco leucocephalus_ _ib._
Crying eagle 215
Osprey 199 _Falco haliætus_ 129
Peregrine falcon 202 [58]73
Goshawk 204 _Falco palumbarius_ 130
II. Eagle owl 228 _Strix bubo_ 131
Snowy owl 233 _Strix nyctea_ 132
III. Raven 246 _Corvus corax_ 155
Magpie 147 _Corvus pica_ 157
Nutcracker 252 _Corvus caryocatactes_ _ib._
IV. Cuckoo 266 _Cuculus canorus_ 168
V. Wryneck 267 _Jynx Torquilla_ 172
VI. Nuthatch 281 _Sitta Europea_ 177
VII. White grous 308 _Tetrao lagopus_ 274
Wood grous 312 _Tetrao urogallus_ 273
VIII. Water ouzel 332 _Sturnus cinclus._
IX. Fieldfare 340 _Turdus pilaris_ 291
Redwing thrush 341 _Turdus iliacus_ 292
Kamtschatkan 343 (Latham, iii. 28.)
X. Greenfinch 353 _Loxia chloris_ 304
XI. Golden bunting 367 (Latham, ii. 201.)
XII. Lesser red-headed linnet 379 (Latham, ii. 305.)
XIII. Dun fly-catcher 390 (Latham, ii. 351.)
XIV. Sky-lark 394 A. _Alauda arvensis_ 287
Wood lark 395 B. _Alauda arborea_ _ib._
XV. White wagtail 396 E. _Motacilla alba_ 331
Yellow wagtail _ib._ F. _Motacilla flava_ _ib._
Tschutski wagtail 397 H.
XVI. Yellow wren 413 _Motacilla trochilus_ 338
Redstart 416 _Motacilla phœnicurus_ 335
Longbilled 420
Stapazina 421 _Motacilla stapazina_ 331
Awatska 422
XVII. Marsh titmouse 427 _Parus palustris_ 341
XVIII. Chimney swallow 429 _Hirundo rustica_ 343
Martin 430 _Hirundo urbica_ 344
Sand martin _ib._ _Hirundo riparia_ _ib._
XIX. European goatsucker 437 _Caprimulgus Europeus_ 346
_Water Fowl._
_CLOVEN-FOOTED WATER FOWL._
Great tern No. 448 _Sterna hirundo._
Kamtschatkan P. 525
A.
Black-headed gull No. 455 _Larus ridibundus_ 225
Kittiwake gull No. 456 _Larus rissa_ 224
Ivory gull No. 457
Arctic gull No. 459
Tarrock P. 533 _Larus tridactylus_ 224
D.
Red-legged No.
_ib_. E.
Fulmar petrel No. 464 _Procellaria glacialis_ 213
Stormy petrel No. _Procellaria pelagica_ 212
_ib._
Kurile petrel P. 536
A.
Blue petrel.[59] Preface.
Goosander merganser No. 465 _Mergus merganser_ 208
Smew No. 468 _Mergus albellus_ 209
Whistling swan No. 469 _Anas Cygnus ferus_ 194 A.
Great goose P. 570
Chinese goose P. 571 _Anas cygnoides_ _ib._ B.
Snow goose No. 477
Brent goose No. 478 _Anas bernicla_ 198
Eider duck No. 480 _Anas mollissima_ _ib._
Black duck No. 483 _Anas spectabilis_ 195
Velvet duck No. 481 _Anas fusca_ 196
Shoveler No. 485 _Anas clypeata_ 200
Golden eye No. 486 _Anas clangula_ 201
Harlequin No. 490 _Anas histrionica_ 204
Mallard No. 494 _Anas boschas_ 205
** Western No. 497
Pintail No. 500 _Anas acuta_ 202
** Longtailed No. 501 _Anas glacialis_ 203
Mouillon P. 573 _Anas glaucion_ 201
F.
Shieldrake P. 572 _Anas tadorna_ 195
D.
Tufted P. 573 _Anas fuligula_ 207
G.
Falcated P. 574
I.
Gargany P. 576 _Anas querquedula_ 263
O.
Teal P. 577 _Anas crecia_ 204
P.
Corvorant No. 509 _Pelecanus carvo_ 216
Violet corvorant P. 584
B.
Red-faced corvorant _ib._
C.
Crane P. 453 _Ardea grus_ 334
A.
Curlew P. 462 _Scolopax arquata_ 242
A.
Whimbrel P. 462 _Scolopax phœopus_ 243
B.
Common sandpiper No. 388 _Tringa hypoleucos_ 250
Gambet No. 394 _Tringa gambetta_ 248
Golden plover No. 399 _Charadrius pluvialis_ 254
Pied oyster-catcher No. _Hæmatopus ostralegus_ 257
_WITH PINNATED FEET._
Plain phalarope
_WITH WEBBED FEET._
Wandering albatross No. 423 _Diomedea exulans_ 214
Razor-bill auk. No. 425 _Alca torda_ 210
Puffin No. 427 _Alca arctica_ 211
Antient No. 430
Pygmy No. 431
Tufted No. 432
Parroquet No. 433
Crested No. 434
Dusky No. 435
Foolish guillemot No. 436 _Colymbus troille_ 220
Black guillemot No. 437 _Colymbus grylle_ _ib._
Marbled guillemot No. 438
Imber diver No. 440 _Colymbus immer_ 222
Speckled diver No. 441
Red-throated diver No. 443 _Colymbus septentrionalis_ 220
CHAP. VII.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF KAMTSCHATKA CONTINUED.—OF THE INHABITANTS.—ORIGIN OF
THE KAMTSCHADALES.—DISCOVERED BY THE RUSSIANS.—ABSTRACT OF THEIR
HISTORY.—NUMBERS.—PRESENT STATE.—OF THE RUSSIAN COMMERCE IN
KAMTSCHATKA.—OF THE KAMTSCHADALE HABITATIONS AND DRESS.—OF THE KURILE
ISLANDS.—THE KOREKI.—THE TSCHUTSKI.
The present inhabitants of Kamtschatka are of three sorts. The natives,
or Kamtschadales; the Russians and Cossacks; and a mixture of these two
by marriage.
Mr. Steller, who resided some time in this country, and seems to have
taken great pains to gain information on this subject, is persuaded,
that the true Kamtschadales are a people of great antiquity, and have
for many ages inhabited this peninsula; and that they are originally
descended from the Mungalians, and not either from the Tongusian
Tartars, as some, or the Japanese, as others, have imagined.
The principal arguments, by which he supports these opinions, are; that
there exists not among them the trace of a tradition of their having
migrated from any other country; that they believe themselves to have
been created and placed in this very spot by their god Koutkou; that
they are the most favoured of his creatures; the most fortunate and
happy of beings; and that their country is superior to all others,
affording means of gratification far beyond what are any where else to
be met with; that they have a perfect knowledge of all the plants of the
country, their virtues and uses, which could not be acquired in a short
time; that their instruments and household utensils differ greatly from
those of any other nation, and are made with an extraordinary degree of
neatness and dexterity, which implies that they are both of their own
invention, and have been long in arriving at so great perfection; that
antecedently to the arrival of the Russians and Cossacks among them,
they had not the smallest knowledge of any people except the Koreki;
that it is but of late they had an intercourse with the Kuriles, and
still later (and happened by means of a vessel being shipwrecked on
their coast) that they knew any thing of the Japanese; and, lastly, that
the country was very populous, at the time the Russians first got
footing in it.
The reasons he alleges for supposing them to be originally descended
from the Mungalians are; that many words in their language have
terminations similar to those of the Mungalian Chinese, such as, _ong_,
_ing_, _oing_, _tching_, _tcha_, _tchoing_, _ksi_, _ksung_, &c.; and
moreover, that the same principle of inflexion or derivation obtains in
both languages; that they are in general under-sized, as are the
Mungalians; that their complexion, like theirs, is swarthy; that they
have black hair, little beard, the face broad, the nose short and flat,
the eyes small and sunk, the eye-brows thin, the belly pendant, the legs
small; all which are peculiarities that are to be found among the
Mungalians. From the whole of which he draws this conclusion, that they
fled for safety to this peninsula, from the rapid advances of the
eastern conquerors; as the Laplanders, the Samoides, &c. were compelled
to retreat to the extremities of the north, by the Europeans.
The Russians having extended their conquests, and established posts and
colonies along that immense extent of coast of the frozen sea, from the
Jenesei to the Anadir, appointed commissaries for the purpose of
exploring and subjecting the countries still farther eastward. They soon
became acquainted with the wandering Koriacs inhabiting the north and
north-east coast of the sea of Okotsk, and without difficulty made them
tributary. These being the immediate neighbours of the Kamtschadales,
and likewise in the habit of bartering with them, a knowledge of
Kamtschatka followed of course.
The honour of the first discovery is given to Feodot Alexeieff, a
merchant, who is said to have sailed from the river Kovyma round the
peninsula of the Tschutski, in company with seven other vessels, about
the year 1648. The tradition goes, that being separated from the rest by
a storm, near the Tschukotskoi Noss, he was driven upon the coast of
Kamtschatka, where he wintered; and the summer following coasted round
the promontory of Lopatka, into the sea of Okotsk, and entered the mouth
of the Tigil; but that he and his companions were cut off by the
Koriacs, in endeavouring to pass from thence by land to the Anadirsk.
This in part is corroborated by the accounts of Simeon Deshneff, who
commanded one of the seven vessels, and was thrown on shore at the mouth
of the Anadir. Be this as it may, since these discoveries, if such they
were, he did not live to make any report of what they had done.
Volodimir Atlassoff, a Cossack, stands for the first acknowledged
discoverer of Kamtschatka.[60]
This person was sent, in the year 1697, from the fort Jakutsk to the
Anadirsk, in the quality of commissary, with instructions to call in the
assistance of the Koriacs, with a view to the discovery of countries
beyond theirs, and to the subjecting them to a tribute. In 1699, he
penetrated, with about sixty Russian soldiers, and the same number of
Cossacks, into the heart of the peninsula, gained the Tigil, and from
thence, levying a tribute in furs, in his progress crossed over to the
river Kamtschatka, on which he built the higher Kamtschatka _ostrog_,
called Verchnei, where he left a garrison of sixteen Cossacks, and
returned to Jakutsk in 1700, with an immense quantity of rare and
valuable tributary furs. These he had the good sense and policy to
accompany to Moscow, and, in recompence for his services, was appointed
commander of the fort of Jakutsk, with farther orders to repair again to
Kamtschatka, having first drawn from the garrison at Tolbolsk a
reinforcement of a hundred Cossacks, with ammunition, and whatever else
could give efficacy to the completion and settlement of his late
discoveries. Advancing with this force toward the Anadirsk, he fell in
with a bark on the river[61] Tunguska, laden with Chinese merchandize,
which he pillaged; and, in consequence of a remonstrance from the
sufferers to the Russian court, he was seized upon at Jakutsk, and
thrown into prison.
In the mean time, Potop Serioukoff, who had been left by Atlassoff, kept
peaceable possession of the garrison of Verchnei; and though he had not
a sufficient force to compel the payment of a tribute from the natives,
yet, by his management and conciliating disposition, he continued to
carry on an advantageous traffic with them as a merchant. On his return
to the Anadirsk, with the general good-will of the natives of
Kamtschatka, himself and party were attacked by the Koriacs, and
unfortunately all cut off. This happened about 1703; and several other
successive commissaries were sent into Kamtschatka, with various
success, during the disgrace and trial of Atlassoff.
In 1706, Atlassoff was reinstated in his command, and appointed to
conduct a second expedition into Kamtschatka, with instructions to gain
upon the natives by all peaceable means, but on no pretence to have
recourse to force and compulsion; but, instead of attending to his
orders, he not only, by repeated acts of cruelty and injustice, made the
natives exceedingly hostile and averse to their new governors, but
likewise so far alienated the affections of his own people, that it
ended in a mutiny of the Cossacks, and their demand of another
commander. The Cossacks having carried their point in displacing
Atlassoff, seized upon his effects; and after once tasting the sweets of
plunder, and of living without discipline or control, in vain did his
successors attempt to reduce them to military discipline and subjection.
Three successive commanders were assassinated in their turn; and the
Cossacks, being thus in open rebellion to the Russian government, and
with arms in their hands, were let loose upon the natives. The history
of this country from that period, till the grand revolt of the
Kamtschadales in 1731, presents one unvaried detail of massacres,
revolts, and savage and sanguinary rencounters between small parties,
from one end of the peninsula to the other.
What led to this revolt, was the discovery of a passage from Okotsk to
the Bolchoireka, which was first made by Cosmo Sokoloff, in the year
1715. Hitherto the Russians had no entrance into the country, but on the
side of Anadirsk; so that the natives had frequent opportunities of both
plundering the tribute, as it was carried by so long a journey out of
the peninsula, and harassing the troops in their march into it. But, by
the discovery of this communication, there existed a safe and speedy
means, as well of exporting the tribute, as of importing troops and
military stores into the very heart of the country; which the natives
easily saw gave the Russians so great an advantage, as must soon confirm
their dominion, and therefore determined them to make one grand and
immediate struggle for their liberty. The moment resolved upon for
carrying their designs into execution, was when Beering should have set
sail, who was at this time on the coast with a small squadron, and had
dispatched all the troops that could well be spared from the country, to
join Powloutski, in an expedition against the Tschutski. The opportunity
was well chosen; and it is altogether surprising that this conspiracy,
which was so general, that every native in the peninsula is said to have
had his share in it, was at the same time conducted with such secrecy,
that the Russians had not the smallest suspicion that any thing hostile
to their interests was in agitation. Their other measures were equally
well taken. They had a strong body in readiness to cut off all
communication with the fort Anadirsk; and the eastern coast was likewise
lined with detached parties, with a view of seizing on any Russians that
might by accident arrive from Okotsk. Things were in this state, when
the commissary Cheekaerdin marched from Verchnei with his tribute,
escorted by the troops of the fort, for the mouth of the Kamtschatka
river, where a vessel was lying to convey them to the Anadir. Besides
waiting for the departure of Beering, the revolt was to be suspended
till this vessel should be out at sea, notice of which was to be given
to the different chiefs. Accordingly, the moment she was out of sight,
they began to massacre every Russian and Cossack that came in their way,
and to set fire to their houses. A large body ascended the river
Kamtschatka, made themselves masters of the fort and _ostrog_ the
commissary had just quitted, put to death all that were in it, and,
except the church and fort, reduced the whole to ashes. Here it was that
they first learned that the Russian vessel, in which the commissary had
embarked, was still on the coast, which determined them to defend
themselves in the fort. The wind fortunately soon brought the vessel
back to the harbour; for had she proceeded in her voyage, nothing
probably could have prevented the utter extirpation of the Russians. The
Cossacks finding, on their landing, that their houses had been burnt to
the ground, and their wives and children either massacred or carried off
prisoners, were enraged to madness. They marched directly to the fort,
which they attacked with great fury, and the natives as resolutely
defended, till at length, the powder-magazine taking fire, the fort was
blown up, together with most of those that were in it. Various
rencounters succeeded to this event, in which much blood was spilled on
both sides. At length, two of the principal leaders being slain, and the
third (after dispatching his wife and children, to prevent their falling
into the enemy’s hand) having put an end to himself, peace was
established.
From that period every thing went on very peaceably, till the year 1740,
when a few Russians lost their lives in a tumult which was attended with
no farther consequences; and, except the insurrection at Bolcheretsk in
1770, (which hath been already noticed), there has been no disturbance
since.
Though the quelling the rebellion of 1731 was attended with the loss of
a great number of inhabitants, yet I was informed, that the country had
recovered itself, and was become more populous than ever, when, in the
year 1767, the small-pox, brought by a soldier from Okotsk, broke out
among them for the first time, marking its progress with ravages not
less dreadful than the plague, and seeming to threaten their entire
extirpation. They compute, that near twenty thousand died of this
disorder in Kamtschatka, the Koreki country, and the Kurile Islands. The
inhabitants of whole villages were swept away. Of this we had sufficient
proofs before our eyes. There are no less than eight _ostrogs_ scattered
about the bay of Awatska, all which, we were informed, had been fully
inhabited, but are now entirely desolate, except Saint Peter and Saint
Paul, and even that contains no more than seven Kamtschadales, who are
tributary. At Paratounca _ostrog_ there are but thirty-six native
inhabitants, men, women, and children, which, before it was visited by
the small-pox, we were told, contained three hundred and sixty. In our
road to Bolcheretsk, we passed four extensive _ostrogs_, with not an
inhabitant in them. In the present diminished state of the natives, with
fresh supplies of Russians and Cossacks perpetually pouring in, and who
intermix with them by marriage, it is probable that in less than half a
century there will be very few of them left. By Major Behm’s account,
there are not now more than three thousand who pay tribute, the Kurile
islanders included.
I understood that there are at this time, of the military, in the five
forts of Nichnei, Verchnei, Tigil, Bolcheretsk, and Saint Peter and
Saint Paul, about four hundred Russians and Cossacks, and near the same
number at Ingiga, which, though to the north of the peninsula, is, I
learned, at present under the commander of Kamtschatka. To these may be
added the Russian traders and emigrants, whose numbers are not very
considerable.
The Russian government established over this country is mild and
equitable, considered as a military one, in a very high degree. The
natives are permitted to choose their own magistrates from among
themselves, in the way and with the same powers they had ever been used.
One of these, under the title of _Toion_, presides over each _ostrog_;
is the referee in all differences; imposes fines, and inflicts
punishments for all crimes and misdemeanors; referring to the governor
of Kamtschatka such only as he does not choose, from their intricacy or
heinousness, to decide upon himself. The _Toion_ has likewise the
appointment of a civil officer, called a corporal, who assists him in
the execution of his office, and in his absence acts as his deputy.
By an edict of the present empress, no crime whatsoever can be punished
with death. But we were informed, that in cases of murder (of which
there are very few), the punishment of the _knout_ is administered with
such severity, that the offender for the most part dies under it.
The only tribute exacted (which can be considered as little more than an
acknowledgment of the Russian dominion over them) consists, in some
districts, of a fox’s skin; in others of a sable’s; and in the Kurile
isles of a sea-otter’s; but as this is much the most valuable, one skin
serves to pay the tribute of several persons. The _Toions_ collect the
tribute in their respective districts. Besides the mildness of their
government, the Russians have a claim to every praise for the pains they
have bestowed, and which have been attended with great success, in
converting them to Christianity, there remaining, at present, very few
idolaters among them. If we may judge of the other missionaries, from
the hospitable and benevolent pastor of Paratounca (who is a native on
the mother’s side), more suitable persons could not be set over this
business. It is needless to add, that the religion taught is that of the
Greek church. Schools are likewise established in many of the _ostrogs_,
where the children of both the natives and Cossacks are gratuitously
instructed in the Russian language.
The commerce of this country, as far as concerns the exports, is
entirely confined to furs, and carried on principally by a company of
merchants, instituted by the present empress. This company originally
consisted of twelve, and three have been lately added to it. They are
indulged with certain privileges, and distinguished by wearing a golden
medal, as a mark of the empress’s encouragement and protection of the
fur trade. Besides these, there are many inferior traders (particularly
of the Cossacks) scattered through the country. The principal merchants,
for the time they are here, reside at Bolcheretsk, or the Nishnei
_ostrog_, in which two places the trade almost wholly centres. Formerly
this commerce was altogether carried on in the way of barter; but of
late years every article is bought and sold for ready money only; and we
were surprized at the quantity of specie in circulation in so poor a
country. The furs sell at a high price, and the situation and habits of
life of the natives call for few articles in return. Our sailors brought
a great number of furs with them from the coast of America, and were not
less astonished than delighted with the quantity of silver the merchants
paid down for them; but on finding neither gin-shops to resort to, nor
tobacco, or any thing else that they cared for, to be had for money, the
roubles soon became troublesome companions, and I often observed them
kicking them about the deck. The merchant I have already had occasion to
mention, gave our men at first thirty roubles for a sea-otter’s skin,
and for others in proportion; but finding that they had considerable
quantities to dispose of, and that he had men to deal with who did not
know how to keep up the market, he afterward bought them for much less.
The articles of importation are principally European, but not confined
to Russian manufactures; many are English and Dutch; several likewise
come from Siberia, Bucharia, the Calmucs, and China. They consist of
coarse woollen and linen cloths, yarn stockings, bonnets, and gloves;
thin Persian silks, cottons, and pieces of nankeen, silk and cotton
handkerchiefs; brass coppers and pans, iron stoves, files, guns, powder
and shot; hardware, such as hatchets, bills, knives, scissars, needles,
looking-glasses, flour, sugar, tanned hides, boots, &c.
We had an opportunity of seeing a great many of these articles in the
hands of a merchant, who came in the empress’s galliot from Okotsk; and
I shall only observe generally, that they sold for treble the price they
might have been purchased for in England. And though the merchants have
so large a profit upon these imported goods, they have still a larger
upon the furs at Kiachta, upon the frontiers of China, which is the
great market for them. The best sea-otter skins sell generally in
Kamtschatka for about thirty roubles a-piece. The Chinese merchant at
Kiachta purchases them at more than double that price, and sells them
again at Pekin at a great advance, where a farther profitable trade is
made with some of them to Japan. If, therefore, a skin is worth thirty
roubles in Kamtschatka, to be transported first to Okotsk, thence to be
conveyed by land to Kiachta, a distance of one thousand three hundred
and sixty-four miles, thence on to Pekin, seven hundred and sixty miles
more, and after this to be transported to Japan, what a prodigiously
advantageous trade might be carried on between this place and Japan,
which is but about a fortnight’s, at most three weeks’ sail from it?
All furs exported from hence across the sea of Okotsk, pay a duty of ten
_per cent._, and sables a duty of twelve. And all sorts of merchandize,
of whatever denomination, imported from Okotsk, pay half a rouble for
every pood.[62]
The duties arising from the exports and imports, of which I could not
learn the amount, are paid at Okotsk: but the tribute is collected at
Bolcheretsk; and, I was informed by Major Behm, amounted in value to ten
thousand roubles annually.
There are six vessels (of forty to fifty tons burthen) employed by the
empress between Okotsk and Bolcheretsk, five of which are appropriated
to the transporting of stores and provisions from Okotsk to Bolcheretsk;
except that once in two or three years, some of them go round to
Awatska, and the Kamtschatka river; the sixth is only used as a
packet-boat, and always kept in readiness, and properly equipped for
conveying dispatches. Besides these, there are about fourteen vessels
employed by the merchants in the fur trade, amongst the islands to the
eastward. One of these we found frozen up in the harbour of Saint Peter
and Saint Paul, which was to sail on a trading voyage to Oonalashka, as
soon as the season would permit.
It is here to be observed, that the most considerable and valuable part
of the fur-trade is carried on with the islands that lie between
Kamtschatka and America. These were first discovered by Beering, in
1741, and being found to abound with sea-otters, the Russian merchants
became exceedingly eager in searching for the other islands seen by that
navigator, to the south-east of Kamtschatka, called, in Muller’s map,
the Islands of Seduction, St. Abraham, &c. In these expeditions they
fell in with three groups of islands. The first, about fifteen degrees
to the east of Kamtschatka, in 53° N. latitude; the second, about twelve
degrees to the eastward of the former; and the third, Oonalashka, and
the islands in its neighbourhood. These trading adventurers advanced
also as far east as Shumagin’s Islands (so called by Beering), the
largest of which is named Kodlak. But here, as well as on the continent
at Alaska, they met with so warm a reception, in their attempts to
compel the payment of a tribute, that they never afterward ventured so
far. However, they conquered and made tributary the three groups before
mentioned.
In the Russian charts, the whole sea between Kamtschatka and America is
covered with islands; for the adventurers in these expeditions
frequently falling in with land, which they imagined did not agree with
the situation of other laid down by preceding voyagers, immediately
concluded it must be a new discovery, and reported it as such on their
return; and since the vessels employed in these expeditions were usually
out three or four years, and oftentimes longer, these mistakes were not
in the way of being soon rectified. It is, however, now pretty certain,
that the islands already enumerated are all that have yet been
discovered by the Russians in that sea to the southward of 60° of
latitude.
It is from these islands that the sea-otter skins, the most valuable
article of the fur trade, are for the most part drawn; and as they are
brought completely under the Russian dominion, the merchants have
settlements upon them where their factors reside, for the purpose of
bartering with the natives. It was with a view to the farther increase
and extension of this trade, that the admiralty of Okotsk fitted out an
expedition for the purpose of making discoveries to the north and
north-east of the islands above mentioned, and gave the command of it,
as I have already observed, to Lieutenant Synd. This gentleman, having
directed his course too far to the northward, failed in the object of
his voyage; for, as we never saw the sea-otter to the northward of
Bristol Bay, it seems probable that they shun those latitudes where the
larger kind of amphibious sea animals abound. This was the last
expedition undertaken by the Russians for prosecuting discoveries to the
eastward; but they will undoubtedly make a proper use of the advantages
we have opened to them, by the discovery of Cook’s river.
Notwithstanding the general intercourse that, for the last forty years,
hath taken place between the natives, the Russians, and Cossacks, the
former are not more distinguished from the latter by their features and
general figure, than by their habits and cast of mind. Of the persons of
the natives, a description hath been already given, and I shall only
add, that their stature is much below the common size. This Major Behm
attributes, in a great measure, to their marrying so early; both sexes
generally entering into the conjugal state at the age of thirteen or
fourteen. Their industry is abundantly conspicuous, without being
contrasted with the laziness of their Russian and Cossack inmates, who
are fond of intermarrying with them, and, as it should seem, for no
other reason but that they may be supported in sloth and inactivity. To
this want of bodily exertion may be attributed those dreadful scorbutic
complaints which none of them escape; whilst the natives, by constant
exercise and toil in the open air, are entirely free from them.
Referring the reader for an account of the manners, customs, and
superstitions of the Kamtschadales at the time the Russians became first
acquainted with this country to Krascheninicoff, I shall proceed to a
description of their habitations and dress.
The houses (if they may be allowed that name) are of three distinct
sorts, _jourts_, _balagans_, and _log-houses_, called here _isbas_. The
first are their winter; the second their summer habitations; the third
are altogether of Russian introduction, and inhabited only by the better
and wealthier sort.
The _jourts_, or winter habitations, are constructed in the following
manner: An oblong square of dimensions proportioned to the number of
persons for whom it is intended, (for it is proper to observe, that
several families live together in the same _jourt_,) is dug in the earth
to the depth of about six feet. Within this space strong posts, or
wooden pillars, are fastened in the ground, at proper distances from
each other, on which are extended the beams for the support of the roof,
which is formed by joists, resting on the ground with one end, and on
the beams with the other. The interstices between the joists are filled
up with a strong wicker-work, and the whole covered with turf; so that a
_jourt_ has externally the appearance of a round squat hillock. A hole
is left in the centre, which serves for chimney, window, and entrance,
and the inhabitants pass in and out by means of a strong pole (instead
of a ladder), notched just deep enough to afford a little holding to the
toe. There is likewise another entrance in the side, even with the
ground, for the convenience of the women; but if a man makes use of it,
he subjects himself to the same disgrace and derision as a sailor would,
who descends through lubbers’ hole. The _jourt_ consists of one
apartment of the form of an oblong square. Along the sides are extended
broad platforms, made of boards, and raised about six inches from the
ground, which they use as seats, and on which they go to rest, after
strewing them with mats and skins. On one side is the fire-place, and
the side opposite is entirely set apart for the stowage of provisions
and kitchen utensils. At their feasts and ceremonious entertainments,
the hotter the _jourts_ are made for the reception of the guests the
greater the compliment. We found them at all times so hot, as to make
any length of stay in them to us intolerable. They betake themselves to
the _jourts_ the middle of October; and, for the most part, continue in
them till the middle of May.
The _balagans_ are raised upon nine posts, fixed into the earth in three
rows, at equal distances from one another, and about thirteen feet high
from the surface. At the height of between nine and ten feet, rafters
are passed from post to post, and firmly secured by strong ropes. On
these rafters are laid the joists, and the whole being covered with
turf, constitutes the platform or floor of the _balagan_. On this is
raised a roof of a conical figure, by means of tall poles, fastened down
to the rafters at one end, and meeting together in a point at the top,
and thatched over with strong coarse grass. The _balagans_ have two
doors placed opposite each other, and they ascend to them by the same
sort of ladders they use in the _jourts_. The lower part is left
entirely open; and within it they dry their fish, roots, vegetables, and
other articles of winter consumption. The proportion of _jourts_ to
_balagans_ is as one to six; so that six families generally live
together in one _jourt_.
The loghouses (_isbas_) are raised with long timbers piled horizontally,
the ends being let into one another, and the seams calked with moss. The
roof is sloping like that of our common cottage houses, and thatched
with coarse grass or rushes. The inside consists of three apartments. At
one end is what may be called the entry, which runs the whole width and
height of the house, and is the receptacle of their sledges, harness,
and other more bulky gears and household stuff. This communicates with
the middle and best apartment, furnished with broad benches for the
purpose, as hath been above mentioned, of both eating and sleeping upon.
Out of this is a door into the kitchen, one half of which is taken up by
the oven or fire-place, so contrived, by being let into the wall that
separates the kitchen and the middle apartment, as to warm both at the
same time. Over the middle apartment and kitchen are two lofts, to which
they ascend by a ladder placed in the entry. There are two small windows
in each apartment made of _talc_, and, in the houses of the poorer sort,
of fish-skin. The beams and boards of the ceiling are dubbed smooth with
a hatchet (for they are unacquainted with the plane); and, from the
effects of the smoke, are as black and shining as jet.
A town of Kamtschatka is called an _ostrog_, and consists of several of
the three sorts of houses above described; but of which _balagans_ are
much the most numerous; and I must observe, that I never met with a
house of any kind detached from an _ostrog_. Saint Peter and Saint Paul
consists of seven log-houses, or _isbas_, nineteen _balagans_, and three
_jourts_. Paratounca is of about the same size. Karatchin and Natchekin
contain fewer log-houses, but full as many _jourts_ and _balagans_ as
the former; from whence I conclude, that such is the usual size of the
_ostrogs_.
Having already had occasion to mention the dress of the Kamtschadale
women, I shall here confine myself to a description of that of the men.
The outermost garment is of the shape of a carter’s frock. Those worn in
summer are of nankeen; in winter they are made of skins, most commonly
of the deer or dog, tanned on one side, the hair being left on the
other, which is worn innermost. Under this is a close jacket of nankeen,
or other cotton stuffs; and beneath that a shirt of thin Persian silk,
of a blue, red, or yellow colour. The remaining part of their dress
consists of a pair of tight trowsers, or long breeches, of leather,
reaching down to the calf of the leg; of a pair of dog or deer-skin
boots, with the hair innermost; and of a fur cap, with two flaps, which
are generally tied up close to the head, but in bad weather are let to
fall round the shoulders.
The fur dress presented to me by a son of Major Behm (as already
mentioned) is one of those worn by the _Toions_, on ceremonious
occasions. The form exactly resembles that of the common exterior
garment just described. It is made of small triangular pieces of fur,
chequered brown and white, and joined so neatly as to appear to be one
skin. A border of six inches breadth, wrought with threads of different
coloured leather, and producing a rich effect, surrounds the bottom, to
which is suspended a broad edging of the sea-otter skin. The sleeves are
turned up with the same materials; and there is likewise an edging of it
round the neck, and down the opening at the breast. The lining is of a
smooth white skin. A cap, a pair of gloves, and boots, wrought with the
utmost degree of neatness, and made of the same materials, constitute
the remainder of this suit. The Russians in Kamtschatka wear the
European dress; and the uniform of the troops quartered here is of a
dark green, faced with red.
As the people situated to the north and south of this country are yet
imperfectly known, I shall conclude the account of Kamtschatka with such
information concerning the Kurile islands, and the Koreki and Tschutski,
as I have been able to acquire.
The chain of islands, running in a south-west direction from the
southern promontory of Kamtschatka to Japan, extending from latitude 51°
to 45°, are called the Kuriles. They obtained this name from the
inhabitants of the neighbourhood of Lopatka, who being themselves called
Kuriles, gave their own name to these islands, on first becoming
acquainted with them. They are, according to Spanberg, twenty-two in
number, without reckoning the very small ones. The northernmost, called
Shoomska, is not more than three leagues from the promontory Lopatka,
and its inhabitants are a mixture of natives and Kamtschadales. The next
to the south, called Paramousir, is much larger than Shoomska, and
inhabited by the true natives; their ancestors, according to a tradition
among them, having come from an island a little farther to the south,
called Onecutan. Those two islands were first visited by the Russians in
1713, and at the same time brought under their dominion.
The others in order, are at present made tributary down to Ooshesheer
inclusive, as I am informed by the worthy pastor of Paratounca, who is
their missionary, and visits them once in three years, and speaks of the
islanders in terms of the highest commendation, representing them as a
friendly, hospitable, generous, humane race of people, and excelling
their Kamtschadale neighbours, not less in the formation of their
bodies, than in docility and quickness of understanding. Though
Ooshesheer is the southernmost island that the Russians have yet brought
under their dominion, yet I understand that they trade to Ooroop, which
is the eighteenth; and, according to their accounts, the only one where
there is a good harbour for ships of burthen. Beyond this, to the south,
lies Nadeegsda, which was represented to us by the Russians as inhabited
by a race of men remarkably hairy, and who, like those of Ooroop, live
in a state of entire independence.[63]
In the same direction, but inclining somewhat more to the westward, lie
a group of islands, which the Japanese call Jeso; a name which they also
give to the whole chain of islands between Kamtschatka and Japan. The
southernmost, called Matmai, hath been long subject to the Japanese, and
is fortified and garrisoned on the side toward the continent. The two
islands to the north-east of Matmai, Kunashir, and Zellany, and likewise
the three still farther to the north-east, called the Three Sisters, are
perfectly independent.
A trade of barter is carried on between Matmai and the islands
last-mentioned; and between those again and the Kuriles, to the
northward; in which, for furs, dried fish, and oil, the latter get silk,
cotton, iron, and Japanese articles of furniture.[64]
The inhabitants of as many of the islands as are brought under the
Russian dominion, are at present converted to Christianity. And probably
the time is not very distant, when a friendly and profitable intercourse
will be brought about between Kamtschatka and the whole of this chain of
islands; and which will draw after it a communication with Japan itself.
This may eventually be greatly facilitated by a circumstance related to
me by Major Behm, that several Russians, who had been taught the
Japanese language by two men belonging to a vessel of that nation, which
had been[65] shipwrecked on the coast of Kamtschatka, had been sent
among those islands.
The advantages that would accrue to the Russians by an immediate trade
to Japan, have been already adverted to, and are too many, and too
obvious, to need insisting upon.
The Koreki country includes two distinct nations, called the Wandering
and Fixed Koriacs.
The former inhabit the northern part of the isthmus of Kamtschatka, and
the whole coast of the Eastern Ocean, from thence to the Anadir.
The country of the Wandering Koriacs stretches along the north-east of
the sea of Okotsk to the river Penskina, and westward toward the river
Kovyma.
The Fixed Koriacs have a strong resemblance to the Kamtschadales, and,
like them, depend altogether on fishing for subsistence. Their dress and
habitations are of the same kind. They are tributary to the Russians,
and under the district of the Ingiga.
The Wandering Koriacs occupy themselves entirely in breeding and
pasturing deer, of which they are said to possess immense numbers; and
that it is no unusual thing for an individual chief to have a herd of
four or five thousand. They despise fish, and live entirely on deer.
They have no _balagans_; and their only habitations are like the
Kamtschadale _jourts_, with this difference, that they are covered with
raw deer-skins in winter, and tanned ones in summer. Their sledges are
drawn by deer, and never by dogs; which, like the latter, are likewise
always spayed, in order to be trained to this business. The draft-deer
pasture in company with the others; and when they are wanted, the
herdsmen make use of a certain cry, which they instantly obey, by coming
out of the herd.
The priest of Paratounca informed me, that the two nations of the
Koriacs, and the Tschutski speak different dialects of the same
language; and that it bears not the smallest resemblance to the
Kamtschadale.
The country of the Tschutski is bounded on the south by the Anadir, and
extends along the coast to the Tschutskoi Noss. Like the Wandering
Koriacs, their attention is principally confined to their deer, of which
their country affords great numbers, both tame and wild. They are a
stout, well-made, bold, warlike race of people; redoubtable neighbours
to both nations of the Koriacs, who often feel the effects of their
depredatory incursions. The Russians have, for many years, been using
their endeavours to bring them under their dominion; and, after losing a
great many men in their different expeditions for this purpose, have not
been able to effect it.
I shall here conclude this article; since all we can say of this people,
on our own knowledge, hath been laid before the reader in the preceding
volume.
CHAP. VIII.
PLAN OF OUR FUTURE PROCEEDINGS.—COURSE TO THE SOUTHWARD, ALONG THE COAST
OF KAMTSCHATKA.—CAPE LOPATKA.—PASS THE ISLANDS SHOOMSKA AND
PARAMOUSIR.—DRIVEN TO THE EASTWARD OF THE KURILES.—SINGULAR SITUATION
WITH RESPECT TO THE PRETENDED DISCOVERIES OF FORMER NAVIGATORS.—
FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS TO REACH THE ISLANDS NORTH OF JAPAN.—GEOGRAPHICAL
CONCLUSIONS.—VIEW OF THE COAST OF JAPAN.—RUN ALONG THE EAST SIDE.—PASS
TWO JAPANESE VESSELS.—DRIVEN OFF THE COAST BY CONTRARY WINDS.—
EXTRAORDINARY EFFECT OF CURRENTS.—STEER FOR THE BASHEES.—PASS LARGE
QUANTITIES OF PUMICE STONE.—DISCOVER SULPHUR ISLAND.—PASS THE PRATAS.—
ISLES OF LEMA, AND LADRON ISLAND.—CHINESE PILOT TAKEN ON BOARD THE
RESOLUTION.—JOURNALS OF THE OFFICERS AND MEN SECURED.
Our instructions from the Board of Admiralty having left a discretionary
power with the commanding officer of the expedition, in case of failure
in the search of a passage from the Pacific into the Atlantic Ocean, to
return to England, by whatever route he should think best for the
farther improvement of geography, Captain Gore demanded of the principal
officers their sentiments, in writing, respecting the manner in which
these orders might most effectually be obeyed. The result of our
opinions, which he had the satisfaction to find unanimous, and entirely
coinciding with his own, that the condition of the ships, of the sails
and cordage, made it unsafe to attempt, at so advanced a season of the
year, to navigate the sea between Japan and Asia, which would otherwise
have afforded the largest field for discovery; that it was therefore
adviseable to keep to the eastward of that island, and in our way
thither to run along the Kuriles, and examine more particularly the
islands that lie nearest the northern coast of Japan, which are
represented as of a considerable size, and independent of the Russian
and Japanese governments. Should we be so fortunate as to find in these
any safe and commodious harbours, we conceived they might be of
importance, either as places of shelter for any future navigators, who
may be employed in exploring the seas, or as the means of opening a
commercial intercourse among the neighbouring dominions of the two
empires. Our next object was to survey the coast of the Japanese
Islands, and afterward to make the coast of China, as far to the
northward as we were able, and run along it to Macao.
This plan being adopted, I received orders from Captain Gore, in case of
separation, to proceed immediately to Macao; and at six o’clock in the
evening of the 9th of October, having cleared the entrance of Awatska
Bay, we steered to the south-east, with the wind north-west and by west.
At midnight, we had a dead calm, which continued till noon of the 10th;
the light-house, at this time, bearing north half west, distant five
leagues, and Cape Gavareea south by west half west. Being luckily in
soundings of sixty and seventy fathoms’ water, we employed our time very
profitably in catching cod, which were exceedingly fine and plentiful;
and at three in the afternoon a breeze sprung up from the west, with
which we stood along the coast to the southward. A head-land bearing
south by west, now opened, with Cape Gavareea, lying about seven leagues
beyond it. Between them are two narrow but deep inlets, which may
probably unite behind what appears to be an high island. The coast of
these inlets is steep and cliffy. The hills break abruptly, and form
chasms and deep valleys, which are well wooded. Between Cape Gavareea
(which lies in latitude 52° 21ʹ, longitude 158° 38ʹ) and Awatska Bay,
there are appearances of several inlets, which at first sight may
flatter the mariner with hopes of finding shelter and safe anchorage:
but the Russian pilots assured us, that there are none capable of
admitting vessels of the smallest size, as the low land fills up the
spaces that appear vacant between the high projecting head-lands. Toward
evening, it again became calm; but at midnight we had a light breeze
from the north, which increased gradually to a strong gale; and at noon
the next day, we found ourselves in latitude 52° 4ʹ, longitude 158° 31ʹ,
when Cape Gavareea bore north by west one quarter west; the south
extreme south-west half west. We were at this time distant from the
nearest shore about three leagues, and saw the whole country inland
covered with snow. A point of land to the southward, which we place in
latitude 51° 54ʹ, formed the north side of a deep bay, called
Achachinskoi, in the distant bottom of which we supposed a large river
to empty itself, from the land behind being so unusually low. South of
Achachinskoi Bay, the land is not so rugged and barren as that part of
the country which we had before passed.
During the night, we had variable winds and rain; but at four in the
morning of the 12th, it began to blow so strong from the north-east, as
to oblige us to double-reef the top-sails, and make it prudent to stand
more off the shore. At six, the weather becoming more moderate and fair,
we again made sail, and stood in for the land. At noon, our latitude was
51° 0ʹ, longitude 157° 25ʹ. The northernmost land in sight, being the
point we have mentioned as first opening with Cape Gavareea, bore north
north-east. A head-land with a flat top, which is in latitude 51° 27ʹ,
and makes the south point of an inlet, called Girowara, bore north one
quarter east, and the southernmost land in sight west three quarters
north, distant six leagues. At this time we could just perceive low land
stretching from the southern extreme; but the wind veering round to the
north-west, we could not get a nearer view of it. At six in the
afternoon, we saw from the mast-head, Cape Lopatka, the southernmost
extremity of Kamtschatka. It is a very low flat cape, sloping gradually
from the high level land that we saw at noon, and bore west half north,
about five leagues distant; and the high land north-west by west half
west. As this point of land forms so marked an object in the geography
of the eastern coast of Asia, we were glad to be able, by an accurate
observation, and several good angles, to determine its precise
situation, which is in latitude 51° 0ʹ, longitude 156° 45ʹ. To the
north-west of it we saw a remarkable high mountain, the top of which
loses itself in the clouds; and, at the same time, the first of the
Kurile Islands, called Shoomska, appeared in sight, bearing west half
south. The passage between this island and Cape Lopatka, the Russians
describe as being three miles broad, and very dangerous, on account of
the rapidity of the tides, and the sunk rocks that are off the Cape.
From Cape Gavareea to Lopatka, the coast trends south-east, south of
Achachinskoi, the land is not so high and broken as between that bay and
the mouth of Awatska, being only of a moderate elevation toward the sea,
with hills gradually rising farther back in the country. The coast is
steep and bold, and full of white chalky patches.
At noon, the weather falling again to a calm, afforded us an opportunity
of catching some fine cod. We were at this time, in forty fathoms’
water, and about five or six leagues from Cape Lopatka. Both in the fore
and afternoon, we had observations, with different compasses, for the
variation, and found it to be 5° 20ʹ E.
We stood on all night, under an easy sail, to the south south-west,
having the wind westerly. At midnight we sounded, and had sixty fathoms;
and at day-break of the 13th, we saw the second of the Kurile Islands
(called by the Russians Paramousir), extending from north-west by west,
to west half south. This land is very high, and almost entirely covered
with snow. At noon, the extremes bore from north north-west half west,
to west north-west half west; and a high-peaked mountain, from which
some thought they saw smoke issuing, north-west by west half west, about
twelve or fourteen leagues distant. At this time our latitude, by
observation, was 49° 49ʹ, and our longitude 157° 0ʹ. In the course of
the day we saw many gulls and albatrosses, and several whales.
Paramousir is the largest of the Kuriles under the dominion of Russia,
and well deserves a more accurate survey, than we were at this time
allowed to take. For, in the afternoon, the gale increasing from the
west, we were never able to approach it nearer than we had done at noon;
and were, therefore, obliged to be contented with endeavouring to
ascertain its situation at that distance. We place the south end of the
island in latitude 49° 58ʹ; the north end in latitude 50° 46ʹ, and in
longitude 10ʹW. of Lopatka; and as this position is found not to differ
materially from that given by the Russians, it is probably very near the
truth. Whilst we were abreast of this island, we had a very heavy swell
from the north-east, though the wind had, for some time, been from the
westward; a circumstance which we have already remarked more than once
during the course of our voyage. In the night we tried for soundings,
but found no ground with fifty fathoms of line.
On the 14th and 15th, the wind blowing steadily and fresh from the
westward, we were obliged to stand to the southward; and consequently
hindered from seeing any more of the Kurile islands. At noon of the
16th, the latitude, by observation, was 45° 27ʹ; the longitude, deduced
from a number of lunar observations taken during the three days past,
155° 30ʹ. The variation 4° 30ʹE. In this situation, we were almost
surrounded by the supposed discoveries of former navigators, and
uncertain to which we should turn ourselves. To the southward and the
south-west were placed, in the French charts, a group of five islands,
called the Three Sisters, Zellany and Kunashir. We were about ten
leagues, according to the same maps, to the westward of the land of De
Gama, which we had passed to the eastward in April last, at a distance
rather less than this, without seeing any appearance of it; from which
circumstance we may now conclude, that, if such land exist at all, it
must be an island of a very inconsiderable size.[66] On the other hand,
if we give credit to the original position of this land, fixed by
Texiera[67], it lay to the west by south; and as the Company’s Land[68],
Staten Island[69], and the famous land of Jeso[70], were also supposed
to lie nearly in the same direction, together with the group first
mentioned, according to the Russian charts, we thought this coast
deserved the preference, and accordingly hauled round to the westward,
the wind having shifted in the afternoon to the northward. During this
day, we saw large flocks of gulls, several albatrosses, fulmars, and a
number of fish, which our sailors called grampuses; but, as far as we
could judge, from the appearance of those that passed close by the
ships, we imagined them to be the _kasatka_, or sword-fish, described by
Krascheninicoff, to whom I refer the reader, for a curious account of
the manner in which they attack the whales. In the evening, a visit from
a small land bird, about the size of a goldfinch, and resembling that
bird in shape and plumage, made us keep a good look out for land.
However, at midnight, on trying for soundings, we found no ground with
forty-five fathoms of line.
On the 17th, at noon, we were in latitude 45° 7ʹ, by observation,
longitude 154° 0ʹ. The wind now again coming to the westward, obliged us
to steer a more southerly course; and, at midnight, it blew from that
quarter a fresh gale, accompanied with heavy rain. In the morning, we
saw another land bird, and many flocks of gulls and peterels bending
their course to the south-west. The heavy north-east swell, with which
we had constantly laboured since our departure from Lopatka, now ceased,
and changed suddenly to the south-east. In the forenoon of the 18th, we
passed great quantities of rock-weed, from which, and the flights of
birds above mentioned, we conjectured we were at no great distance from
the southernmost of the Kuriles; and, at the same time, the wind coming
round to the south, enabled us to stand in for it. At two, we set
studding-sails, and steered west; but the wind increasing to a gale,
soon obliged us to double reef the top-sails; and, at midnight, we
judged it necessary to try for soundings. Accordingly we hove to; but
finding no bottom at seventy-five fathoms, we were encouraged to
persevere, and again bore away west, with the wind at south-east. This
course we kept till two in the morning, when the weather becoming thick,
we hauled our wind and steered to the south-west till five, when a
violent storm reduced us to our courses.
Notwithstanding the unfavourable state of the weather left us little
prospect of making the land, we still kept this object anxiously in
view; and at day-light, ventured to steer west by south, and continued
to stand on in this direction till ten in the forenoon, when the wind
suddenly shifting to the south-west, brought with it clear weather. Of
this we had scarcely taken advantage, by setting the top-sails, and
letting out the reefs, when it began to blow so strong from this
quarter, that we were forced to close reef again; and at noon, the wind
shifting two points to the west, rendered it vain to keep any longer on
this tack. We, therefore, put about, and steered to the southward. At
this time, our latitude, by observation, was 44° 12ʹ, and longitude 150°
40ʹ; so that, after all our efforts, we had the mortification to find
ourselves, according to the Russian charts, upon a meridian with
Nadeegsda, which they make the southernmost of the Kurile islands, and
about twenty leagues to the southward.
But, though the violent and contrary winds we had met with during the
last six days, prevented our getting in with these islands, yet the
course we had been obliged to hold, is not without its geographical
advantages. For the group of Islands, consisting of the Three Sisters,
Kunashir, and Zellany, which, in D’Anville’s maps, are placed in the
track we had just crossed; being, by this means, demonstratively removed
from that situation, an additional proof is obtained of their lying to
the westward, where Spanberg actually places them, between the longitude
142° and 147°. But as this space is occupied in the French charts by
part of the supposed land of Jeso and Staten Island, Mr. Muller’s
opinion becomes extremely probable, that they are all the same lands;
and as no reasons appear for doubting Spanberg’s accuracy, we have
ventured, in our general map, to reinstate the Three Sisters, Zellany,
and Kunashir, in their proper situation, and have entirely omitted the
rest. When the reader recollects the manner in which the Russians have
multiplied the islands of the Northern Archipelago, from the want of
accuracy in determining their real situation, and the desire men
naturally feel of propagating new discoveries, he will not be surprised,
that the same causes should produce the same effects. It is thus that
the Jesoian lands, which appear, both from the accounts of the Japanese,
and the earliest Russian traditions, to be no other than the southern
Kurile islands, have been supposed distinct from the latter. The land of
De Gama is next on record, and was originally placed nearly in the same
situation with those just mentioned; but was removed, as has been
already suggested, to make room for Staten Island, and the Company’s
Land; and as Jeso, and the southernmost of the Kuriles, had also
possession of this space, that nothing might be lost, they were provided
for, the former a little to the westward, and the latter to the
eastward.
As the islands of Zellany and Kunashir, according to the Russian charts,
were still to the southward, we were not without hopes of being able to
make them, and therefore kept our head as much to the westward as the
wind would permit. On the 20th, at noon, we were in latitude 43° 47ʹ,
and longitude 150° 30ʹ; and steering west by south, with a moderate
breeze from south-east, and probably not more than twenty-four leagues
to the eastward of Zellany, when our good fortune again deserted us.
For, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the wind veering round to the
north-west, began to blow so strong, that we were brought under our
foresail and mizen stay-sail. We had very heavy squalls, and hard rain
during the next twenty-four hours; after which, the horizon clearing a
little, and the weather growing moderate, we were enabled to set the
topsails; but the wind still continuing to blow from the north-west,
baffled all our endeavours to make the land, and obliged us at last to
give up all further thoughts of discovery to the north of Japan. We
submitted to this disappointment with the greater reluctance, as the
accounts that are given of the inhabitants of these islands mentioned at
the end of the last chapter, had excited in us the greater curiosity to
visit them.
In the afternoon the leach-rope of the Resolution’s fore-top-sail gave
way, and split the sail. As this accident had often happened to us in
Captain Cook’s life-time, he had ordered the foot and leach-ropes of the
top-sails to be taken out, and larger fixed in their stead; and as these
also proved unequal to the strain that was on them, it is evident that
the proper proportion of strength between those ropes and the sail, is
exceedingly miscalculated in our service. This day a land-bird perched
on the rigging, and was taken; it was larger than a sparrow, but in
other respects very like one.
The gale now abated gradually, so that in the morning of the 22d, we let
out the reefs of the top-sails, and made more sail. At noon, we were in
latitude 40° 58ʹ, and longitude 148° 17ʹ; the variation 3° E. In the
afternoon, another little wanderer from the land pitched on the ship,
and was so worn out with fatigue, that it suffered itself to be taken
immediately, and died a few hours afterward. It was not bigger than a
wren, had a tuft of yellow feathers on its head, and the rest of its
plumage like that of the linnet. The sparrow, being stronger, lived a
long time. These birds plainly indicating, that we could not be at any
great distance from the land, and the wind, after varying a little,
fixing in the evening at north, our hopes of making the land, again
revived, and we hauled up to the west north-west, in which direction,
the southernmost islands seen by Spanberg, and said to be inhabited by
hairy men, lay at the distance of about fifty leagues. But the wind not
keeping pace with our wishes, blew in such light airs, that we made
little way, till eight the next morning, when we had a fresh breeze from
the south south-west, with which we continued to steer west north-west
till the evening. At noon, we were in latitude 40° 35ʹ, longitude 146°
45ʹ; the latter deduced from several lunar observations taken during the
night. The variation of the needle we found to be 17ʹ E. In the evening,
we had strong squally gales attended with rain, and having passed in the
course of the day, several patches of green grass, and seen a shag, many
small land birds, and flocks of gulls, it was not thought prudent, with
all these signs of the vicinity of land, to stand on during the whole
night. We therefore tacked at midnight, and steered a few hours to the
south-east, and at four in the morning of the 24th, again directed our
course to the west north-west, and carried a press of sail till seven in
the evening, when the wind shifted from south south-west to north, and
blew a fresh gale. At this time we were in the latitude of 40° 57ʹ, and
the longitude of 145° 20ʹ.
This second disappointment, in our endeavours to get to the north-west,
together with the boisterous weather we had met with, and the little
likelihood, at this time of the year, of its becoming more favourable to
our views, were Captain Gore’s motives for now finally giving up all
farther search for the islands to the north of Japan, and for shaping a
course west south-west, for the north part of that island. In the night,
the wind shifted to the north-east, and blew a fresh gale, with hard
rain and hazy weather, which, by noon of the 25th, brought us to the
latitude of 40° 18ʹ, in the longitude 144° 0ʹ. To-day we saw flights of
wild ducks; a pigeon lighted on our rigging, and many birds like linnets
flew about us with a degree of vigour that seemed to prove they had not
been long upon the wing. We also passed patches of long grass, and a
piece either of sugar-cane or bamboo. These signs, that land was at no
great distance, induced us to try for soundings, but we found no ground
with ninety fathoms of line. Toward evening, the wind by degrees shifted
round to the south, with which we still kept on to the west south-west;
and at day-break of the 26th, we had the pleasure of descrying high land
to the westward, which proved to be Japan. At eight it extended from
north-west to south by west, distant three or four leagues. A low flat
cape bore north-west three-quarters west, and seemed to make the south
part of the entrance of a bay. Toward the south extreme, a conical
shaped hill bore south by west three-quarters west. To the northward of
this hill there appeared to be a very deep inlet, the north side of the
entrance into which is formed by a low point of land; and, as well as we
could judge by our glasses, has a small island near it to the southward.
We stood on till nine, when we were within two leagues of the land,
bearing west three quarters south, and had soundings of fifty-eight
fathoms, with a bottom of very fine sand. We now tacked and stood off;
but the wind dying away, at noon we had got no farther than three
leagues from the coast, which extended from north-west by north three
quarters west, to south half east, and was, for the most part, bold and
cliffy. The low cape to the northward bore north-west by west, six
leagues distant; and the north point of the inlet south, three-quarters
west. The latitude, by observation, was 40° 5ʹ, and longitude 142° 28ʹ.
The northernmost land in sight we judged to be the northern extremity of
Japan.[71] It is lower than any other part; and, from the range of the
high lands that were seen over it from the mast-head, the coast appeared
evidently to incline round to the westward. The north point of the inlet
we supposed to be Cape Nambu, and the town to be situated in a break of
the high land, toward which the inlet seemed to direct itself.[72] The
country is of a moderate height, consists of a double range of
mountains; it abounds with wood, and has a pleasing variety of hills and
dales. We saw the smoke of several towns or villages, and many houses
near the shore, in pleasant and cultivated situations.
During the calm, being willing to make the best use of our time, we put
our fishing lines overboard in ten fathoms’ water, but without any
success. As this was the only amusement our circumstances admitted, the
disappointment was always very sensibly felt, and made us look back with
regret to the cod-banks of the dreary regions we had left, which had
supplied us with so many wholesome meals, and, by the diversion they
afforded, had given a variety to the wearisome succession of gales and
calms, and the tedious repetition of the same nautical observations. At
two in the afternoon, the breeze freshened from the southward, and by
four had brought us under close-reefed topsails, and obliged us to stand
off to the south-east. In consequence of this course, and the haziness
of the weather, the land soon disappeared. We kept on all night, and
till eight the next morning, when the wind coming round to the north,
and growing moderate, we made sail, and steered west south-west, toward
the land; but did not make it till three in the afternoon, when it
extended from north-west half west to west. The northernmost extreme
being a continuation of the high land, which was the southernmost we had
seen the day before; the land to the west we conceived to be the Hofe
Tafel Berg (the High Table Hill) of Jansen. Between the two extremes,
the coast was low and scarcely perceptible, except from the mast-head.
We stood on toward the coast till eight, when we were about five leagues
distant; and having shortened sail for the night, steered to the
southward, sounding every four hours; but never found ground with one
hundred and sixty fathoms of line.
On the 28th, at six in the morning, we again saw land twelve leagues to
the southward of that seen the preceding day, extending from west
south-west to west by north. We steered south-west obliquely with the
shore; and, at ten, saw more land open to the south-west. To the
westward of this land, which is low and flat, are two islands, as we
judged, though some doubts were entertained whether they might not be
connected with the adjacent low ground. The hazy weather, joined to our
distance, prevented us also from determining whether there are any
inlets or harbours between the projecting points, which seem here to
promise good shelter. At noon, the north extreme bore north-west by
north, and a high-peaked hill, over a steep head-land, west by north,
distant five leagues. Our latitude at this time, by observation, was 38°
16ʹ, longitude 142° 9ʹ. The mean of the variation, from observations
taken both in the fore and afternoon, was 1° 20ʹ E.
At half past three in the afternoon, we lost sight of the land; and,
from its breaking off so suddenly, conjectured that what we had seen
this day is an island, or perhaps a cluster of islands, lying off the
main land of Japan; but as the islands, called by Jansen the Schildpads,
and by Mr. D’Anville Matsima, though laid down nearly in the same
situation, are not equal in extent to the land seen by us, we must leave
this point undecided. Having kept a south-west course during the
remaining part of the day, we found ourselves, at midnight, in seventy
fathoms’ water, over a bottom of fine dark brown sand. We therefore
hauled up to the eastward till morning, when we saw the land again,
about eleven leagues to the southward of that which we had seen the day
before; and at eight we were within six or seven miles of the shore,
having carried in regular soundings from sixty-five to twenty fathoms,
over coarse sand and gravel. Unluckily there was a haze over the land,
which hindered our distinguishing small objects on it. The coast is
straight and unbroken, and runs nearly in a north and south direction.
Toward the sea the ground is low, but rises gradually into hills of a
moderate height, whose tops are tolerably even, and covered with wood.
At nine o’clock, the wind shifting to the southward, and the sky
lowering, we tacked and stood off to the east, and soon after we saw a
vessel close in with the land, standing along the shore to the
northward, and another in the offing, coming down on us before the wind.
Objects of any kind belonging to a country so famous, and yet so little
known, it will be easily conceived, must have excited a general
curiosity; and, accordingly, every soul on board was upon deck in an
instant to gaze at them. As the vessel to windward approached us, she
hauled farther off shore; upon which, fearing that we should alarm them
by the appearance of a pursuit, we brought the ships to, and she passed
ahead of us, at the distance of about half a mile. It would have been
easy for us to have spoken with them; but perceiving, by their
manœuvres, that they were much frightened, Captain Gore was not willing
to augment their terrors; and, thinking that we should have many better
opportunities of communication with this people, suffered them to go off
without interruption. Our distance did not permit us to remark any
particulars regarding the men on board, who seemed to be about six in
number, especially as the haziness of the weather precluded the use of
our glasses. According to the best conjectures we were able to form, the
vessel was about forty tons burthen. She had but one mast, on which was
hoisted a square sail, extended by a yard aloft, the braces of which
worked forward. Half way down the sail came three pieces of black cloth
at equal distances from each other. The vessel was higher at each end
than in the midship; and we imagined, from her appearance and form, that
it was impossible for her to sail any otherwise than large.
At noon the wind freshened, and brought with it a good deal of rain; by
three it had increased so much, that we were reduced to our courses; at
the same time, the sea ran as high as any one on board ever remembered
to have seen it. If the Japanese vessels are, as Kæmpfer describes them,
open in the stern, it would not have been possible for those we saw to
have survived the fury of this storm; but as the appearance of the
weather all the preceding part of the day, foretold its coming, and one
of the sloops had, notwithstanding, stood far out to sea, we may safely
conclude that they are perfectly capable of bearing a gale of wind.
Spanberg indeed describes two kinds of Japanese vessels; one answering
to the above description of Kæmpfer; the other, which he calls busses,
and in which he says they make their voyages to the neighbouring
islands, exactly corresponds with those we saw.[73]
At eight in the evening, the gale shifted to the west without abating
the least in violence, and by raising a sudden swell in a contrary
direction to that which prevailed before, occasioned the ships to strain
and labour exceedingly. During the storm several of the sails were split
on board the Resolution. Indeed they had been so long bent, and were
worn so thin, that this accident had of late happened to us almost daily
in both ships; especially, when being stiff and heavy with the rain,
they became less able to bear the shocks of the violent and variable
winds we at this time experienced. The gale at length growing moderate,
and settling to the west, we kept upon a wind to the southward; and at
nine in the morning of the 30th we saw the land at the distance of about
fifteen leagues, bearing from west by north to north-west one quarter
west. It appeared in detached parts; but whether they were small islands
or parts of Japan, our distance did not enable us to determine. At noon
it extended from north-west to west, the nearest land being about
thirteen leagues distant, beyond which the coast seemed to run in a
westerly direction. The latitude, by observation, was 36° 41ʹ, longitude
142° 6ʹ. The point to the northward, which was supposed to be near the
southernmost land seen the day before, we conjectured to be Cape de
Kennis, and the break to the southward of this point, to be the mouth of
the river on which the town of Gissima is said to be situated. The next
cape is probably that called in the Dutch charts Boomtje’s Point, and
the southernmost, off which we were abreast at noon, we suppose to be
near Low Point[74], and that we were at too great a distance to see the
low land, in which it probably terminates, to the eastward.
In the afternoon, the wind veering round to the north-east, we stood to
the southward, at the distance of about eighteen leagues from the shore,
trying for soundings, as we went along, but finding none with one
hundred and fifteen fathoms of line. At two the next morning it shifted
to west, attended with rain and lightning, and blowing in heavy squalls.
During the course of the day, we had several small birds of a brown
plumage, resembling linnets, flying about us, which had been forced off
the land by the strong westerly gales; but toward the evening, the wind
coming to the north-west, we shaped our course, along with them, to west
south-west, in order to regain the coast. In the morning of the 1st of
November, the wind again shifted to south-east, and bringing with it
fair weather, we got forty-two sets of distances of the moon from the
sun and stars, with four different quadrants, each set consisting of six
observations. These agreeing pretty nearly with each other, fix our
situation at noon the same day, with great accuracy, in longitude 141°
32ʹ, the latitude, by observation, was 35° 17ʹ. We found an error of
latitude in our reckonings of the preceding day, of eight miles, and in
this day’s of seventeen, from whence, and from our being much more to
the eastward than we expected, we concluded that there had been a strong
current from the south-west.
At two in the afternoon, we again made the land to the westward, at the
distant of about twelve leagues; the southernmost land in sight, which
we supposed to be White Point[75], bore west south-west half west; a
hummock to the northward, which had the appearance of being an island,
bore north north-west half west, within which we saw from the mast-head
low land, which we took to be Sand-down Point.[76] We stood in toward
the land, till half past five, when we hauled our wind to the southward.
At this time we saw a number of Japanese vessels, close in with the
land, several seemingly engaged in fishing, and others standing along
shore. We now discovered to the westward a remarkably high mountain,
with a round top, rising far inland. There is no high ground near it,
the coast being of a moderate elevation, and, as far as we could judge,
from the haziness of the horizon, much broken by small inlets. But to
the southward of the hummock island before mentioned, there appeared, at
a great distance, within the country, a ridge of hills, stretching in a
direction toward the mountain, and probably joining with it. As this is
the most remarkable hill on the coast, we could have wished to have
settled its situation exactly; but having only had this single view,
were obliged to be contented with such accuracy as our circumstances
would allow. Its latitude, therefore, we conceive to be 35° 20ʹ; its
longitude, estimated by its distance from the ships, at this time
fifteen leagues, 140° 26ʹ.
As the Dutch charts make the coast of Japan extend about ten leagues to
the south-west of White Point, at eight we tacked, and stood off to the
eastward, in order to weather the point. At midnight, we again tacked to
the south-west, expecting to fall in with the coast to the southward,
but were surprized, in the morning at eight to see the hummock, at the
distance only of three leagues, bearing west north-west. We began at
first to doubt the evidence of our senses, and afterward to suspect some
deception from a similarity of land; but, at noon, we found ourselves,
by observation, to be actually in latitude 35° 43ʹ, at a time when our
reckonings gave us 34° 48ʹ. So that, during the eight hours in which we
supposed we had made a course of nine leagues to the south-west, we had
in reality been carried eight leagues from the position we left, in a
direction diametrically opposite; which made, on the whole, in that
short space of time, a difference, in our reckoning, of seventeen
leagues. From this error, we calculated, that the current had set to the
north-east by north, at the rate of at least five miles an hour. Our
longitude at this time was 141° 16ʹ.
The weather having now the same threatening appearance as on the 29th of
October, which was followed by so sudden and severe a gale, and the wind
continuing at south south-east, it was thought prudent to leave the
shore, and stand off to the eastward, to prevent our being entangled
with the land. Nor were we wrong in our prognostications; for it soon
afterward began, and continued till next day, to blow a heavy gale,
accompanied with hazy and rainy weather. In the morning of the 3d, we
found ourselves, by our reckoning, upward of fifty leagues from the
land; which circumstance, together with the very extraordinary effect of
currents we had before experienced, the late season of the year, the
unsettled state of the weather, and the little likelihood of any change
for the better, made Captain Gore resolve to leave Japan altogether, and
prosecute our voyage to China; hoping, that as the track he meant to
pursue had never yet been explored, he should be able to make amends, by
some new discovery, for the disappointments we had met with on this
coast.
If the reader should be of opinion that we quitted this object too
hastily, in addition to the facts already stated, it ought to be
remarked, Kæmpfer describes the coast of Japan as the most dangerous in
the whole world[77]; that it would have been equally dangerous, in case
of distress, to run into any of their harbours, where we know, from the
best authorities, that the aversion of the inhabitants to any
intercourse with strangers has led them to commit the most atrocious
barbarities; that our ships were in a leaky condition; that our sails
were worn out, and unable to withstand a gale of wind; and that the
rigging was so rotten as to require constant and perpetual repairs.
As the strong currents which set along the eastern coast of Japan, may
be of dangerous consequence to the navigator, who is not aware of their
extraordinary rapidity, I shall take leave of this island, with a
summary account of their force and direction, as observed by us from the
1st to the 8th of November. On the 1st, at which time we were about
eighteen leagues to the eastward of White Point, the current set
north-east and by north, at the rate of three miles an hour; on the 2d,
as we approached the shore, we found it continuing in the same
direction, but increased in its rapidity to five miles an hour; as we
left the shore, it again became more moderate and inclined to the
eastward; on the 3d, at the distance of sixty leagues, it set to the
east north-east, three miles an hour; on the 4th and 5th, it turned to
the southward, and at one hundred and twenty leagues from the land, its
direction was south-east, and its rate not more than a mile and a half
an hour: on the 6th and 7th, it again shifted round to the north-east,
its force gradually diminishing till the 8th; when we could no longer
perceive any at all.
During the 4th and 5th, we continued our course to the south-east,
having very unsettled weather, attended with much lightning and rain. On
both days we passed great quantities of pumice-stone, several pieces of
which we took up, and found to weigh from one ounce to three pounds. We
conjectured that these stones had been thrown into the sea, by eruptions
of various dates, as many of them were covered with barnacles, and
others quite bare. At the same time, we saw two wild ducks, and several
small land birds, and had many porpusses playing round us.
On the 6th, at day-light, we altered our course to the south-south-west;
but at eight in the evening we were taken back, and obliged to steer to
the south-east. On the 7th, at noon, we saw a small land bird, our
latitude, by observation at this time, being 33° 52ʹ and longitude 148°
42ʹ. On the 9th, we were in latitude 31° 46ʹ, longitude 146° 20ʹ, when
we again saw a small land bird, a tropic bird, porpusses, flying-fishes,
and had a great swell from the east-south-east. We continued our course
to the south-west, having the winds from the northward, without any
remarkable occurrence, till the 12th, when we had a most violent gale of
wind from the same quarter, which reduced us to the fore-sail, and
mizen-stay-sail; and, as the weather was so hazy that we were not able
to see a cable’s length before us, and many shoals and small islands are
laid down in our charts, in this part of the ocean, we brought-to, with
our heads to the south-west. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 27°
36ʹ, longitude 144° 25ʹ. In the morning of the 13th, the wind shifting
round to the north-west, brought with it fair weather; but though we
were at this time nearly in the situation given to the island of St.
Juan, we saw no appearance of land. We now bore away to the south-west,
and set the top-sails, the gale still continuing with great violence. At
noon, the latitude, by observation, was 26° 0ʹ, longitude 143° 40ʹ, and
variation 3° 50ʹ E. In the afternoon, we saw flying-fish and dolphins,
also tropic birds and albatrosses. We still continued to pass much
pumice-stone; indeed, the prodigious quantities of this substance which
float in the sea, between Japan and the Bashee Islands, seem to
indicate, that some great volcanic convulsion must have happened in this
part of the Pacific Ocean; and, consequently, give some degree of
probability to the opinion of Mr. Muller, which I have already had
occasion to mention, respecting the separation of the continent of Jeso,
and the disappearance of Company’s Land, and Staten Island.
At six in the afternoon we altered our course to the west-south-west,
Captain Gore judging it useless to steer any longer to the
south-south-west, as we were near the meridian of the Ladrones, or
Marianne Islands, and at no great distance from the track of the Manilla
ships. In the morning of the 14th, the weather became fine, and the
wind, which was moderate, gradually shifted to the north-east, and
proved to be the trade-wind. At ten, Mr. Trevenen, one of the young
gentlemen who came along with me into the Discovery, saw land, appearing
like a peaked mountain, and bearing south-west. At noon, the latitude,
by observation, was 24° 37ʹ, longitude 142° 2ʹ. The land, which we now
discovered to be an island, bore south-west half west, distant eight or
ten leagues; and at two in the afternoon, we saw another to the
west-north-west. This second island, when seen at a distance, has the
appearance of two; the south point consisting of a high conical hill,
joined by a narrow neck to the northern land, which is of a moderate
height. As this was evidently of greater extent than the island to the
south, we altered our course toward it. At four, it bore north-west by
west; but, not having day-light sufficient to examine the coast, we
stood upon our tacks during the night.
On the 15th, at six in the morning, we bore away for the south point of
the larger island, at which time we discovered another high island,
bearing north three-quarters west, the south island being on the same
rhomb line, and the south point of the island ahead, west by north. At
nine, we were abreast, and within a mile of the middle island, but
Captain Gore, finding that a boat could not land without some danger
from the great surf that broke on the shore, kept on his course to the
westward. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 24° 50ʹ, longitude
140° 56ʹ E.
This island is about five miles long, in a north-north-east and
south-south-west direction. The south point is a high barren hill,
flattish at the top, and when seen from the west-south-west, presents an
evident volcanic crater. The earth, rock, or sand, for it was not easy
to distinguish of which its surface is composed, exhibited various
colours, and a considerable part we conjectured to be sulphur, both from
its appearance to the eye, and the strong sulphureous smell which we
perceived, as we approached the point. Some of the officers on board the
Resolution, which passed nearer the land, thought they saw steams rising
from the top of the hill. From these circumstances, Captain Gore gave it
the name of _Sulphur Island_. A low, narrow, neck of land connects this
hill with the south end of the island, which spreads out into a
circumference of three or four leagues, and is of a moderate height. The
part near the isthmus has some bushes on it, and has a green appearance;
but those to the north-east are very barren, and full of large detached
rocks, many of which were exceedingly white. Very dangerous breakers
extend two miles and a half to the east, and two miles to the west, off
the middle part of the island, on which the sea broke with great
violence.
The north and south islands appeared to us as single mountains, of a
considerable height; the former peaked, and of a conical shape; the
latter more square, and flat at the top. Sulphur Island we place in
latitude 24° 48ʹ, longitude 141° 12ʹ. The north island in latitude 25°
14ʹ, longitude 141° 10ʹ. The south island in latitude 24° 22ʹ, and
longitude 141° 20ʹ. The variation observed was 3° 30ʹ E.
Captain Gore now directed his course to the west-south-west, for the
Bashee Islands, hoping to procure at them such a supply of refreshments
as would help to shorten his stay in Macao. These islands were visited
by Dampier, who gives a very favourable account, both of the civility of
the inhabitants, and of the plenty of hogs and vegetables, with which
the country abounds; they were afterward seen by Byron and Wallis, who
passed them without landing.
In order to extend our view in the day-time, the ships spread between
two and three leagues from each other, and during the night we went
under an easy sail; so that it was scarcely possible to pass any land
that lay in the neighbourhood of our course. In this manner we
proceeded, without any occurrence worth remarking, with a fresh breeze
from the north-east, till the 22d, when it increased to a strong gale,
with violent squalls of wind and rain, which brought us under
close-reefed top-sails.
At noon of the 23d, the latitude, by account, was 21° 5ʹ, and longitude
123° 20ʹ; at six in the evening, being now only twenty-one leagues from
the Bashee islands, according to the situation in Mr. Dalrymple’s map,
and the weather squally, attended with a thick haze, we hauled our wind
to the north north-west, and handed the fore top-sail.
During the whole of the 24th it rained incessantly, and the wind still
blew a storm; a heavy sea rolled down on us from the north, and in the
afternoon we had violent flashes of lightning from the same quarter. We
continued upon a wind to the north north-west till nine o’clock, when we
tacked and stood to the south south-east till four in the morning of the
25th, and then wore. During the night there was an eclipse of the moon,
but the rain prevented our making any observation; unfortunately, at the
time of the greatest darkness, a seaman, in stowing the main top-mast
stay-sail, fell over board, but laying hold of a rope which
providentially was hanging out of the fore-chains into the water, and
the ship being quickly brought in the wind, he was got on board without
any other hurt than a slight bruise on his shoulder. At eight, the
weather clearing, we bore away, but the wind blew still so strong, that
we carried no other sail than the fore-sail, and the main top-sail close
reefed. About this time we saw a land bird resembling a thrush, and a
sugar cane; at noon the latitude, by observation, was 21° 35ʹ, and
longitude 121° 35ʹ.
As our situation in longitude was now to the west of the Bashee,
according to Mr. Dalrymple’s maps, I perceived that Captain Gore was
governed, in the course he was steering, by the opinions of Commodore
Byron and Captain Wallis, with whom he sailed when they passed these
islands. The former placing it near four degrees to the westward, or in
longitude 118° 14ʹ. In consequence of this opinion, at two we stood to
the southward, with a view of getting into the same parallel of latitude
with the islands before we ran down our longitude. At six we were nearly
in that situation, and consequently ought to have been in sight of land,
according to Mr. Wallis’s account, who places the Bashees near three
degrees more to the eastward than Mr. Byron. The gale at this time had
not in the least abated; and Captain Gore, still conceiving that the
islands must undoubtedly lie to the westward, brought the ships to, with
their heads to the north-west, under the fore-sail and balanced mizen.
At six in the morning of the 26th, the wind having considerably abated,
we bore away west, set the topsails, and let out the reefs. At noon the
latitude, by observation, was 21° 12ʹ, and longitude 120° 25ʹ. We saw,
this day, a flock of ducks and many tropic birds, also dolphins and
porpusses, and still continued to pass several pumice-stones. We spent
the night upon our tacks; and at six in the morning of the 27th again
bore away west in search of the Bashees.
I now began to be a little apprehensive, lest, in searching for those
islands, we should get so much to the southward as to be obliged to pass
to leeward of the Pratas. In this case it might have been exceedingly
difficult for such bad sailing ships as ours to fetch Macao,
particularly should the wind continue to blow as it now did, from the
north north-east and north. As I had some doubts whether Mr. Dalrymple’s
charts were on board the Resolution, I made sail and hailed her; and
having acquainted Captain Gore with the position of these shoals, and my
apprehensions of being driven to the southward, he informed me that he
should continue on his course for the day, as he was still in hopes of
finding Admiral Byron’s longitude right; and, therefore, ordered me to
spread a few miles to the south.
At noon the weather became hazy; the latitude, by reckoning, was 21° 2ʹ,
and longitude 118° 30ʹ; and at six, having got to the westward of the
Bashees, by Mr. Byron’s account, Captain Gore hauled his wind to the
north-west under an easy sail, the wind blowing very strong, and there
being every appearance of a dirty boisterous night. At four in the
morning of the 28th, we saw the Resolution, then half a mile ahead of
us, wear, and immediately perceived breakers close under our lee. At
day-light we saw the island of Prata; and at half past six we wore
again, and stood toward the shoal, and finding we could not weather it,
bore away and ran to leeward. As we passed the south side, within a mile
of the reef, we observed two remarkable patches on the edges of the
breakers that looked like wrecks. At noon, the latitude found by double
altitudes was 20° 39ʹ, longitude 116° 45ʹ. The island bore north three
quarters east, distant three or four leagues. On the south-west side of
the reef, and near the south end of the island, we thought we saw from
the mast-head openings in the reef, which promised safe anchorage.
The Prata shoal is of a considerable extent, being six leagues from
north to south, and stretching three or four leagues to the eastward of
the island; its limit to the westward we were not in a situation to
determine. The north-east extremity we place in latitude 20° 58ʹ, and
longitude 117°; and the south-west in latitude 20° 45ʹ, and longitude
116° 44ʹ.
For the remaining part of the day we carried a press of sail, and kept
the wind, which was north-east by north, in order to secure our passage
to Macao. It was fortunate that, toward evening, the wind favoured us by
changing two points more to the east; for, had the wind and weather
continued, the same as during the preceding week, I doubt whether we
could have fetched that port, in which case we must have borne away for
Batavia; a place we all dreaded exceedingly, from the sad havoc the
unhealthiness of the climate had made in the crews of the former ships
that had been out on discovery, and had touched there.
In the forenoon of the 29th, we passed several Chinese fishing-boats,
who eyed us with great indifference. They fish with a large dredge-net,
shaped like a hollow cone, having a flat iron rim fixed to the lower
part of its mouth. The net is made fast with cords to the head and stern
of the boat, which being left to drive with the wind, draws the net
after it, with the iron part dragging along the bottom. We were sorry to
find the sea covered with the wrecks of boats that had been lost, as we
conjectured, in the late boisterous weather. At noon we were in
latitude, by observation, 22° 1ʹ, having run one hundred and ten miles
upon a north-west course since the preceding noon. Being now nearly in
the latitude of the Lema Islands, we bore away west by north, and, after
running twenty-two miles, saw one of them nine or ten leagues to the
westward. At six, the extremes of the islands in sight bore north
north-west half west, and west north-west half west; distant from the
nearest four or five leagues; the depth of water twenty-two fathoms,
over a soft muddy bottom. We now shortened sail, and kept upon our tacks
for the night. By Mr. Bayly’s time-keeper, the Grand Lema bore from the
Prata Island north 60° W. one hundred and fifty-three miles; and by our
run, north 57° W. one hundred and forty-six miles.
In the morning of the 30th, we ran along the Lema Isles, which, like all
the other islands on this coast, are without wood, and, as far as we
could observe, without cultivation. At seven o’clock, we had precisely
the same view of these islands, as is represented in a plate of Lord
Anson’s voyage. At nine o’clock, a Chinese boat, which had been before
with the Resolution, came alongside, and wanted to put on board us a
pilot, which however we declined, as it was our business to follow our
consort. We soon after passed the rock marked R, in Lord Anson’s plate;
but, instead of hauling up to the northward of the grand Ladrone Island,
as was done in the Centurion, we proceeded to leeward.
It is hardly necessary to caution the mariner not to take this course,
as the danger is sufficiently obvious; for, should the wind blow strong,
and the current set with it, it will be extremely difficult to fetch
Macao. Indeed we might, with great safety, by the direction of Mr.
Dalrymple’s map, have gone either entirely to the north of the Lema
Isles, or between them, and made the wind fair for Macao. Our fears of
missing this port, and being forced to Batavia, added to the strong and
eager desires of hearing news from Europe, made us rejoice to see the
Resolution soon after fire a gun, and hoist her colours as a signal for
a pilot. On repeating the signal, we saw an excellent race between four
Chinese boats; and Captain Gore having engaged with the man who arrived
first, to carry the ship to the Typa for thirty dollars, sent me word,
that, as we could easily follow, that expence might be saved to us. Soon
after, a second pilot getting on board the Resolution, insisted on
conducting the ship, and, without further ceremony, laid hold of the
wheel, and began to order the sails to be trimmed. This occasioned a
violent dispute, which at last was compromised, by their agreeing to go
shares in the money. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 21° 57ʹ
N., and longitude 114° 2ʹ E.; the grand Ladrone Island extending from
north-west half north, to north half west, distant four miles. The land
of which the bearings are here given, we conceived to be one island; but
afterward found the western part to be the island marked _z_ in Mr.
Dalrymple’s chart of part of the coast of China, &c. which, at that
time, we unfortunately had not on board.
In obedience to the instructions given to Captain Cook by the Board of
Admiralty, it now became necessary to demand of the officers and men
their journals, and what other papers they might have in their
possession, relating to the history of our voyage. The execution of
these orders seemed to require some delicacy, as well as firmness. I
could not be ignorant, that the greatest part of our officers, and
several of the seaman, had amused themselves with writing accounts of
our proceedings for their own private satisfaction, or that of their
friends, which they might be unwilling, in their present form, to have
submitted to the inspection of strangers. On the other hand, I could
not, consistently with the instructions we had received, leave in their
custody papers, which, either from carelessness or design, might fall
into the hands of printers, and give rise to spurious and imperfect
accounts of the voyage, to the discredit of our labours, and perhaps to
the prejudice of officers, who, though innocent, might be suspected of
having been the authors of such publications. As soon, therefore, as I
had assembled the ship’s company on deck, I acquainted them with the
orders we had received, and the reasons which I thought ought to induce
them to yield a ready obedience. At the same time, I told them, that any
papers which they were desirous not to have sent to the Admiralty,
should be sealed up in their presence, and kept in my own custody, till
the intentions of the Board, with regard to the publication of the
history of the voyage, were fulfilled; after which, they should
faithfully be restored back to them.
It is with the greatest satisfaction I can relate, that my proposals met
with the approbation and the cheerful compliance both of the officers
and men; and I am persuaded, that every scrap of paper, containing any
transactions relating to the voyage, were given up. Indeed it is doing
bare justice to the seaman of this ship to declare, that they were the
most obedient, and the best disposed men I ever knew, though almost all
of them were very young, and had never before served in a ship of war.
CHAP. IX.
WORKING UP TO MACAO.—A CHINESE COMPRADOR.—SENT ON SHORE TO VISIT THE
PORTUGUEZE GOVERNOR.—EFFECTS OF THE INTELLIGENCE WE RECEIVED FROM
EUROPE.—ANCHOR IN THE TYPA.—PASSAGE UP TO CANTON.—BOCCA TYGRIS.—
WAMPÛ.—DESCRIPTION OF A SAMPANE.—RECEPTION AT THE ENGLISH FACTORY.—
INSTANCE OF THE SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF THE CHINESE.—OF THEIR MODE OF
TRADING.—OF THE CITY OF CANTON.—ITS SIZE.—POPULATION.—NUMBER OF
SAMPANES.—MILITARY FORCE.—OF THE STREETS AND HOUSES.—VISIT TO A
CHINESE.—RETURN TO MACAO.—GREAT DEMAND FOR THE SEA-OTTER SKINS.—PLAN
OF A VOYAGE FOR OPENING A FUR TRADE ON THE WESTERN COAST OF AMERICA,
AND PROSECUTING FURTHER DISCOVERIES IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF JAPAN.—
DEPARTURE FROM MACAO.—PRICE OF PROVISIONS IN CHINA.
We kept working to windward till six in the evening, when we came to
anchor, by the direction of the Chinese pilot on board the Resolution,
who imagined the tide was setting against us. In this, however, he was
much deceived; as we found, upon making the experiment, that it set to
the northward till ten o’clock. The next morning he fell into a similar
mistake; for, at five, on the appearance of slack water, he gave orders
to get under weigh; but the ignorance he had discovered, having put us
on our guard, we chose to be convinced, by our own observations, before
we weighed; and, on trying the tide, we found a strong under-tow, which
obliged us to keep fast till eleven o’clock. From these circumstances it
appears, that the tide had run down twelve hours.
During the afternoon, we kept standing on our tacks, between the island
of Potoe, and the grand Ladrone, having passed to the eastward of the
former. At nine o’clock the tide beginning to ebb, we again came to
anchor in six fathoms’ water; the town of Macao bearing north west,
three leagues distant, and the island of Potoe south half-west, two
leagues distant. This island lies two leagues to the north north-west of
the island marked Z in Mr. Dalrymple’s chart, which we at first took to
be part of the grand Ladrone. It is small and rocky; and off the west
end there is said to be foul ground, though we passed near it without
perceiving any.
In the forenoon of the 2d, one of the Chinese contractors, who are
called _Compradors_, went on board the Resolution, and sold to Captain
Gore two hundred pounds’ weight of beef, together with a considerable
quantity of greens, oranges, and eggs. A proportionable share of these
articles was sent to the Discovery; and an agreement made with the man
to furnish us with a daily supply, for which, however, he insisted on
being paid beforehand.
Our pilot pretending he could carry the ships no farther, Captain Gore
was obliged to discharge him, and we were left to our own guidance.
At two in the afternoon, the tide flowing, we weighed, and worked to
windward; and at seven anchored in three and a half fathoms of water,
Macao bearing west, three miles distant. This situation was, indeed,
very ineligible, being exposed to the north-east, and having shoal
water, not more than two fathoms and a half deep, to leeward; but as no
nautical description is given in Lord Anson’s voyage of the harbour in
which the Centurion anchored, and Mr. Dalrymple’s general map, which was
the only one on board, was on too small a scale to serve for our
direction, the ships were obliged to remain there all night.
In the evening, Captain Gore sent me on shore to visit the Portugueze
governor, and to request his assistance in procuring refreshments for
our crews, which he thought might be done on more reasonable terms than
the _Comprador_ would undertake to furnish them. At the same time I took
a list of the naval stores, of which both vessels were greatly in want,
with an intention of proceeding immediately to Canton, and applying to
the servants of the East India Company, who were at that time, resident
there. On my arrival at the citadel, the fort-major informed me that the
governor was sick, and not able to see company; but that we might be
assured of receiving every assistance in their power. This, however, I
understood would be very inconsiderable, as they were entirely dependent
on the Chinese, even for their daily subsistence. Indeed, the answer
returned to the first request I made, gave me a sufficient proof of the
fallen state of the Portugueze power; for, on my acquainting the Major
with my desire of proceeding immediately to Canton, he told me, that
they could not venture to furnish me with a boat, till leave was
obtained from the _Hoppo_, or officer of the customs; and that the
application for this purpose must be made to the Chinese government at
Canton.
The mortification I felt at meeting with this unexpected delay, could
only be equalled by the extreme impatience with which we had so long
waited for an opportunity of receiving intelligence from Europe. It
often happens, that, in the eager pursuit of an object, we overlook the
easiest and most obvious means of attaining it. This was actually my
case at present; for I was returning under great dejection to the ship,
when the Portugueze officer, who attended me asked me, if I did not mean
to visit the English gentlemen at Macao. I need not add with what
transport I received the information this question conveyed to me; nor
the anxious hopes and fears, the conflict between curiosity and
apprehension which passed in my mind, as we walked toward the house of
one of our countrymen.
In this state of agitation, it was not surprising, that our reception,
though no way deficient in civility or kindness, should appear cold and
formal. In our inquiries, as far as they related to objects of private
concern, we met, as was indeed to be expected, with little or no
satisfaction; but the events of a public nature, which had happened
since our departure, and now, for the first time, burst all at once upon
us, overwhelmed every other feeling, and left us for some time, almost
without the power of reflection. For several days we continued
questioning each other about the truth of what we had heard, as if
desirous of seeking, in doubt and suspense, for that relief and
consolation, which the reality of our calamities appeared totally to
exclude. These sensations were succeeded by the most poignant regret at
finding ourselves cut off at such a distance from the scene, where, we
imagined, the fate of fleets and armies was every moment deciding.
The intelligence we had just received of the state of affairs in Europe,
made us the more exceedingly anxious to hasten our departure as much as
possible; and I therefore renewed my attempt to procure a passage to
Canton, but without effect. The difficulty arising from the established
policy of the country, I was now told, would probably be much increased
by an incident that had happened a few weeks before our arrival. Captain
Panton, in the Seahorse, a ship of war of twenty-five guns, had been
sent from Madras, to urge the payment of a debt owing by the Chinese
merchants of Canton to private British subjects in the East Indies and
Europe, which, including the principal and compound interest, amounted,
I understood, to near a million sterling. For this purpose, he had
orders to insist on an audience with the viceroy of Canton, which, after
some delay, and not without recourse being had to threats, was at length
obtained. The answer he received on the subject of his mission, was fair
and satisfactory; but, immediately after his departure, an edict was
stuck up on the houses of the Europeans, and in the public places of the
city, forbidding all foreigners, on any pretence, to lend money to the
subjects of the emperor.
This measure had occasioned very serious alarms at Canton. The Chinese
merchants, who had incurred the debt, contrary to the commercial laws of
their own country, and denied, in part, the justice of the demand, were
afraid that intelligence of this would be carried to Pekin, and that the
emperor, who has the character of a just and rigid prince, might punish
them with the loss of their fortunes, if not of their lives. On the
other hand, the Select Committee, to whom the cause of the claimants was
strongly recommended by the Presidency of Madras, were extremely
apprehensive lest they should embroil themselves with the Chinese
government at Canton; and by that means, bring, perhaps, irreparable
mischief on the Company’s affairs in China. For I was further informed,
that the _Mandarines_ were always ready to take occasion, even on the
slightest grounds, to put a stop to their trading; and that it was often
with great difficulty, and never without certain expence, that they
could get such restraints taken off. These impositions were daily
increasing; and, indeed, I found it a prevailing opinion, in all the
European factories, that they should soon be reduced either to quit the
commerce of that country, or to bear the same indignities to which the
Dutch are subjected in Japan.
The arrival of the Resolution and Discovery at such a time, could not
fail of occasioning fresh alarms; and, therefore, finding there was no
probability of my proceeding to Canton, I dispatched a letter to the
English supercargoes, to acquaint them with the cause of our putting
into the Tygris, to request their assistance in procuring me a passport,
and in forwarding the stores we wanted, of which I sent them a list, as
expeditiously as possible.
The next morning I was accompanied on board by our countryman, who
pointing out to us the situation of the Typa, we weighed at half past
six, and stood toward it; but the wind failing, we came to, at eight, in
three and a half fathoms’ water; Macao, bearing west north-west, three
miles distant; the Grand Ladrone south-east by south. The Resolution
here saluted the Portugueze fort with eleven guns, which were returned
by the same number. Early on the 4th, we again weighed, and stood into
the Typa, and moored with the stream anchor and cable to the westward.
The _Comprador_ whom we at first engaged with, having disappeared with a
small sum of money, which had been given him to purchase provisions, we
contracted with another, who continued to supply both ships, during our
whole stay. This was done secretly, and in the night time, under
pretence that it was contrary to the regulations of the port; but we
suspected all this caution to have been used with a view either of
enhancing the price of the articles he furnished, or of securing to
himself the profits of his employment, without being obliged to share
them with the _Mandarines_.
On the 9th Captain Gore received an answer from the Committee of the
English supercargoes at Canton, in which they assured him that their
best endeavours should be used to procure the supplies we stood in need
of, as expeditiously as possible; and that a passport should be sent for
one of his officers, hoping at the same time, that we were sufficiently
acquainted with the character of the Chinese government, to attribute
any delays, that might unavoidably happen, to their true cause.
The day following, an English merchant, from one of our settlements in
the East Indies, applied to Captain Gore for the assistance of a few
hands to navigate a vessel he had purchased at Macao, up to Canton.
Captain Gore, judging this a good opportunity for me to proceed to that
place, gave orders that I should take along with me my second
lieutenant, the lieutenant of marines, and ten seamen. Though this was
not precisely the mode in which I could have wished to visit Canton, yet
as it was very uncertain when the passport might arrive, and my presence
might contribute materially to the expediting of our supplies, I did not
hesitate to put myself on board, having left orders with Mr. Williamson
to get the Discovery ready for sea as soon as possible, and to make such
additions and alterations in her upper works, as might contribute to
make her more defensible. That the series of our astronomical
observations might suffer no interruption by my absence, I entrusted the
care of continuing them to Mr. Trevenen, in whose abilities and
diligence I could repose an entire confidence.
We left the harbour of Macao on the 11th of December, and sailing round
the south-eastern extremity of the island, we steered to the northward,
leaving as we passed along, Lantao Lintin, and several smaller islands,
to the right. All these islands, as well as that of Macao, which lie to
the left, are entirely without wood; the land is high and barren, and
uninhabited, except occasionally by fishermen. As we approached the
Bocca Tygris, which is thirteen leagues from Macao, the Chinese coast
appears to the eastward in steep white cliffs; the two forts commanding
the mouth of the river, are exactly in the same state as when Lord Anson
was here; that on the left is a fine old castle, surrounded by a grove
of trees, and has an agreeable romantic appearance.
We were here visited by an officer of the customs; on which occasion the
owner of the vessel, being apprehensive that, if we were discovered on
board, it would occasion some alarm, and might be attended with
disagreeable consequences, begged us to retire into the cabin below.
The breadth of the river above these forts is variable, the banks being
low and flat, and subject to be overflowed by the tide to a great
extent. The ground on each side is level, and laid out in rice fields;
but, as we advanced, it rose gradually into hills of considerable
declivity, the sides of which are cut into terraces, and planted with
sweet potatoes, sugar-canes, yams, plantains, and the cotton-tree. We
saw many lofty _pagodas_, scattered over the country, and several towns
at a distance, some of which appeared to be of a considerable size.
We did not arrive at Wampû, which is only nine leagues from the Bocca
Tygris, till the 18th, our progress having been retarded by contrary
winds and the lightness of the vessel. Wampû is a small Chinese town,
off which the ships of the different nations who trade here lie, in
order to take in their lading. The river, higher up, is said by M.
Sonnerat not to be deep enough to admit heavy laden vessels, even if the
policy of the Chinese had suffered the Europeans to navigate them up to
Canton; but this circumstance I cannot take upon me to decide on, as no
stranger I believe has been permitted to inform himself with certainty
of the truth. The small islands that lie opposite to the town, are
allotted to the several factories who have built warehouses for the
reception of the merchandise that is brought down from Canton.
From Wampû I immediately proceeded in a _sampane_, or Chinese boat, to
Canton, which is about two leagues and a half higher up the river. These
boats are the neatest and most convenient for passengers I ever saw.
They are of various sizes, almost flat at the bottom, very broad upon
the beam, and narrow at the head and stern, which are raised and
ornamented; the middle, where we sat, was arched over with a roof of
bamboo, which may be raised or lowered at pleasure; in the sides were
small windows with shutters, and the apartment was furnished with
handsome mats, chairs, and tables. In the stern was placed a small waxen
idol, in a case of gilt leather, before which stood a pot containing
lighted tapers made of dry chips or matches, and gum. The hire of this
boat was a Spanish dollar.
I reached Canton a little after it was dark, and landed at the English
factory, where, though my arrival was very unexpected, I was received
with every mark of attention and civility. The select committee, at this
time, consisted of Mr. Fitzhugh the president, Mr. Bevan, and Mr.
Rapier. They immediately gave me an account of such stores as the India
ships were able to afford us; and though I have not the smallest doubt
that the commanders were desirous of assisting us with every thing they
could spare, consistently with a regard to their own safety, and the
interest of their employers, yet it was a great disappointment to me to
find in their list scarcely any articles of cordage or canvass, of both
which we stood principally in need. It was, however, some consolation to
understand that the stores were in readiness for shipping, and that the
provisions we required might be had at a day’s notice. Wishing therefore
to make my stay here as short as possible, I requested the gentlemen to
procure junks or boats for me the next day, with an intention of leaving
Canton the following one; but I was soon informed that a business of
that kind was not to be transacted so rapidly in this country; that
leave must be first procured from the viceroy; that the _Hoppo_, or
principal officer of the customs must be applied to for _chops_ or
permits; and that these favours were not granted without mature
deliberation; in short, that patience was an indispensable virtue in
China; and that they hoped to have the pleasure of making the factory
agreeable to me, for a few days longer than I seemed willing to favour
them with my company.
Though I was not much disposed to relish this compliment, yet I could
not help being diverted with an incident that occurred very opportunely
to convince me of the truth of their representations, and of the
suspicious character of the Chinese. The reader will recollect that it
was now about fifteen days since Captain Gore had written to the
factory, to desire their assistance in procuring leave for one of his
officers to pass to Canton. In consequence of this application, they had
engaged one of the principal Chinese merchants of the place, to interest
himself in our favour, and to solicit the business with the viceroy.
This person came to visit the president whilst we were talking on the
subject, and with great satisfaction and complacency in his countenance
acquainted him, that he had at last succeeded in his applications, and
that a passport for one of the officers of the Ladrone ship (or pirate)
would be ready in a few days. The president immediately told him not to
give himself any farther trouble, as the officer, pointing to me, was
already arrived. It is impossible to describe the terror which seized
the old man on hearing this intelligence. His head sunk upon his breast,
and the sofa on which he was sitting shook from the violence of his
agitation. Whether the Ladrone ship was the object of his apprehensions,
or his own government, I could not discover; but after continuing in
this deplorable state a few minutes, Mr. Bevan bade him not despair, and
recounted to him the manner in which I had passed from Macao, the
reasons of my journey to Canton, and my wishes to leave it as soon as
possible. This last circumstance seemed particularly agreeable to him,
and gave me hopes that I should find him equally disposed to hasten my
departure; and yet, as soon as he had recovered the courage to speak, he
began to recount the unavoidable delays that would occur in my business,
the difficulty of gaining admittance to the viceroy, the jealousies and
suspicions of the _Mandarines_ respecting our real designs, which had
risen, he said, to an extraordinary height, from the strange account we
had given of ourselves.
After waiting several days with great impatience for the event of our
application, without understanding that the matter was at all advanced
toward a conclusion, I applied to the commander of an English country
ship, who was to sail on the 25th, and who offered to take the men and
stores on board, and to lie to if the weather should permit, off Macao,
till we could send boats to take them out of his ship. At the same time
he apprized me of the danger there might be of his being driven with
them out to sea. Whilst I was doubting what measures to pursue, the
commander of another country ship brought me a letter from Captain Gore,
in which he acquainted me that he had engaged him to bring us down from
Canton, and to deliver the stores we had procured, at his own risk, in
the Typa. All our difficulties being thus removed, I had leisure to
attend to the purchase of our provisions and stores, which was completed
on the 26th; and the day following the whole stock was sent on board.
As Canton was likely to be the most advantageous market for furs, I was
desired by Captain Gore to carry with me about twenty sea-otter skins,
chiefly the property of our deceased commanders, and to dispose of them
at the best price I could procure; a commission which gave me an
opportunity of becoming a little acquainted with the genius of the
Chinese for trade. Having acquainted some of the English supercargoes
with these circumstances, I desired them to recommend me to some Chinese
merchant of credit and reputation, who would at once offer me a fair and
reasonable price. I was accordingly directed to a member of the _Hong_,
a society of the principal merchants of the place, who being fully
informed of the nature of the business, appeared sensible of the
delicacy of my situation; assured me I might depend on his integrity;
and that, in a case of this sort, he should consider himself merely as
an agent, without looking for any profit to himself. Having laid my
goods before him, he examined them with great care over and over again,
and at last told me that he could not venture to offer more than three
hundred dollars for them. As I knew from the price our skins had sold
for in Kamtschatka that he had not offered me one half their value, I
found myself under the necessity of driving a bargain, in my turn I
therefore demanded one thousand; my Chinese then advanced to five
hundred; then offered me a private present of tea and porcelain,
amounting to one hundred more; then the same sum in money; and, lastly,
rose to seven hundred dollars, on which I fell to nine hundred. Here,
each side declaring he would not recede, we parted; but the Chinese soon
returned with a list of India goods, which he now proposed I should take
in exchange, and which, I was afterward told, would have amounted in
value, if honestly delivered, to double the sum he had before offered.
Finding I did not choose to deal in this mode, he proposed as his
_ultimatum_, that we should divide the difference, which, being tired of
the contest, I consented to, and received the eight hundred dollars.
The ill health, which at this time I laboured under, left me little
reason to lament the very narrow limits, within which the policy of the
Chinese obliges every European at Canton to confine his curiosity. I
should otherwise have felt exceedingly tantalized with living under the
walls of so great a city, full of objects of novelty, without being able
to enter it. The account given of this place by Pères le Comte and Du
Halde, are in every one’s hand. The authors have lately been accused of
great exaggeration by M. Sonnerat; for which reason the following
observations, collected from the information with which I have been
obligingly furnished by several English gentlemen, who were a long time
resident at Canton, may not be unacceptable to the public.
Canton, including the old and new town, and the suburbs, is about ten
miles in circuit. With respect to its population, if one may judge of
the whole, from what is seen in the suburbs, I should conceive it to
fall considerably short of an European town of the same magnitude. Le
Comte estimated the number of inhabitants at one million five hundred
thousand; Du Halde at one million; and M. Sonnerat says he has
ascertained them to be no more than seventy-five thousand[78]: but, as
this gentleman has not favoured us with the grounds on which his
calculation was founded; and, besides, appears as desirous of
depreciating every thing that relates to the Chinese, as the Jesuits may
be of magnifying, his opinion certainly admits of some doubt. The
following circumstances may perhaps lead the reader to form a judgment
with tolerable accuracy on this subject.
A Chinese house undoubtedly occupies more space than is usually taken up
by houses in Europe; but the proportion suggested by M. Sonnerat, of
four or five to one, certainly goes much beyond the truth. To this
should be added, that a great many houses in the suburbs of Canton, are
occupied for commercial purposes only, by merchants and rich tradesmen,
whose families live entirely within the city. On the other hand, a
Chinese family appears to consist, on an average, of more persons than
an European. A _Mandarine_, according to his rank and substance, has
from five to twenty wives. A merchant, from three to five. One of this
class at Canton, had indeed, twenty-five wives, and thirty-six children;
but this was mentioned to me as a very extraordinary instance. An
opulent tradesman has usually two; and the lower class of people very
rarely more than one. Their servants are at least double in number to
those employed by persons of the same condition in Europe. If, then, we
suppose a Chinese family one-third larger, and an European house
two-thirds less, than each other, a Chinese city will contain only half
the number of inhabitants contained in an European town of the same
size. According to these _data_, the city and suburbs of Canton may
probably contain about one hundred and fifty thousand.
With respect to the number of inhabited _sampanes_, I found different
opinions were entertained; but none placing them lower than forty
thousand. They are moored in rows close to each other, with a narrow
passage, at intervals, for the boats to pass up and down the river. As
the Tygris at Canton is somewhat wider than the Thames at London, and
the whole river is covered in this manner for the extent of at least a
mile, this account of their number does not appear to me, in the least,
exaggerated; and, if it be allowed, the number of inhabitants in the
sampanes alone (for each of them contains one family), must amount to
nearly three times the number supposed by M. Sonnerat to be in the whole
city.
The military force of the province, of which Canton is the capital,
amounts to fifty thousand men. It is said that twenty thousand are
stationed in and about the city; and, as a proof of this, I was assured,
that, on the occasion of some disturbance that had happened at Canton,
thirty thousand men were drawn together within the space of a few hours.
The streets are long, and most of them narrow and irregular; but well
paved with large stones; and, for the most part, kept exceedingly clean.
The houses are built of brick, one story high, having generally two or
three courts backward, in which are the warehouses for merchandize, and,
in the houses within the city, the apartments for the women. A very few
of the meanest sort are built of wood.
The houses belonging to the European factors, are built on a handsome
quay, with a regular façade of two stories toward the river, and
disposed, within, partly after the European and partly after the Chinese
manner. Adjoining to these are a number of houses, belonging to the
Chinese, and hired out to the commanders of ships, and merchants, who
make an occasional stay. As no European is allowed to bring his wife to
Canton, the English supercargoes live together, at a common table, which
is kept by the company, and have each a separate apartment, consisting
of three or four rooms. The time of their residence seldom exceeds eight
months annually; and as they are pretty constantly employed, during that
time, in the service of the Company, they may submit, with the less
regret, to the restraints they are kept under. They very rarely pay any
visits within the walls of Canton, except on public occasions. Indeed,
nothing gave me so unfavourable an idea of the character of the Chinese,
as to find, that amongst so many persons of liberal minds and amiable
manners, some of whom have resided in that country for near fifteen
years together, they have never formed any friendship or social
connection. As soon as the last ship quits Wampû, they are all obliged
to retire to Macao; but as a proof of the excellent police of the
country, they leave all the money they possess in _specie_ behind them,
which, I was told, sometimes amounted to one hundred thousand pounds
sterling, and for which they had no other security than the seals of the
merchants of the _Hong_, the viceroy, and _Mandarines_.
During my stay at Canton, I was carried by one of the English gentlemen,
to visit a person of the first consequence in the place. We were
received in a long room or gallery, at the upper end of which stood a
table, with a large chair behind it, and a row of chairs extending from
it on each side down the room. Being previously instructed, that the
point of civility consisted in remaining as long unseated as possible, I
readily acquitted myself of this piece of _etiquette_; after which we
were entertained with tea, and some preserved and fresh fruits. Our host
was very fat, with a heavy dull countenance, and of great gravity in his
deportment. He spoke a little broken English and Portugueze; and, after
we had taken our refreshment, he carried us about his house and garden;
and having shown us all the improvements he was making, we took our
leave.
Having procured an account of the price of provisions at Canton, as
settled for the year 1780, which the reader will find at the end of this
chapter, I have only to observe, that the different articles are
supposed to be the best of the kind; and that the natives purchase the
same for nearly one-third less than the price, which in the list is
fixed only for strangers.
I had hitherto intended, as well to avoid the trouble and delay of
applying for passports, as to save the unnecessary expence of hiring a
_sampane_, which I understood amounted at least to twelve pounds
sterling, to go along with the stores to Macao, in the country
merchant’s ship I have before mentioned; but having received an
invitation from two English gentlemen, who had obtained passports for
four, I accepted, along with Mr. Philips, their offer of places in a
Chinese boat, and left Mr. Lannyon to take care of the men and stores,
which were to sail the next day. In the evening of the 26th, I took my
leave of the supercargoes, having thanked them for their many obliging
favours; amongst which I must not forget to mention an handsome present
of tea, for the use of the ships’ companies, and a large collection of
English periodical publications. The latter we found a valuable
acquisition, as they both served to amuse our impatience, during our
tedious voyage home, and enabled us to return not total strangers to
what had been transacting in our native country. At one o’clock the next
morning we left Canton, and arrived at Macao about the same hour the day
following, having passed down a channel which lies to the westward of
that by which we had come up.
During our absence, a brisk trade had been carrying on with the Chinese
for the sea-otter skins, which had every day been rising in their value.
One of our seamen sold his stock alone for eight hundred dollars; and a
few prime skins, which were clean, and had been well preserved, were
sold for one hundred and twenty each. The whole amount of the value, in
_specie_ and goods, that was got for the furs, in both ships, I am
confident did not fall short of two thousand pounds sterling; and it was
generally supposed, that at least two-thirds of the quantity we had
originally got from the Americans, were spoiled and worn out, or had
been given away, and otherwise disposed of, in Kamtschatka. When, in
addition to these facts, it is remembered, that the furs were at first
collected without our having any idea of their real value; that the
greatest part had been worn by the Indians, from whom we purchased them;
that they were afterward preserved with little care, and frequently used
for bed-clothes, and other purposes, during our cruize to the north; and
that, probably, we had never got the full value for them in China; the
advantages that might be derived from a voyage to that part of the
American coast, undertaken with commercial views, appear to me of a
degree of importance sufficient to call for the attention of the public.
The rage with which our seamen were possessed to return to Cook’s River,
and, by another cargo of skins, to make their fortunes at one time, was
not far short of mutiny; and I must own, I could not help indulging
myself in a project, which the disappointment we had suffered, in being
obliged to leave the Japanese Archipelago, and the northern coast of
China unexplored, first suggested; and, by what I conceived, that object
might still be happily accomplished, through means of the East-India
Company, not only without expense, but even with the prospect of very
considerable advantages. Though the situation of affairs at home, or
perhaps greater difficulties in the execution of my scheme than I had
foreseen, have hitherto prevented its being carried into effect, yet, as
I find the plan in my journal, and still retain my partiality for it, I
hope it will not be entirely foreign to the nature of this work, if I
beg leave to insert it here.
I proposed then, that the Company’s China ships should carry an
additional complement of men each, making in all one hundred. Two
vessels, one of two hundred and the other of one hundred and fifty tons,
might, I was told, with proper notice, be readily purchased at Canton;
and, as victualling is not dearer there than in Europe, I calculate that
they might be completely fitted out for sea, with a year’s pay and
provision, for six thousand pounds, including the purchase. The expense
of the necessary articles for barter is scarcely worth mentioning. I
would, by all means recommend, that each ship should have five ton of
unwrought iron, a forge, and an expert smith, with a journeyman and
apprentice, who might be ready to forge such tools, as it should appear
the Indians were most desirous of. For, though six of the finest skins
purchased by us were got for a dozen large green glass beads, yet it is
well known, that the fancy of these people for articles of ornament, is
exceedingly capricious; and that iron is the only sure commodity for
their market. To this might be added, a few gross of large pointed
case-knives, some bales of coarse woollen cloth (linen they would not
accept of from us), and a barrel or two of copper and glass trinkets.
I have here proposed two ships, not only for the greater security of the
expedition, but because I think single ships ought never to be sent out
on discoveries. For where risks are to be run, and doubtful and
hazardous experiments tried, it cannot be expected that single ships
should venture so far, as where there is some security provided against
an untoward accident.
The vessels being now ready for sea, will sail with the first
south-westerly monsoon, which generally sets in about the beginning of
April. With this wind they will steer to the northward, along the coast
of China, beginning a more accurate survey from the mouth of the river
Kayana, or the Nankin River, in latitude 30°, which I believe is the
utmost limit of this coast hitherto visited by European ships. As the
extent of that deep gulf called Whang Hay, or the Yellow Sea, is at
present unknown, it must be left to the discretion of the commander, to
proceed up it as far as he may judge prudent; but he must be cautious
not to entangle himself too far in it, lest he should want time for the
prosecution of the remaining part of his enterprize. The same discretion
must be used, when he arrives in the straits of Tessoi, with respect to
the islands of Jeso, which, if the wind and weather be favourable, he
will not lose the opportunity of exploring.