who was responsible for construction, told me that the Hungarian Jews
were poorly clothed and poorly fed in part. I then told the competent SS
man, whose name I no longer recall—but he was there in Munich, in
Niebermann’s office—and I pointed out to him that this was the
responsibility of the SS and he should see to it that these men were
decently clothed.
Q. Witness, do you recall any reports of deaths of Hungarian Jews on the
project?
A. Roughly, in October, our physicians told us that the fatalities in
Kaufering were higher than normal. I then commissioned that physician to
take up negotiations with the SS to improve conditions.
I should like to say explicitly that the Todt Organization was forbidden
to enter the camps. The physician tried to send medicines to the camp,
and was successful. I can remember a date, namely, one on which I was
operated on—that is why I remember it—in November, at which time the
physician told me that he had succeeded in bringing these bad hygienic
conditions to an end after considerable effort. I remember the date
because it coincided with a sickness of my own.
-----
[109] A group of experts, drawn from various phases of German industry
and supplemented by representatives of the various ministries.
[110] Tr. pp. 300-1.
[111] Survey is published as part of document in Nazi Conspiracy and
Aggression, vol. IV, pp. 120-126, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, 1946.
[112] Defendant in case of U.S. _vs._ Oswald Pohl, et al. See Vol. V.
[113] Portions of this document were introduced by the defense as
Defense Exhibit 12. See pp. 561-62.
[114] Other portions of this document were introduced by the defense as
Defense Exhibit 13. See pp. 562-63.
[115] Portions of this document were introduced by the defense as Defend
Exhibit 16. See pp. 564-65.
[116] Another portion of this document was introduced by the defense as
Defense Exhibit 21. See pp. 565-66.
[117] Other portions of this document were introduced by the defense as
Defense Exhibit 23. See pp. 566-67.
[118] Kammler was one of the leading officials of the Economic
Administrative Main Office of the SS
[Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamt—WVHA]. See case of _United States_ vs.
_Oswald Pohl, et al._, (_Vol. V_), concerning the WVHA which
administered the utilization of concentration camp labor.
[119] Document was Speer Exhibit 34 in Trial before International
Military Tribunal. See Trial of the Major War Criminals, vol. XVI, p.
589, Nuremberg, 1947.
[120] Defense Counsel, Dr. Bergold, explained (_Tr. p. 580_): “This
proves that the Fuehrer himself ordered these large construction works,
the execution of which is charged to the defendant.
Although I mentioned before that the Jaegerstab was of the opinion that
it could only build one factory, the order was given by Hitler to build
six. That was an impossible number. He delegated this duty to Mr.
Dorsch. That man had his orders from the Fuehrer and not from the
Jaegerstab, which, of course, was no longer responsible for his
activities.”
[121] Portions of this document were introduced by the prosecution as
Prosecution Exhibit 75. See pp. 544-45.
[122] DR. BERGOLD stated (_Tr. p. 567_): “I introduce this in order to
show that the Jaegerstab meetings not always prove who was there at a
certain given time and those meetings changed so that as far as the
defendant Milch is mentioned, this does not prove he was there all of
the time.”
[123] DR. BERGOLD explained (_Tr. p. 568_): “There was introduced by the
prosecution and also presented an exhibit from this Jaegerstab
conference where the term ‘construction company’ was mentioned in such a
way. Those were companies of concentration camp inmates. This explains
the term ‘construction company’ clearly.”
[124] Other portions of this document were introduced by the prosecution
as Prosecution Exhibit 75. See pp. 545-46.
[125] Chief of the Construction Department in the Speer Ministry.
[126] Ibid.
[127] DR. BERGOLD stated (_Tr. p. 751_): “The prosecution has alleged
that these great plants were made by slave labor, and I want to show
that this plant in which, according to the allegations of the
prosecution, Hungarian Jews were used, was not built by the Jaegerstab
and that therefore the prosecution has not proved altogether that the
Jaegerstab used Hungarian Jews.
The passage will show in a very short time that concentration camp
inmates were not used. * * *”
[128] Portions of this document were introduced by the prosecution as
Prosecution Exhibit 75. See pp. 550-52.
[129] Another portion of this document was introduced by the prosecution
as Prosecution Exhibit 75. See pp. 554-55.
[130] DR. BERGOLD stated (_Tr. p. 584_): “Your Honors, in all civilized
countries, also in Germany, penal prisoners have to work. If
concentration camp inmates were put to work in Germany, this was done
within the frame of the law which existed in Germany for the employment
of criminal prisoners. This was nothing special. This work of
concentration camp inmates cannot be considered slave work.”
[131] Other portions of this document were introduced by the prosecution
as Prosecution Exhibit 75. See pp. 555-57.
[132] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 6, 7
Feb. 47, pp. 717-759.
[133] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 24 Feb.
47, pp. 1361-1379.
4. GENERALLUFTZEUGMEISTER[134]
Evidence
_Prosecution Documents_
Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
NOKW-311 62 Extract from interrogation of 597
Hermann Goering on 6
September 1946, regarding
Milch’s position as
Generalluftzeugmeister (GL).
NOKW-418 136 Extracts from stenographic 598
minutes of GL-Conference, 5
May 1942.
NOKW-407 137 Extracts from stenographic 599
minutes of GL-Conference, 27
May 1942.
NOKW-406 138 Extracts from stenographic 599
minutes of the GL-Conference,
7 July 1942.
NOKW-408 139 Extracts from stenographic 600
minutes of GL-Conference, 28
July 1942.
NOKW-409 140 Extracts from stenographic 601
minutes of GL-Conference, 4
August 1942.
NOKW-412 141 Extracts from stenographic 602
minutes of GL-Conference, 18
August 1942.
NOKW-416 142 Extracts from stenographic 602
minutes of GL-Conference, 26
August 1942.
NOKW-286 144 Extracts from stenographic 605
minutes of GL-Conference, 1
September 1942.
NOKW-245 157 Extracts from stenographic 606
minutes of conference with
Goering, 22 February 1943,
regarding plans for airplane
construction.
NOKW-449 148 Extracts from stenographic 607
minutes of GL-Conference, 2
March 1943.
NOKW-195 143 Extracts from stenographic 608
minutes of conference with
Goering, 28 October 1943.
NOKW-180 155 Extracts from stenographic 613
notes on the conference at
the Reich Marshal’s on
Thursday, 4 November 1943, 11
o’clock at the Junkers Plant
in Dessau.
_Testimony_
Extracts from testimony of defense witness Max Koenig 615
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-311
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 62
EXTRACT FROM INTERROGATION OF HERMANN GOERING ON 6
SEPTEMBER 1946, REGARDING MILCH’S POSITION AS
GENERALLUFTZEUGMEISTER (GL)
* * * * *
INTERROGATOR: Now to the Milch case: Who was commissioned after 1941
with the labor allocation in the Ministry for Air?
GOERING: What am I to understand by “labor allocation”?
Q. Labor allocation consisted of the drawing in of foreign workers or
German workers, especially of concentration camp inmates, in order to
free them for air force production.
A. This matter went through Udet, the Chief of Supply for the Air Force,
until Udet’s death, and then it went through Milch.
Q. In what manner did the Reich Air Ministry submit its requests to
Sauckel and the approximate figure for its requirements, the number of
workers, etc.? And if Sauckel received such a request from the Reich Air
Ministry, how did he undertake the distribution?
A. The requests were made by Milch, it was he who said how many workers
the air force needed, and these were forwarded to Speer. Speer then
asked Sauckel for the workers for the entire armaments branch, almost
for the entire industrial branch, and he then made the distribution. It
was he in the end who made the final decision as to how many workers
went to the air force for instance, how many to the army, etc. As far as
I know, Sauckel had actually nothing to do with the distribution of
labor. The contingent was put at the disposal of the authorities.
Terrific pressure was continually brought to bear on Sauckel. If the
requested number was not brought, he was given hell. I personally
presided over a meeting where there were differences between Sauckel and
Speer. He wanted to have more, etc. There was a mix-up and that’s how I
know it; but the needs of the air force were put forward by Milch, that
is the Chief of Supply for the Air Force. When difficulties arose and
they did not get the people, and the program threatened to break down,
then they came to me and I supported their demands.
* * * * *
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-418
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 136
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
5 MAY 1942
[Two handwritten marginal notes at top of document:] Mi. 10.
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT ON THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY THE STATE SECRETARY, FIELD_
_MARSHAL MILCH, ON TUESDAY, 5 MAY 1942,_
_10 A.M. IN THE REICH AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
ALPERS: The reason given is shortage of labor. And in fact there are
2,000 men lacking at Heinkel-Oranienburg.
MILCH: As far as the French are concerned, 60,000 of the ones that we
had been promised are still missing.
(Comment: 40,000 are missing.)
If we get those men I would assign 2,000 to Heinkel-Oranienburg.
FRYDAG: The French become worse and worse; I threw out 80 of them who
will be sent to concentration camps in Russia. They refused to work. The
French say at 4 o’clock: “I won’t work another hour,” and you cannot
make them work another hour. This happened four weeks ago all of a
sudden, when the first bombing attack on Paris took place, while before
that the French were the best people.
MILCH: We were told in Oranienburg that they were good as long as they
didn’t get spoiled by our German people.
FRYDAG: It happened here after we got the French from Messerschmitt;
according to the French they got a warm meal twice a day there and had
their laundry done. We cannot do either. We don’t have a warm meal twice
a day either. At Messerschmitt the living conditions were better.
MILCH: Gablenz, I want you to get in touch with Reinecke concerning
these French. I demand that if the people refuse to work they
immediately be placed against the wall and shot before all the other
workers. I ask you to get in touch with the Reich Leader SS and to ask
him to discuss the matter with the Fuehrer. Now is the right time;
unless we do something effective now, the others will become bothersome.
I ask that their being sent to concentration camps be taken into
consideration too. I’ll tell you afterwards how you should act in such a
matter.
So I do not agree. You should make another proposal. At the beginning
you cannot expect more.
* * * * *
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-407
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 137
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE, 27 MAY 1942
[Three handwritten marginal notes at top of document:] To my
files Mi. 14
Vossen/Dr. Reynitz/Ca.
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT OF THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY THE STATE SECRETARY, FIELD_
_MARSHAL MILCH ON WEDNESDAY, 27 MAY 1942,_
_9 A.M. IN THE REICH AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
VON GABLENZ: Yesterday, the first[135] has exploded in France, at the
Arade plant, an explosive, a float, but no damage has been done.
FIELD MARSHAL MILCH: What measures have been taken in consequence?—I
want to have a report on what has been done. How many people have been
shot and how many hanged? If that guy cannot be found today, fifty men
should be selected and if I were you I would hang three or four of them
whether they are guilty or not. It is the only way!
(Mahnke hands another letter to the Field Marshal.)
What do you think of that man?
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-406
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 138
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF THE GL-CONFERENCE,
7 JULY 1942
[Two handwritten marginal notes at top of document:] St/R 21
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT OF THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY FIELD MARSHAL MILCH ON_
_7 JULY 1942, 10 A.M. IN THE REICH AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
FIELD MARSHAL MILCH: I do not like the engine. I have inspected it and
for the time being anyhow, I shall not take the 177 plane as a traveling
plane.
With regard to the output of Prague I want to say this: Of course, one
must recognize good output, even of a foreigner. On the other hand, as
far as the French are concerned, something must be done now. Gablenz,
ring up Toennes and tell him that this is a crazy situation [tolle
Schweinerei]. However, we would still try first to arrange it in a
friendly way through Toennes. If that does not succeed, then I intend to
fill the new Heinkel plant in the east entirely with Frenchmen brought
down there by force. If they don’t work in France, they may work as
prisoners in Poland. After all we have to remember that it is we, and
not the French, who have won the war.
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-408
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 139
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
28 JULY 1942
[Two handwritten marginal notes at top of document:] St/R 24
Vossen/Dr. Jonuschat/C
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT ON THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY STATE SECRETARY FIELD_
_MARSHAL MILCH ON TUESDAY, 28 JULY 1942,_
_10 A.M. IN THE REICH AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
ALPERS: We have discussed whether a stronger pressure should not be put
upon French firms by both our liaison office and by us here. I have
talked with the French works managers myself. Actually they are all of
the same mind; they are willing to exert pressure, but then the workers
will leave them. In France there is no law that binds a worker to his
place of employment.
MILCH: As far as we are concerned, that is very difficult. But at the
very moment when the deadline is passed for me, I shall say: Now there
is no more French production. The workers are sent on leave or taken
away immediately for other work. The French always want the proportion
1:5, but they only reach 1:2.3. In reality they have very much more, as
we have received only old French junk. If we consider the actual output
that we have received, then the proportion is not even 1:0.2, but
exactly the contrary: 5:1 in favor of the French! At the present time we
receive 8 to 9 planes from the French. I could well imagine that they
get out 45 for themselves. I shall shut the shop with a single stroke
and have the workers and the machines come to Germany. If it does not
work on a voluntary basis, then we do it by compulsory contracts.
Perhaps I shall first give them a week to think it over.
(ALPERS: Amio himself is behind. For him the surfaces and tail
unit factories are situated just right.)
—It is a fact that, on the whole, these people work in silent
opposition. One cannot blame them for it either, it is true, but they
should not have started the war.
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-409
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 140
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
4 AUGUST 1942
[Handwritten marginal notes] To my files, personally St/R 25
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT ON THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY FIELD MARSHAL MILCH_
_TUESDAY, 4 AUGUST 1942, 10 A.M. IN THE_
_REICH AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
GEYER: In the west there is a danger of the French going on strike in
the event of a British attack. In that case, the whole of the engine
supply would be severely handicapped.
MILCH: In such a case I would ask to be appointed military commander
myself. I would band the workers together and have 50 percent of them
shot; I would then publish this fact and compel the other 50 percent to
work, by beatings if necessary. If they don’t work, then they too will
be shot. I would get the necessary replacement somehow. But I hope the
military commander will do his duty. I’m not worried about it. The word
“strike” must never be used. For us there is only “living or dying”, but
not “striking”. That goes for the educated man as well as for the
worker, for the German [Inlaender] as well as for the foreigner. The
word “strike” means death for the man who uses it.
* * * * *
GABLENZ: Sauckel also made an effort but he does not have a completely
free hand. Lt. Col. Nickolai and Stending are still standing in between.
MILCH: In spite of all, he has brought in quite a tidy number. Sauckel
has brought over 1.6 million people to Germany, 1.3 million from the
east and the rest from other countries.
GABLENZ: We should not be sorry if Sauckel not only took care of getting
the workers, but also of distributing them. That way we would fare
better.
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-412
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 141
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
18 AUGUST 1942
[page 1874 of original]
[Handwritten marginal notes on attendance list] St/R 27
* * * * *
[page 1932 of original]
FIELD MARSHAL MILCH: As soon as the figures for August are ready I
request an exact account for my report to the Reich Marshal and also for
the conferences which I want to hold with Sauckel and Speer beforehand.
This account is to show how the labor question has developed, how great
the fluctuation is and which nationalities it involves, what real
requests we now have to make in the different sectors in order to cover
the needs for specialists and for skilled and unskilled labor, how many
of them can be foreigners, etc.? What happens to those who leave the
industry? Are they being compelled to work elsewhere? Are they, as I
proposed, under control in the camps supervised by the SS and considered
as being in mild concentration camps, or are these gentlemen allowed to
remain outside and do as they please?
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-416
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 142
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
26 AUGUST 1942
[Handwritten marginal notes] St/R 29
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT OF THE CONFERENCE OF_
_THE DIRECTOR OF SUPPLIES PRESIDED OVER BY_
_FIELD MARSHAL MILCH ON WEDNESDAY, 26_
_AUGUST 1942, 11 A.M. IN THE REICH_
_AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
MILCH: Is Quartermaster General 6 here?
(Comment: Yes!)
Do you know anything about it?
(Comment: No!)
Ask about it and inform Colonel Brueckner!
FRYDAG: Another important consideration is the letter, which you
yourself have signed, Field Marshal, dealing with the expiration of the
labor contracts of the foreign workers. * * *
MILCH: The Reich Marshal [Goering] wanted to bind these people by law at
one time, that was one idea. The Fuehrer’s plan would be more favorable.
He wishes that the workers be gradually all replaced by Russians for
whom there is no longer such a thing as expiration of contracts.
(Comment: But there is a certain transition period!)
BRUECKNER: You, Field Marshal, have yourself put your signature to this
matter. The contracts are to be extended till 1 October 1943. I hope
that it will be done.
* * * * *
MILCH: On the other hand, a number of these people have been drafted
into the armed forces. But if I consider the others, I arrive all the
same at a monthly total of about 30,000 who loaf around and fluctuate
from job to job. According to the suggestions of the Reich Marshal,
these people are to come under the care of Himmler and are to be handled
severely there. What has been done, so far, in this regard? Brueckner,
you know about this matter, don’t you?
(BRUECKNER: Yes!)
You do not seem to be informed quite correctly. Sometime ago we were
quite irritated about the fact that so many workers move about from one
factory to another, most of them antisocial elements who do not like to
work and whom the firms are possibly glad to get rid of because they do
nothing but complain and grumble, do no proper work, are constantly
late, shirk work where they can, pretend to be sick, etc. These people
were supposed to be handled more severely, and about a year ago the
Reich Marshal issued an order and gave the Ministry of Labor the job of
dealing with this matter firmly. Then the Ministry of Labor issued an
explanatory order which was nothing but a sabotage of the order and the
desire expressed by the Reich Marshal. I reported to the Reich
Marshal—in the very words which I have just used—that in this case his
will was clearly being sabotaged by some lawyers or other poor fellows
and that I asked him to take measures against it. He told me that he
would talk the matter over with Himmler. That is, I had suggested to him
that this matter could only be settled with the help of Himmler’s
organization. The armed forces are not in a position to do it. The
suggestion had been made that the armed forces should take care of these
people in camps but these workers are not ready for that. They have not
been condemned and in no way violate the existing laws, but act only
against their country which certainly does not yet come within the
sphere of the old legal nonsense. That is why Himmler should get these
people into his clutches because he can treat them outside the law. My
suggestion was that the people should be put into camps or, in part,
just get numbers. The person involved would have a passport in which it
is entered that he is a German of this or that category, and that his
number is so and so. Then there are subsequent entries: At this or that
time he did not work, at this or that time he was late, etc. If he
“loses” this passport—because he doesn’t want to have it anymore—off
he goes to the concentration camp immediately; the same thing happens if
he does not show it when ordered to do so. Once every month the pass is
checked by the local SD. If it shows that the man has been ill, or late
thirty times in one month, then the SD takes him along and gives him a
job in which he has to work 14 hours a day and where he is treated in
the way he deserves if he is not willing. The Reich Marshal has approved
this suggestion. Nevertheless I have not yet seen anything of the kind
being carried out.
BRUECKNER: I know that such labor camps have been established.
MILCH: In that case I want you to tell me exactly during the next
conference, where these camps have been established, who is in charge of
them, and how do we get these honorable gentlemen who do not want to
work into them? * * * It is a simple matter to have these people taken
care of somehow by the SD. It has only got to be taken in hand. I want
to have a report on it as soon as possible. Otherwise I will talk to
Himmler about it myself and see that this matter is taken very firmly in
hand. I see in these people the greatest danger for the home front.
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-286
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 144
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
1 SEPTEMBER 1942
[Handwritten marginal notes] St/R 31 To my files
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT OF THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY STATE SECRETARY FIELD_
_MARSHAL MILCH ON WEDNESDAY, 9 SEPTEMBER_
_1942, 10 A.M. IN THE REICH_
_AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
DEUTSCHMANN: Reports have come in from front repair workshops that up to
40 percent of the people simply do not come to work. Because of the
difficulties in the food supply they simply go out into the country in
order to have something to eat. At the plant Mechanical Workshops
[Mechanische Werkstaetten] I have found out that the Poles have not come
because Russian pilots had dropped propaganda material. In one case, I
have seen that about 50 percent of the workers failed to come.
MILCH: What do you do against that?
(DEUTSCHMANN: For the time being, I did not do anything.)
And where was that?—In Warsaw? In such a case, orders have to be given
that these workers get a good beating. And Russian prisoners of war are
used to give it to them.
DEUTSCHMANN: Just at the time when the Russians attacked I was planning
to have 200 Poles transported to western Germany in order to fill a gap
in the hoop production there. The conditions of procurement in Warsaw
were such that I could afford it; therefore, I had no special reason to
take measures.
MILCH: If those workers stay away from work just as they please then
they need a good beating and this punishment is to be administered by
Russians. Contact the SD; tell them that these workers had failed to
come to work and that I demand that they be punished and not by having
their food taken away from them but by the slightly milder punishment of
50 strokes each on their behind.
DEUTSCHMANN: Various unfortunate occurrences have happened together.
MILCH: I don’t care, these occurrences are none of my business. The
unfortunate occurrence for the person involved is when he gets his good
beating. And he should not fail to get it.
(DEUTSCHMANN: We have already drawn the attention of the Reich
Leader SS to it; something is going to be done about it.)
Such occurrences must not remain unpunished, they must not happen. If
those people mutiny and do not work, then I demand that some shooting is
done at those occasions. We do the same in Poland as the British do in
India, with the only difference that the British deal with their own
subjects, whereas we deal with the enemy. I want none of our people ever
to show lack of action. I make every section chief responsible to take
measures to that effect immediately. He is not to administer the
beatings himself but to go to the SD and demand that this or that is
done. What kind of measures they take we will leave to the SD, but I
want to have a report on what has been done in such cases! What do you
think would happen to a worker in Germany if he went on strike?
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-245
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 157
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF CONFERENCE
WITH GOERING, 22 FEBRUARY 1943, REGARDING PLANS
FOR AIRPLANE CONSTRUCTION
* * * * *
MILCH: * * * Just now things are not going well. Sauckel has agreed with
Speer and myself that von der Heyde is to go to Paris to ascertain on
the very spot what may be taken away. If we want to maintain the program
we require an additional 80,000 workmen over there. Sauckel said he
recognized that and promised to deliver them. If the promise is kept all
will be all right.
REICH MARSHAL: What sense does it make to leave the workers there?
MILCH: There is no good will in France, and you can really not expect it
from these fellows. But we will force them to work by not feeding them.
REICH MARSHAL: I can do this here much better.
MILCH: That’ll get us nowhere. We shall then have to shut down the
plants in France.
REICH MARSHAL: The fault is this: Sauckel should have said: Milch, there
are too many skilled workers in that plant; take so-and-so many out for
your German plants; I am going to replace those skilled workers from our
French workers pool. Otherwise there is no sense in his taking them
away.
MILCH: Until six months ago we piloted the whole French industry by way
of the government, but since then we changed and took sponsor-firms. * *
*
REICH MARSHAL: I’ll tell Sauckel not to touch our industry at all. But
we must do it ourselves.
MILCH: I told Sauckel that we will cooperate on all matters on the very
spot, that we will get the thing done but not smash up anything that is
producing for us or is going to produce. He admitted that his men had
acted wrongly. * * * Speer and myself are of the opinion that he must be
incorporated somehow in the Central Planning in order to secure manpower
for us as well as the material. Now we got the first workers in
November; prior to that date none at all. Of course, by taking into
account the many fluctuations he arrives at fantastic figures. We try to
diminish the fluctuations with the aid of Himmler and Ley. The military
physicians are put in to examine the men. I have proposed that a man who
leaves his working place more than three times a year, should be put
into a detention camp and be released only when he stays on the very
spot. * * *
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-449
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 148
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF GL-CONFERENCE,
2 MARCH 1943
[Handwritten marginal notes] To my files Mi
Secret
_SHORTHAND TRANSCRIPT OF THE GL-CONFERENCE_
_PRESIDED OVER BY THE STATE SECRETARY FIELD_
_MARSHAL MILCH ON TUESDAY, 2 MARCH 1943,_
_10 A.M. IN THE REICH AIR MINISTRY_
* * * * *
MILCH: Another question! All the reports from France show that the
French have got their heads full of political thoughts and ideas. On the
basis of the news they tell themselves: They are retreating on the
eastern front and the English and Americans are gradually getting afraid
that the Russians alone will be victorious. The French go on to say: If
the promises made to us by the Americans are really kept, our fortunes
are made. That has already led to our foreign workers slowly becoming
hostile. On principle I have to be informed of every case of
swinishness. I do not understand at all why Germany should put up with
it when Poles and Frenchmen explain to the people: Today indeed you are
still sitting in this work, but later we shall be the owners and if you
treat us properly we shall see to it then that you are shot dead
immediately and not tortured first. In all these matters energetic
interference must be made. I am of the opinion that there should be only
two types of punishment in such cases: firstly, a concentration camp for
foreigners, and secondly, capital punishment. If a certain number of
such hostile elements are removed and the others are informed, they will
then work better. Their love for us certainly won’t become any greater,
but neither will their hate, for it is already strong enough. In this
respect, too, energetic interference must be made and in no case must
the workers put up with it. The best method is to give the person
concerned one with a sledge-hammer and I shall treat with distinction
every man who does something like that whenever he hears such stupid
nonsense. We are living in a total war and the workers must be told that
they don’t have to put up with anything. Now the question is whether or
not the gentlemen believe on the whole that we achieve something worth
mentioning with our production in France. For then we must consider that
the establishments there will be besieged. Then the French would have to
be forced to come to Germany. There I must reflect on whether the
available means of compulsion are sufficient. That does not depend on
me. But, in the abstract, I see no difficulties in the way of getting
100,000 or 200,000 French workers to Germany, nor do I see any
difficulties in the way of keeping them in order. If a case of sabotage
occurs in one area, every tenth man in that area will be shot. Then such
acts of sabotage would cease of themselves. The western peoples are very
much afraid of death, while it is a quite different matter with the
Russians.
* * * * *
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-195
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 143
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC MINUTES OF CONFERENCE WITH GOERING, 28
OCTOBER 1943
[Handwritten] Notes for Discussion No 116/43/KD st. 4th copy
[Signature] MILCH
_STENOGRAPHIC TRANSCRIPT OF THE DISCUSSION WITH_
_THE REICH MARSHAL ON 28 OCTOBER 1943,_
_12 O’CLOCK AT KARINHALL_
Subject: Allocation of Labor.
Effects of the Drafting of Laborers.
Participants:
Reich Marshal
Reich Minister Speer
Field Marshal Milch
Gauleiter Sauckel
General von der Heyde
Staatsrat Gritzbach
Ministerialrat Dr. Groennert
Ministerialdirektor Hildebrand
Landrat Berg
Lt. Colonel Biesing, GSC
Lt. Colonel von Brauchitsch, GSC
Director Frydag
Dr. Janicke/Dr. Eggeling/Bs
25 October 1943
* * * * *
MILCH: Interesting are the figures on the decrease of prisoners of war
where one had believed they would remain stable. Between January and
August the figure went down for the Russians from 22,000 to 19,000; for
the others, from 48,000 to 28,000. In the summer the prisoners of war
decreased from 70,000 to 48,000.
* * * * *
REICH MARSHAL: But here you report to me and to the Fuehrer: From 1
January to 30 September a total of 2,200,000 in manpower could be made
available for armament production,
(Comment by SAUCKEL: But not for the first time.)
among whom there are 770,000 prisoners of war. Through allocation
300,000 of these who had been drafted for armament and the armed
services, and those who left for other reasons, were replaced, and labor
for the most important armament industries was increased by 650,000,
from 5.3 million to 5.9 million.
(Reading continued.)
FRYDAG: Those are the total allocations.
(REICH MARSHAL: I took that to be net allocation.)
No, gross.
MILCH: The Luftwaffe has increased by 150,000 men; the army by 240,000;
the navy by 50,000; military administration has remained stable. For the
Wehrmacht armament alone, there has been an increase of 400,000 men.
Then other industries, including state railway [Reichsbahn], postal
service, experts basic materials industry, make a total increase of 5.29
million, i.e., an actual addition of 500,000 men in this whole area
within half a year.
* * * * *
REICH MARSHAL: Then there is one more question which again belongs here
and which in all seriousness must be discussed. Suppose that, in the
central sector of Holland, between Arnhem, Utrecht, and Dortrecht, I
place at your disposal for three days 15,000 young German
soldiers—recruits who have been there eight days, together with their
respective officers’ corps for handling the executive—to catch the
young Dutchmen (this would have to be carefully prepared, of
course)—would you expect good results? It goes without saying that
everything must be well organized in advance, transport to move them
out, camps to receive them here, far away from the Dutch frontier.
SAUCKEL: Considering the Dutch population figure that amounts to
something. However, the same should be done in Poland and France.
REICH MARSHAL: Naturally, after that has been done once, one has to
modify the system for the second blow. Then the Dutch people will no
longer be out in the streets on Sundays for pleasure promenades.
SPEER: Care should be taken though, not to affect the protected
industries which we have established there. Their workers are also out
for walks on Sundays.
REICH MARSHAL: First, all of the people must be brought together in a
pen [Pferch]; then they will be asked individually who works where, and
then the men will be selected accordingly.
SAUCKEL: We should like to set an example. However, I do not like to
rely on this alone for the next year; but I should like to ask that one
have the confidence in us that, reasonably speaking we are doing things
in the right way. The factories which Speer barred to us * * *.
REICH MARSHAL: Really I am not imposing. But when I constantly hear: I
could do very much if I only had the executive power, then I am ready to
assist you, not permanently, but then, for five days or one week, by
putting my men at your disposal. In France also we have training
regiments, and the army, too, could arrange to make certain units
available so as to make a big push.
SAUCKEL: If I may be permitted to speak quite frankly, the conditions
are as follows: All of our Military Commanders, and also our
Commissioners General—with the exception of Koch—also the general
governors, take the stand that in all of their regions the supreme law
is tranquility and order. Also during the present era of war these
German people still feel—after all that is typically German—the
inherent obligation of maintaining order in their country and of somehow
protecting the local population.
(REICH MARSHAL: They do not see Germany, but Seyss-Inquart sees
Holland only.)
That is the greatest difficulty which we face, and in spite of the
obduracy which is there I am of the opinion that we really have more
friends in these countries than we imagine. I shall place my reports at
your disposal, among them a detailed report of a Flemish man, an
economist who lives with his wife in Weimar, works there, and who at the
same time looks after the Flemish people in my district. The matter is
as follows: Our highest political authorities in these countries
cultivate to some extent social contacts with the local high society;
thus in Belgium, bluntly stated, with elite circles, the high financial
circles, and leaders of industry. They show to the German commanders in
chief a certain demeanor of courteousness and of conventionality and
thereby satisfy our gentlemen to a great extent. Under this mask,
however, they permit their nearest subordinate organizations to
persecute and harass everybody who is in any way friendly to Germany.
Unwillingly and without being suspected by our gentlemen [Herren] we
have in this manner placed the Germans who were there under pressure.
They all have become fearful, and they bar their minds against Germany,
and those who really did something for Germany resign.
* * * * *
REICH MARSHAL: * * * Our method of procedure in the expansion of the
large air fields, Sauckel, would then be that, we try, first of all, to
get a hold of the available labor in the vicinity of the harbors in
France, Belgium, and Holland which so far has not been recruited in any
manner by Speer or by the Luftwaffe, or by you—just as the Russians do,
and as the British now also are doing in Southern Italy and Sicily.
There is a scarcity of water there and he who loafs is not permitted to
come near the water tap. They are very strict on this point. Now, in the
fifth year of the war, we too must be just as strict. And over and above
this I still need workers who will be fetched from regions farther away
if those from the immediate vicinity are not sufficient. And then come
specialists, whom Speer makes available from his organization, the
engine operators and so forth. If I am to rearm the Luftwaffe with
everything that is conceivable now, I do need a considerable reserve
stock of laborers. Technical workers must be included. This is in
addition to the number necessary for fulfilling needs arising from
actual fluctuation and departure of workers. Now that would have to be
considered in detail.
SAUCKEL: May I call attention to the following: That which makes things
very difficult for me at the moment is the question of our currency. It
is a fact that prices in France, and in the entire west, are very much
out of proportion. If we bring the workers to Germany and, according to
German standards, we pay them just as well as the German workers, that
does not help them at all because their families living in the occupied
territories cannot buy anything with the money that the people transfer.
I should like to ask you, Herr Reich Marshal, to talk with Reich
Minister Funk and the other competent officials so that under all
circumstances and with all possible means the German mark will preserve
its purchasing power against the French franc, just as it was done on
the other side, during the World War.
REICH MARSHAL: All we need to do is to fix the rate of exchange, just as
was done at that time with the dollar, i.e., today the German mark
equals 20 francs, tomorrow 23, then 27, then 40, etc., etc., up to one
million, or one billion. We have had all that. The same holds true for
the guilder. One cigarette now costs in Holland 1.50 guilders; formerly
it cost 10 cents. I merely have to say: 1.50 guilders equal to 10
pfennigs, or one mark equals 15 guilders.
SAUCKEL: That would solve a big problem in the wage question.
REICH MARSHAL: The same is done in Belgium. I shall schedule a
discussion on that with Mr. Funk. With friendly nations it is more
difficult; nevertheless, there, too, we have to do it.
SAUCKEL: There is still something I should like to say. If this
large-scale recruiting is carried into effect, even with coercion, it is
nothing but compliance with laws which were promulgated there by their
own governments, except that the governments declare they lack the
executive power.
REICH MARSHAL: That is always the excuse; I simply shall give them the
executive power.
Well, let me summarize it once more. We undoubtedly are agreed on the
fact that what Sauckel brings to us here, and that which to us appears
as stocking up, has been subject to a natural compromise and actually a
greater number of people was necessary, to make up for the losses. If it
had been impossible to obtain more labor there would, of necessity, have
been a decrease, merely by reason of the draft, the increased rate of
disease during the war, deaths, etc. The decrease in prisoners of war
should really be insignificant unless there are modifications; on the
contrary, I should like to see that the prisoners of war who had been
released, Norwegians, and so forth, be taken again. Insofar as officers
are concerned this has been done to a certain extent. It was the
greatest nonsense ever committed by us and for which nobody thanks us.
We have made prisoners of entire armies and we let them go again. We do
not get anything from Norway?
SAUCKEL: No. Even Russians are being taken there, also French
specialists.
(REICH MARSHAL: Why?)
The tasks there are much bigger than the population could cope with.
* * * * *
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-180
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 155
EXTRACTS FROM STENOGRAPHIC NOTES ON THE CONFERENCE AT
THE REICH MARSHAL’S ON THURSDAY, 4 NOVEMBER 1943,
11 O’CLOCK AT THE JUNKERS PLANT IN DESSAU
* * * * *
THE REICH MARSHAL: Give the prisoner-of-war camp [Stalag] commander my
greetings and tell him I said the Stalag is the biggest racket in
Germany and merely a camp where get-aways are being organized wholesale.
The men do not even have to bother to dig a tunnel, since they can walk
out freely in broad daylight. The Italians get beaten up when they do
not work. * * * It is absolutely useless to take the Italians as
soldiers, for they report for duty, it is true, but then they bolt
again. We need them here, however, as workers for the 100,000 men
operation. In the second place, why do we not get the machines? If I
want to have them, I just have to occupy a factory by surprise.
MILCH: There are no transportation facilities to make this possible. We
have to let certain plants go on working in Italy, such as ball
bearings, steel castings, and others, and we cannot take the people from
there. The same applies to the technical sphere. The people there are
working for us. All depends on our policy toward the Italians. I have
ordered that they can be beaten up if they do not work. I have also
given permission that Italians caught sabotaging be sentenced to death.
If this measure is not desired by the higher authorities, which seems to
be the case, we are powerless; then the Italians in the Reich will not
be of any use to us, and they will not do anything down there either.
Now the Italian has found the way out, he goes into the militia and,
once he is over there, he bolts. There is one other way to make him
work; if we do not provide the Italian with food and tell him: only
those who fight and work for us will get food.
(THE REICH MARSHAL: That is what the Americans do!)
Why do we not do it? In my opinion we should try to get the machines by
force. We can manufacture 1,000 pursuit planes in Italy and the engines
for them. The engines will go only through Junkers, the other parts only
through Messerschmitt. I should like to have the 109 and the 605 in
Italy while they are still working, so that we can modernize our
factories. We have the further advantage that the enemy drops his bombs
not only on Germany, but also on Italy. We can disperse industry there
in small valleys and we need not use the big Milan plants. The situation
there is rather favorable.
THE REICH MARSHAL: Above all, this question must be discussed at once
with the Fuehrer.
(End of the conference at 11:45 p.m.)
* * * * *
St
149-43 III gK [Stamp]
Top Secret
The Reich Marshal of the Greater German Reich
Adjutant’s office
Adj. 2019-43 top secret
[Pencil note] For my files
Berlin W 8 Leipziger Str. #3
Telephone: 120044
Headquarters, 12 Nov. 1943
2 copies, 1st copy
[initialed] Mi 15 Nov.
To the State Secretary for Aviation and Inspector General of the Air
Force, Field Marshal Milch.
Reich Air Ministry
Forwarded herewith for your attention and further handling are the
uncorrected stenographic notes on the conference at the Reich Marshal’s
[Office] on 28 October 1943.
Inclosure:
Notes on conference No. 116-13
Top Secret—4th copy.
[signature] BRAUCHITSCH
Lieutenant Colonel, GSC and Chief Adjutant
EXTRACTS FROM TESTIMONY OF DEFENSE WITNESS MAX KOENIG[136]
_DIRECT EXAMINATION_
DR. BERGOLD: Will you please give the Court your first name and second
name?
WITNESS KOENIG: Max Koenig.
Q. When were you born?
A. 19 August 1897.
Q. What was your last position in the war with the Wehrmacht?
A. Lieutenant colonel in the reserve.
Q. And where were you?
A. With the commander of the Luftwaffe in Rechlin in charge of the
testing station.
Q. Is it known to you, Witness, whether and what sort of orders, if at
all, Milch gave with reference to the treatment of so-called terror
pilots?
A. My department was subordinate to the GL, and therefore received
orders from that office concerning the treatment of pilots who had made
emergency landings, and such orders were to the effect to inform the
Buergermeister [mayors] and the councillors that the prisoners who had
made emergency landings should be sent to Oberursel at once.
Q. Then were these orders given or were they repeated in certain cases?
A. I myself went there in 1942 to that office and I remember very well
that the first orders in this respect were given in 1943 and then in
1944.
Q. Have these orders provided for the taking of prisoners of all pilots
by the Luftwaffe and taking them to Oberursel?
A. The GL ordered, followed by the threatening of heavy punishment if
the orders were not followed, that all pilots who bailed out or made
emergency landings should be taken at once in the quickest way possible
to Oberursel.
Q. Did you transmit these orders to the mayors and councillors of your
district?
A. These orders were passed on by the commander of the testing station
to the ground organization of the base, passed on to all Buergermeister
and the city councillors.
Q. Can you confirm that these orders came from Milch?
A. They came from the GL. It was even ordered how we should proceed. As
far as I can recall we were ordered, among other things, that the
contents of their pockets should be taken away from the pilots and sent
to Oberursel with an accompanying letter.
Q. Did you know at that time that the Party wanted the pilots to be
treated in a different manner?
A. I did not know that for we in Rechlin had hardly any contact with the
Party.
Q. Therefore, you never corrected orders from the Party? Or would you
have done this?
A. No. We were subordinate to the GL, and, therefore, we could only take
orders from that superior office.
Q. Witness, what do you know within your office as to how concentration
camp inmates were treated?
A. I should say this: When labor was requested for the building of a
pillbox, we were given a detachment from Oranienburg. These prisoners
were housed by the evacuating of our testing station, that means our
German soldiers, in Laerz, and prisoners from the concentration camp at
Oranienburg were moved into the billets of the German soldiers. There
were about a thousand of these.
Q. Were the barracks in good condition?
A. They were not barracks in the bad sense of the word. They were the
best billets which we had at our disposal in Laerz. They were new
buildings and contained, apart from the living rooms, a theater room,
and a big kitchen with, I believe, four stoves. I know the camp because
I visited it repeatedly.
Q. Witness, what orders did you receive for treating of those people by
the GL?
A. I remember two orders that were to the effect that all those who
actually worked, whether foreigners or concentration camp inmates,
should be treated well in order to save their good health and in order
to increase their production.
Q. What has been done for that purpose?
A. As far as their health was concerned, under this order, I repeatedly
saw to it that I obtained medical supplies from the hospital [Revier] of
Rechlin.
Q. What you call the Revier is the hospital ward?
A. “Revier” is the sickroom which, considering the bigness of the
agency, is approximately the equivalent to a hospital * * *.
Q. Let us go back to concentration camp inmates. What has been done in
health matters?
A. Near Rechlin, there was an estate called Boek. This estate consisted
of several thousand acres and apart from potatoes and turnips also
produced wheat. On orders from the GL we received from that estate for
the commando in Laerz and for the concentration camp and for the foreign
workers large quantities of goods produced there.
Q. These concentration camp inmates; were they exploited unfairly?
A. I can say this—I myself was in the hall east from there up to the
building of the commander, which was about a kilometer and a half. The
foreign workers and concentration camp inmates lived in smaller and
bigger groups and worked in such groups, but I could always observe them
when I walked along the lanes. It seemed that when the civilian and
other employees there were still working, the concentration camp groups
had already stopped working because they had to be in their camp at a
certain time. The time they needed to march to and fro was part of their
working hours.
Q. Were they told to work particularly fast, or particularly heavy?
A. I can say this that I could really judge them because after all I saw
them almost daily. Their work was not particularly slow, it wasn’t
particularly fast. And one couldn’t say they were driven on.
Q. Were these people happy or did you hear complaints?
A. Should complaints have occurred I would have been the first to hear
about them for it would have been my job to hear them, because I headed
the particular office for food and treatment which was the liaison
office between ourselves and the Stalags. I even listened at times to
outbursts of joy. And from the liaison office we bought everything,
beginning from cigarettes and other small gifts, foodstuffs, etc. This
was used both in the camps and foreign workers, and the foreign workers
were always running about freely there.
Q. Did your office ask for concentration camp inmates or were they sent
to you by labor exchange on the basis of assignment of labor?
A. We had to use two ways, we had to use two channels here—one through
labor exchanges and the other through the GL who ordered labor for us
and on the basis of our application with the labor exchanges and the GL,
this special commando and attachment came, whether on the basis of our
application I really don’t know.
Q. Did you request concentration camp inmates or simply workers?
A. I may say quite frankly here I asked for German workers and I
expected they would turn up but as we were under orders to maintain
secrecy, neither did I think of foreign workers nor concentration camp
inmates.
* * * * *
_CROSS-EXAMINATION_
MR. DENNEY: Just what was your job in Rechlin?
A. I was I B or I Bertha—that means an organization, and my job was
looking after the army.
* * * * *
Q. Well, in your position having to do with figures you possibly were
concerned with labor in Rechlin?
A. From Rechlin we were ordered to build a shelter in Laerz, and to
carry this out we had to ask for labor.
Q. Didn’t they consolidate requests for labor and give them to you and
you would send them up?
A. Requests were sent on to the labor offices on the one hand, and on
the other hand to the GL.
Q. And they were sent by you?
A. They were sent by the commanding officer of the testing station, that
is, to say, my superior officer.
Q. But you got them up and gave them to him to send them on?
A. I worked on them and passed them on to my commanding officer.
Q. You said that you had concentration camp workers—you also had
foreign workers didn’t you?
A. There were about 1,000 concentration inmates and a certain number of
foreign workers—Russians, French, and Italians.
Q. Did you have any prisoners of war?
A. Yes. We had some prisoners of war.
Q. How many people were employed there altogether?
A. In Rechlin, prisoners of war and foreign workers, Germans, altogether
there were 4 to 5 thousand.
Q. Well, now we have got 1,000 concentration camp workers. So that
leaves 3 to 4 thousand. How were those broken down among prisoners of
war, foreign workers, and Germans?
A. Prisoners of war, roughly 500. There were about 300 foreigners, and
the rest were German civilians and German military personnel.
Q. Now, these concentration camp workers, were they guarded?
A. They were guarded in their own camps and in some cases on trucks were
taken to their places of work on the east Boek airstrip.
Q. And the foreigners, were they guarded?
A. I think they were at first a little guarded or, let us say, not at
all.
Q. How about the prisoners of war?
A. The prisoners of war were under a similar condition as there were not
very many guards at our disposal—guards were very few.
Q. You talked about the concentration camp people marching back and
forth. Were they marching under guard?
A. Yes. They marched under guard.
Q. In the stockade?
A. They were in large camps or huts under stockade and under guard.
Q. Was there barbed wire around it?
A. Yes. There was barbed wire.
Q. And guards walking around?
A. And guards, yes.
A. Armed guards?
A. Yes. They were armed.
Q. Now, you told about passing on these orders about the terror fliers
to the Buergermeister [mayor]. The order that you spoke of that you got
from the defendant?
A. From the GL.
Q. The GL was Field Marshal Milch?
A. That was Herr Milch.
Q. And you gave those orders on to the Buergermeister about the
so-called “terror fliers”?
A. The Buergermeister and county councillors.
Q. And then one day you heard about four fliers who had parachuted or
made a forced landing—anyway they came down—and you sent your soldiers
over there and you were told that they were not available?
A. No. The officer came back and said that the police had arrested the
four pilots who had made a forced landing, contrary to our order and
contrary to the regulations where the telephone number of our airfield
had to be passed on to the Buergermeister. The report to the
Buergermeister had the purpose to inform the airfield as quickly as
possible so that from there a truck could pick up the pilots.
Q. Which police had taken these four fliers?
A. Unfortunately, I do not know. The officer of the airfield came back
and reported that the police had fetched them. He didn’t see the police.
He merely was informed by the Buergermeister of this.
Q. And then what did you do? Did you call the Buergermeister up?
A. No. We passed this on to the airfield and the airfield reported this
to the Luftgau. The Luftgau is the next superior office above the
airfield.
Q. Did they ever get these four fliers back?
A. No.
Q. They never got them back?
A. I do not know where they were taken to.
Q. You were the second man at Rechlin. You know that these orders were
passed on to the Buergermeister that you received through your immediate
superior from the Generalluftzeugmeister?
A. I was not the second man. I was E commander—commander of that
office. I was purely an expert in I B. I was concerned in this because
Colonel Petersen of the SD commando ordered the airfield should make
investigations because of the Milch order to the effect that every pilot
should be at once taken to Oberursel.
Q. At any rate, you didn’t do anything about this after you heard it?
A. Oh, yes. The report was immediately sent to the Luftgau that the
pilots had been taken away.
Q. Did you send the report?
A. No. The report had to be sent by the competent office of the ground
organization—namely, the airfield.
Q. You never made any effort to find out what happened to these four
Allied fliers?
A. Oh, yes, that was passed on at once and the airfield having received
it sent it on to the Luftgau and continued to work on this matter. What
happened at the end I could not possibly find out because the Luftgau,
the next highest office, had to report on it through those channels of
command.
Q. You never tried to find out, did you? Did you ever call up anybody
over at the Luftgau and ask them what happened to these four fliers?
A. No. I could hardly do that because I belonged to the testing station
and there was a certain amount of dualism. It was rather like air
activity on the one hand and the ground organization on the other.
Q. You knew what the Hitler order was about terror fliers, didn’t you?
A. Yes. I learned about this much, much later after this emergency
landing in 1944. I heard about this in 1945 when I was interrogated in
Munich by the Reich Marshal Special Court.
Q. What nationality were these pilots?
A. I could not say that. I assumed they were Americans, but I could not
say that with certainty because we never saw the insignia of the
aircraft nor even the pilots themselves as we did not take them
prisoners.
Q. Were there any SD units around where you were?
A. In Rechlin itself, no, but my chief, Petersen, and I myself learned
later on that we were supervised by the SD service.
Q. You say that in your position you would have heard complaints from
any of the workers, of whom you had four to five thousand of whom
approximately two-thousand were made up of concentration camp workers,
prisoners of war, and foreign workers. You never got a single complaint
from any of those people, is that right?
A. No. I can only confirm that repeatedly the foreign workers gave
expressions of their gratitude for having this liaison office, which
consisted of a sergeant, and for the additional supplies which they thus
got from the Stalag. Strictly speaking, we would have been forbidden to
enter the concentration camp compound because it was part of
Oranienburg, and Oranienburg was an SS agency.
Q. So you never were inside, were you, in the concentration camp?
A. I went repeatedly there. I myself attended the hospital hours. That
is to say, I looked at the ill people before they saw the doctor and I
asked the doctor afterwards if he needed anything, and thereupon I got
the medical supplies from the airfield and for that purpose I was able
to do this because I was supported by the order of the GL.
Q. The Generalluftzeugmeister was able to arrange it so you could go
into the camp and look around?
A. On the basis of the order where it was my duty to look after the
people that they should be well-treated and well-looked after and,
therefore, I was admitted into their compound.
Q. And the compound was under the jurisdiction of the SS who had
jurisdiction over * * *.
A. (Interrupting) Yes. That was under the jurisdiction of the SS.
Q. And they had jurisdiction over all of the concentration camps?
A. I didn’t know that but all I know is that they came from Oranienburg
and that the regulations concerning that compound came from Oranienburg.
Q. You knew that Himmler was head of the SS?
A. I heard about that in 1945.
Q. In 1945 you found out that Himmler was the Reich Leader SS?
A. Yes.
Q. I have no more questions.
JUDGE MUSMANNO: Witness, you mean you did not know, before 1945, of the
power Himmler had in the SS?
A. No, your Honor. Particularly in the testing station we did not
discuss that nor did we receive many reports there. The attitude of my
chief—I may perhaps say here, of the GL himself—it was known what
their attitude was towards the Party. We ourselves were under the
Gauleiter of Mecklenburg who supervised us. Therefore, we went to no
trouble to look into other matters.
PRESIDING JUDGE TOMS: This testing station was in Germany, wasn’t it?
A. Yes. Rechlin is roughly 120 kilometers northeast of Berlin on the
Muelef Lake [northwest of Berlin on Lake Mueritz].
Q. And an officer of the German army, 120 kilometers from Berlin, didn’t
know who Himmler was until 1945?
A. Of course, I knew that Himmler was a Party member but that Himmler
had all the concentration camps under him I really didn’t know until
very much later.
Q. But you knew he was head of the SS?
A. I knew that he was an SS commander. I did not know until then that he
was the head of the SS.
JUDGE PHILLIPS: How many concentration camp victims did you hear were
killed up to 1945, starved to death and killed?
A. I did not know that and I only learned it from press notices which
came out in connection with the Nuernberg trials.
Q. How many concentration camp workers were killed in your camp?
A. Nobody was tortured or killed in our camp; not even one man.
Q. Did any of them die a natural death while you were there?
A. Nobody died; I can confirm to the Court that both the health and the
individuals’ happiness was such that there was neither case of death nor
complaint.
PRESIDING JUDGE TOMS: The name of this concentration camp I must know.
What was it?
A. The camp was near Rechlin and was an agency attached to Oranienburg.
Q. That was Oranienburg you were talking about?
A. It must have been a branch of Oranienburg. Up to my resignation on 31
January 1945, neither a torture nor a fatality occurred there. I said
that before, your Honor, and I should like to repeat it.
Q. Don’t repeat it.
JUDGE MUSMANNO: How many inmates were there in this camp; what was the
population of this camp?
A. The camp was roughly about 1,000 people strong.
Q. And how long were you there?
A. From October 1942 until 31 January 1945.
Q. And you say that in approximately three years’ time there was not one
death in this camp?
A. Your Honor, the camp was not founded in 1942; as far as I can
remember, it only came at the end of 1943 or early in 1944. I cannot
give you the exact figure of the arrivals. I think it must have been at
the end of 1943 or the beginning of 1944.
Q. And in all that time there was not one single death in the entire
camp?
A. Your Honor, I had not heard of one single case of death. Should one
case of death have occurred, it is possible that the SS in Oranienburg
would have been told. We ourselves had not heard of one case of death in
that camp, but during the day we assigned SS men in various groups.
Q. Do you mean this camp was functioning as a health resort?
A. On that, I can say, your Honor, that after the end of the war, I
heard that before the end of the war when people left, they left very
reluctantly, because there they were given food just as much as was
corresponding to their performance and, in turn, they were actually able
to work there.
-----
[134] Generalluftzeugmeister was translated as: Aircraft Master General,
Air Ordnance Master General, Chief of Supply for the Air Forces, Chief
of Air Forces Special Supply and Procurement Service, Director of
Supplies, and Director General of Air Force Equipment.
[135] Word is missing in German original document.
[136] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 17 Feb.
47, pp. 1189-1204.
B. Medical Experiments
a. Introduction
The defendant Milch was charged with participation in criminal medical
experiments. On this charge he was acquitted. Both the judgment and the
concurring opinions deal extensively with this topic; also Volume I of
this series, and the first part of the present volume, contains
considerable documentation from Case I (the Medical Case) on the same
medical experiments for participation in which the defendant Milch was
indicted. Hence, only a small portion of the evidence on medical
experiments offered in the Milch Case has been included in the present
volume. Some of the prosecution documents which were directly related to
the defendant Milch have been included here as well as the testimony of
the defense witness SS General Wolff. Documents NO-285, NO-289, NO-224,
343-A-PS, and 343-B-PS, published as part of the Medical Case, were also
introduced in the Milch Case. Further defense testimony on this topic
may be found by consulting the official record.
The following defendants in Case I (the Medical Case) testified as
witnesses for the defendant Milch: Hans Wolfgang Romberg, Wolfram
Sievers, Hermann Becker-Freyseng, Georg August Weltz, and Rudolf Brandt.
In addition, six other defense witnesses testified regarding the medical
experiments: Erich Hippke, Walter Neff, Dr. Leo Alexander, Siegfried
Ruff, Karl Wolff, and Gerhard Engel. See list of witnesses for dates and
transcript page references on pages 889-90.
b. Evidence
PROSECUTION DOCUMENTS
Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
NOKW-041 113 Sworn statement by Hermann 626
Goering, 27 September 1946,
concerning Milch’s position
as Inspector General of the
Luftwaffe.
NO-219 83 Letter from Dr. Rudolf Brandt 626
to Dr. Rascher, 27 April
1942, concerning medical
experiment report for Himmler
and Milch.
NO-261 89 Letter from Milch to Dr. 626
Hippke, 4 June 1942,
concerning availability of
low-pressure air chamber for
experiments.
1607-B-PS 115 Letter from Dr. Rascher to Dr. 627
Brandt, 20 July 1942,
concerning report on
high-altitude experiments.
1607-A-PS 115 Letter from Himmler to Milch, 628
25 August 1942, concerning
Dr. Rascher’s report on
high-altitude experiments.
1617-PS 111 Letter from Himmler to Milch, 629
13 November 1942, concerning
Rascher’s transfer to the
Waffen SS.
NO-262 119 Letter from Dr. Hippke to SS 631
Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff, 6
March 1943, concerning
Rascher’s transfer to the
Waffen SS.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-041
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 113
SWORN STATEMENT BY HERMANN GOERING, 27 SEPTEMBER 1946,
CONCERNING MILCH’S POSITION AS INSPECTOR GENERAL
OF THE LUFTWAFFE
I, Hermann Goering, swear, depose, and state:
That I am the former Reich Marshal of the German Reich and the former
Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe, that I have personal knowledge of
all the facts stated here, and that I know these facts because of the
position and responsibility which I had in the German Reich.
That in approximately 1939 the former Field Marshal Erhard Milch was
appointed Inspector General [Generalinspekteur] of the Luftwaffe and
that as such he was directly responsible to me for the performance of
his duties.
That the Inspector General of the Luftwaffe was in charge of all tasks
and responsibilities, with the exception of those which were concerned
with tactical operations (the latter were handled by my Chief of Staff).
The supervision of the inspections, as well as the affairs of the health
and medical inspections, was included in the tasks of the Office of the
Inspector General. Special questions, however, such as the number of
hospitals to be put at the disposal of the individual air fleets, fell
within the province of my Chief of Staff.
That Generaloberstabsarzt [Lt. Gen., Medical Service] Dr. Erich Hippke
was Chief of the Medical Service [Sanitaetswesen] of the Luftwaffe
during the years 1941 till 1944 inclusive; that the Office of the Chief
of the Medical Service was directly responsible for the execution of all
medical research and experiments; that the Office of the Chief of the
Medical Service, i.e., Hippke’s office, was directly subordinated to the
Inspector General, the former Field Marshal Milch.
I have read the foregoing deposition consisting of two pages, in the
German language, and declare that it is the full truth to the best of my
knowledge and belief. I have had the opportunity to make changes and
corrections in the above statement. I made this declaration voluntarily
without any promise of reward, and I was not subjected to any duress or
threat whatsoever. Nuernberg, 27 September 1946.
[Signed] HERMANN GOERING
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-219
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 83
LETTER FROM DR. RUDOLF BRANDT TO DR. RASCHER, 27 APRIL 1942, CONCERNING
MEDICAL EXPERIMENT REPORT FOR HIMMLER AND MILCH
Top Secret
XI a-59
Fuehrer Headquarters, 27 April 1942
1198/42
Bra-N
To SS Untersturmfuehrer Dr. Sigmund Rascher
Munich
56 Troger Street
Dear Comrade Dr. Rascher:
The Reich Leader [Himmler] has seen your letter of 16 April 1942. He has
shown the same interest in this report as in the one you sent recently.
He would like you to make up for him an over-all report on the
experiments carried out to date, which he would like to present
personally to Field Marshal Milch.
Kind regards to your wife and yourself,
Heil Hitler!
Yours
[initialed] R. Br.
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-261
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 89
LETTER FROM MILCH TO DR. HIPPKE, 4 JUNE 1942, CONCERNING
AVAILABILITY OF LOW-PRESSURE AIR CHAMBER FOR EXPERIMENTS
The State Secretary for Aviation and Inspector General of the
Luftwaffe
Berlin W 8, Leipziger Street 7, 4 June 1942
Telephone 12 00 47
Dear Herr Hippke!
According to the agreement with the Reich Leader SS the low-pressure air
chamber for experiments in the neighborhood of Munich is still to be
available for two further months.
Moreover, Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher is, in addition to his tests in the
Luftwaffe, to be on duty for the present for the purposes of the Reich
Leader SS.
Heil Hitler!
Yours
Generaloberstabsarzt Professor Dr. Hippke
Berlin-Tempelhof.
Copy
SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen SS Wolff
Berlin SW 11.
Heil Hitler!
and kind regards,
Yours,
[signature] MILCH
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1607-B-PS
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 115
LETTER FROM DR. RASCHER TO DR. BRANDT, 20 JULY 1942, CONCERNING REPORT
ON HIGH-ALTITUDE EXPERIMENTS
Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher
Ahnenerbe RF-SS
Munich, 20 July 1942
Top Secret
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. R. Brandt
Berlin, RF-SS.
Very esteemed Dr. Brandt,
Enclosed please find a copy of the work of myself and Romberg,
“Experiments for Rescue from High Altitudes”.
On 14 July 1942, I was ordered by the Reich Leader SS to send you the
above-mentioned report. The Reich Leader wants that report to be
forwarded to Field Marshal Milch, accompanied by a letter from him,
asking Milch to receive Romberg and me for a lecture. I believe to have
understood correctly that the Reich Leader thought you would submit to
him a letter to that effect for his signature.
I was very glad to hear that the Reich Leader was satisfied with the
result of the work at Dachau and with the film, and that he ordered an
intensive continuation of the work in that field.
I recommended Romberg for the War Merit Cross 2d Class
[“Kriegsverdienstkreuz II. Klasse”] on the request of SS
Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers. SS Standartenfuehrer Dr. Wuest ordered me
to notify you hereof.
The Reich Leader furthermore decided on 14 July 1942 that the prisoner
Sobota and the two prisoners who work in the dissection room in Dachau
should be released and transferred to the group “Dirlewanger.” The exact
names are in possession of SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers. The Reich
Leader has also issued an order to that effect to Major Suchaneck.
I thank you cordially for everything and remain
Heil Hitler!
[handwritten] Very faithfully yours,
[Signed] DR. S. RASCHER
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1607-A-PS
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 115[137]
LETTER FROM HIMMLER TO MILCH, 25 AUGUST 1942, CONCERNING
DR. RASCHER’S REPORT ON HIGH-ALTITUDE EXPERIMENTS
Field Headquarters, 25 August 1942
Field Marshal Milch
Secret
Dear Milch:
Enclosed please find a report about experiments for rescue from high
altitudes, which have been carried out by Stabsarzt Dr. S. Rascher and
Dr. med. H. W. Romberg. I saw a film[138] produced by Dr. Rascher.
I consider the results of those experiments as so important for the air
force, that I beg you to receive Dr. Rascher and Dr. Romberg
I consider the results of those experiments as so important for the air
force, that I beg you to receive Dr. Rascher and Dr. Romberg that, after
having seen the film, you will also refer the matter to the Reich
Marshal because of its importance.
I would be obliged if you could let me know your opinion in time.
Friendly greetings and
Heil Hitler!
H. H. [initials of Himmler]
27 August 1942
[initial illegible]
1 Enclosure
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1617-PS
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 111
LETTER FROM HIMMLER TO MILCH, 13 NOVEMBER 1942, CONCERNING RASCHER’S
TRANSFER TO THE WAFFEN SS
The Reich Leader SS
Berlin, SW 11, 8 Prinz Albrecht Street
Field Command Post
13 November 1942
Secret
Dear Comrade Milch:
You will recall that through General Wolff I particularly recommended
for your consideration the work of a certain SS Fuehrer Dr. Rascher, who
is a medical officer of the air force reserve [Arzt des
Beurlaubtenstandes der Luftwaffe].
These researches which deal with the behavior of the human organism at
great heights, as well as with manifestations caused by prolonged
cooling of the human body in cold water and similar problems which are
of vital importance to the air force in particular, can be performed by
us with particular efficiency because I personally assumed the
responsibility for supplying asocial individuals and criminals, who
deserve only to die [todeswuerdig], from concentration camps for these
experiments.
Unfortunately, you had no time recently when Dr. Rascher wanted to
report on the experiments at the Ministry of Aviation. I had put great
hopes in that report, because I believed that in this way the
difficulties, based mainly on religious objections to Dr. Rascher’s
experiments—for which I assumed responsibility—could be eliminated.
The difficulties are still the same now as before. In these Christian
medical circles the standpoint is being taken that it goes without
saying that a young German aviator should be allowed to risk his life
but that the life of a criminal—who is not drafted into military
service—is too sacred for this purpose and one should not stain oneself
with this guilt; at the same time it is interesting to note that credit
is taken for the results of the experiments while excluding the
scientist who performed them.
I personally have inspected the experiments, and have—I can say this
without exaggeration—participated in every phase of this scientific
work in a helpful and inspiring manner.
We two should not get angry about these difficulties. It will take at
least another ten years until we can get such narrow-mindedness out of
our people. But this should not affect the research work which is
necessary for our young, splendid soldiers and aviators.
I beg you to release Dr. Rascher, Stabsarzt of the reserve, from the air
force and to transfer him to the Waffen SS. I would then assume the sole
responsibility for having these experiments made in this field and would
put the results, of which we in the SS need only a part for the frost
injuries in the East, entirely at the disposal of the air force.
However, in this connection I suggest that with the liaison between you
and Wolff, a “non-Christian” doctor should be entrusted who ought to be
not only a fully qualified scientist but also a man not prone to
intellectual theft and who could be informed of the results. This doctor
should also have good contacts with the administrative authorities so
that the results would really obtain a hearing.
I believe that this solution—to transfer Dr. Rascher to the SS, so that
he could carry out the experiments under my responsibility and on my
orders—is the best way. The experiments should not be stopped; we owe
that to our men. If Dr. Rascher remained with the air force, there would
certainly be much annoyance; because then I would have to submit to you
a number of unpleasant details caused by the arrogance and
presumptousness which Professor Dr. Holzloehner displayed in the Dachau
military post—which is under my command—during conversations with SS
Standartenfuehrer Sievers about my person. In order to save both of us
this trouble, I suggest again that Dr. Rascher should be transferred to
the Waffen SS as quickly as possible.
I would be grateful if you ordered the low-pressure chamber being put at
our disposal again, together with the differential pumps
[Stufenaggregatpumpen], as the experiments should be extended to even
greater altitudes.
Cordial greetings and
Heil Hitler!
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-262
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 119
LETTER FROM DR. HIPPKE TO SS OBERGRUPPENFUEHRER WOLFF,
6 MARCH 1943, CONCERNING RASCHER’S TRANSFER
TO THE WAFFEN SS
The Inspector of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe
Berlin W 8, Leipziger Street 7, 6 March 1943
File No. 2299-43 secret Inspectorate
Dear Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff!
State Secretary Milch has given me your letter of 21 November last
year—Diary No. 1426/42 top secret—regarding the release of Stabsarzt
of the Luftwaffe Dr. Rascher to the Waffen SS.
I am prepared to release Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher from the Luftwaffe, even
after the Reich Physician of the SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Grawitz
explained to me that he was unable to give me a replacement; I shall put
him at the disposal of the Waffen SS if Rascher himself desires this
release. I shall ask him about that.
Your conception that I, as the responsible director of all
medical-scientific research work, would have been opposed to the
chilling experiments on human beings and so retarded their development
is erroneous. I immediately agreed to the experiments, because our own
previous experiments on large animals were concluded and supplementary
work was necessary. It is also highly improbable that I, who is
responsible for the development of all possibilities for rescuing our
airmen, would not do everything possible to further such work. When
Rascher explained his wishes to me, I agreed with him immediately. The
difficulties, Mr. Wolff, lie in an entirely different sphere: it is a
question of vanity on the part of individual scientists, every one of
whom _personally_ wants to bring out new research results, and very
often it is only with great effort that they can be led to work
unselfishly for the common good. None of them is without guilt in this
respect; Rascher is not either.
If Rascher wants to build up his own research institute within the
framework of the Waffen SS, I have no objection. All research work
within the field of aviation medicine—that is, altitude—moreover, is
under my scientific supervision in my capacity as director of German
aviation medicine. This institute would then be under the supervision of
the Reich Physician of the SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Grawitz.
Momentarily, however, this work _cannot_ be carried on because its
continuation would require a low-pressure chamber in which not only the
_altitude_ of the stratosphere, but also the stratospheric _temperature_
can be established. But there is no such chamber available in Germany as
yet; a large chamber is being built in the new Berlin Research Institute
for Aviation Medicine, and I hope I shall be able to have it completed
in the course of this year.
If Rascher, on the other hand, wishes to conduct other experiments not
concerned with altitude and chilling problems, these would not be under
_my_ supervision (_aviation_ medicine) but under the supervision of the
Medical Inspector of the Army (_military_ medicine), whom he would have
to contact.
I am going to talk over all these problems with Rascher in old
comradeship, and I shall again notify you.
With respectful compliments and
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] HIPPKE
-----
[137] When this document was introduced, Dr. Bergold made the following
statement (_Tr. p. 457_): “Please let me have the photostatic copy of
the original, so that I can make a statement.
“I merely wanted to find out on the copy, whether there was any
‘receiving’ mark. Later on, in the course of the introduction of
evidence, I shall prove that all letters which are not signed with a red
pencil and do not carry the initials ‘Mi’ were never seen by the
defendant Milch but were forwarded directly. This letter does not show
the initials ‘Mi’.
(Stepping forward and showing the Tribunal the document) “May it please
the Tribunal: Milch, whenever he received the letter, added his initials
‘Mi’; at all times, when Milch received a document, he indicated the
receipt with a date; he initialed with a date. These letters, which do
not show the initials, were received by his office but were not shown to
him. At a later date, I can prove this. I just wanted, at this time, to
call the Court’s attention to it.”
[138] When this document was read, Presiding Judge Toms asked (_Tr. p.
458_): “Mr. McMahon, do you know whether the film referred to in this
letter is available?”
MR. MCMAHON: As far as we know, your Honor, it is not available. In
regard to the one [letter] just referred to, I would like your Honor to
understand that the copies which we have come from the secret files of
Mr. Himmler, therefore, cannot show the initials of Milch, and so, in
fact, would not show that Milch had seen that. This letter was received
from the files of Himmler and would not have the initials of Milch,
saying that he had received this particular letter.
C. Curriculum Vitae and Excerpts from the Testimony
of the Defendant Milch
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NOKW-269
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 59
_A SHORT CURRICULUM VITAE OF FIELD MARSHAL
ERHARD MILCH_
Date Position Activity
30.3.92 Date of birth.
24.2.10 Officer candidate First Foot Artillery Regt.
18.8.11 Lieutenant Recruit training.
1.8.14 Lieutenant Adjutant, 2d Bn., Reserve,
First Foot Artillery Regt.
2.7.15 Lieutenant Air Force, Reconnaissance
Observer.
18.8.15 First Lieutenant Air Force, Reconnaissance
Observer.
Winter 16-17 First Lieutenant Air Force, Adjutant of a unit.
1917 First Lieutenant Chief of the Fifth Air
Squadron.
1918 First Lieutenant Detached service, commander of
an Inf. Company; Detached
service, commander of a
Field Artillery Battery.
18.8.18 Captain Air Force, commander of 204th
Air Squadron, commander of
Sixth Fighter Group.
1919 Captain Commander of 412th Border
Guard Squadron.
1920 Captain Detached service, commander of
Police Air Squadron.
End of 1920 Captain Resigned from military
service.
1921 Lloyd-Ostflug, later Civilian air transport
Danziger Luftpost company, Operation chief;
Civilian air transport
company, Manager.
1922 Junkers-Luftverkehr & Head of Traffic
Danziger Luftpost Department—Organizer of air
lines with Switzerland,
Austria, Hungary, Latvia,
Lithuania, Poland.
1923 Junkers-Luftverkehr & Id.
Danziger Luftpost
1924 Junkers-Luftverkehr & Head of air expedition to
Danziger Luftpost South America. Business
travel to the U.S.A.
1925 Junkers-Luftverkehr Head of General
Administration.
Nov. 1925 Deutsche Lufthansa Member of Technical Board.
Summer 1928 Deutsche Lufthansa Id. and Business Director.
30.1.33 Id. and Deputy Reich Id. concurrently with
Commissioner for direction of aviation under
Aviation supervision of Goering.
March 33 Deutsche Lufthansa and Id. in the Reich Ministry of
State Secretary Aviation.
May 1933 Join NSDAP Party member without
assignment of tasks for
Party.
Sept. 1933 Activated as Colonel Party membership suspended.
1934 Brigadier General Reich Air Ministry and
Deutsche Lufthansa.
1935 Major General Reich Air Ministry and
Deutsche Lufthansa.
1936 Lieutenant General Reich Air Ministry and
(Air Force) Deutsche Lufthansa.
Inspector General of the Air
Force
1938 General
1.9.39 General To operational Air Force.
11.4.-5.5.40 General Commander of Fifth Air Fleet.
Since 10.5.40 General Inspector General.
19.7.40 Field Marshal Inspector General.
Nov. 41 Field Marshal Id. and Chief of Air Force
Material (Development,
testing, procurement of Air
Force material).
April 42 Field Marshal Central Planning Board;
Allocation of raw materials.
March 44 Field Marshal Establishment of “Jaegerstab”.
Raising output of fighter
craft.
20.6.44 Field Marshal Resign posts of State
Secretary and Chief of Air
Force Material.
Jan. 45 Resign post of Inspector
General.
March 45 Field Marshal Hitler declines my
reinstatement.
4.5.45 Field Marshal Taken into British custody in
Holstein.
1 November 1946. [Signed] ERHARD MILCH
EXCERPTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT MILCH[139]
[March 11]
Erhard Milch, the defendant, took the stand and testified as follows:
JUDGE MUSMANNO: The defendant will raise his right hand and repeat after
me: I swear by God, the Almighty and Omniscient, that I will speak the
pure truth and will withhold and add nothing.
(The defendant repeated the oath.)
JUDGE MUSMANNO: You may be seated.
_DIRECT EXAMINATION_
DR. BERGOLD: Witness, I do not have to tell you the same thing I tell
all the other witnesses; namely, that you should speak slowly and all
that. You have heard that several times.
Give your full name.
DEFENDANT MILCH: Erhard Milch.
Q. When and where were you born?
A. On 30 March 1892, in Wilhelmshaven.
Q. Who were your parents?
A. My father was a clerk with the Kriegsmarine [navy], and my mother was
born Vetter.
Q. What education did you have?
A. I attended the Gymnasium in Wilhelmshaven, and then from 1905 on I
went to the Joachimsthalsche Gymnasium in Berlin.
Q. When did you matriculate?
A. In February 1910.
Q. What did you study then?
A. I didn’t study, but four days later I went to the First Foot
Artillery Regiment in Koenigsberg in East Prussia, and I joined that
regiment as a cadet.
* * * * *
Q. Witness, what was your position in the Third Reich in 1933?
A. I was State Secretary at that time; at first, it was not called a
ministry. It was called the Reich Commissar’s Office, because formal
measures for the formation of a ministry had to be considered both with
the Reich President as well as the Reichstag. At first, Goering was
Reich Commissar and I was Deputy Reich Commissar for Aviation. I think
it was in March that the Reich Ministry was formed; and at that moment I
became State Secretary.
* * * * *
[March 12]
Q. * * * Witness, is it correct to say that in your capacity as
Inspector General you had to make trips abroad too, that is, you had to
take care of the comradely relationship with the air forces of other
countries?
A. * * * Perhaps I can look up some notes to check the dates of my
trips. The visits which I made were only, some of them, in my capacity
as Inspector General. Some of them were made for purely personal
reasons, relations with people. For instance, the first visit which I
made at the request of Van Zeeland, the Belgian Prime Minister, that
must have been about 1936. I visited Belgium. The Belgian Ambassador in
Berlin, Count Kerkhove [Kerchove de Deuterghem], was a personal friend
of mine. One day he asked me to go to Belgium with him; the Prime
Minister Van Zeeland would like to see me. I was very astonished at this
idea and I asked him what the matter was. I then told him that I had to
have the permission of my superior officers. I received it. This was an
entirely private journey. The purpose of the trip, as I realized in
Belgium, was that Van Zeeland wished to come to terms with Germany, not
only formally but full-heartedly. Belgium, since the First World War,
had a treaty with France and was under an obligation to come to France’s
aid militarily by agreement with France. Van Zeeland wished to renounce
that treaty, and he wished to have similar terms with France as with
Germany. Belgium was also prepared in economic matters, which was a very
urgent point for Germany at the time, to make concessions, far-reaching
concessions. The visit started with a brief call on the King, who did
not refer to the purpose of the visit. This was purely a courtesy call,
but this call gave support to my trip. I saw that the Prime Minister
acted in accordance with his King. The plan as such—although as I
emphasized several times I am not a politician and it was not my
intention to interfere in foreign office matters, but here von Neurath
entirely agreed with my visit. He had not the bureaucratic mind—the
plan impressed me. Rather, I saw the possibility to create friendly
relations between Germany and Belgium, and via Belgium to France, and
later on via France to England itself.
I was convinced that the over-privileged policy of balance of power no
longer applied since the First World War. The powers in Europe had been
dislodged too much and joint friendship between France and Britain was
definitely a British interest in that sense.
When I returned I reported orally to von Neurath who entirely agreed
with that point of view. I also reported to Field Marshal von Blomberg,
who, apart from Goering, was my military superior. He took the same
line. I reported to Hitler and Goering. Both received my report but did
not express their own opinion. To my question whether and what I could
tell the Belgian Ambassador, I was told that would have to be done
through other channels, not through me. My orders had come to an end by
giving this report. This was my first visit and it was entirely
unofficial.
Then I went to Belgium in May 1987. At that time, as a Luftwaffe man, I
was officially received by the Commander in Chief of the Belgian Air
Force, General Duvivier; also by the Minister of War and other
officials. That was a very friendly visit which also led to very good
personal relations between ourselves and their pilots.
I was particularly interested in Belgium because in the First World War
Germany had marched through Belgium, had violated Belgian neutrality,
and had to make up for this now. I believed that the views as expressed
by Belgium on both occasions were aimed at finally burying the hatchet.
I assumed that there was a direct connection between my Belgian visit
and a visit by the French Ambassador Poncet who came to call on me in my
office and extended an invitation by the French Government on the
occasion of the International Exhibition. That visit took place from 4
to 9 October 1937 in Paris with the full approval of Goering and Hitler.
The visit was most impressive since I believe it was the first time
since 1867 that a German officer was able to pay an official friendly
visit to France. The French told me with the greatest satisfaction that
that was the first time the French Company of Honor had presented its
arms since the Prussian Crown Prince had visited Paris in 1867.
The French made great efforts to make the visit a success and I must say
they succeeded all along the line. The main point was joint military
inspections. Very cordial words were exchanged with the generals of the
French Air Force. I was accompanied by Udet and Count Kerkhove [Kerchove
de Deuterghem] who also had very good relations with France from other
times. The central point perhaps of the visit and its real purpose
occurred after a lunch given by Pierre Cot, the Minister of Aviation. On
my other side the Foreign Minister was sitting, and also the Minister of
the Navy was there. After lunch the three French Ministers, Wilmer, the
Commander in Chief of the French Air Force, Udet, and myself remained in
a special room and the French Foreign Minister asked me to take home
with me some propositions made by his office.
I should add that our German Ambassador in France was also there, also
in the smaller circle. When I said that I didn’t want to interfere in
his business, he himself did not take any notice of it. He said that the
most important thing was to report to Hitler on my impressions. He
himself could not approach Hitler. The Ambassador was then Count
Welczeck. I was extremely surprised; I had no idea. I couldn’t imagine
that the Head of State should not see his own Ambassador. On that basis
I said I would only act as a postman, and as such would transmit what I
would be told. I would give my very best own will.
The contents of the conversation were to have a far-reaching agreement
between the two countries, the main purpose being to establish a really
permanent and lasting peace between the two countries. I was able to
take over this assignment with the best conscience in the world. After
all, I said yesterday what I thought of military events in Europe in the
last thousand years. My impression was that the Foreign Minister was
very serious in this business, nor did I have any suspicions that this
might be a political trap and the Air Minister Cot who was always
described as communist in Germany, gave me a very good impression
indeed, and our conversations were very intimate and very frank.
The French Foreign Minister at that time was called Delbos. The farewell
on the Le Bourget Airfield led to fraternization between all of us, and
between ourselves and five or six of the highest French generals. I must
not forget that one of the oldest French generals, General Keller,
expressed with tears in his eyes that he was convinced that the thousand
years war between France and Germany was now a matter of the past. We
also were deeply moved.
On 9 October I flew from Paris to Berchtesgaden and reported to Hitler
at once. He ordered me to report to him as soon as I had returned. I may
perhaps say quite generally I could only see Hitler if Goering gave me
permission or ordered me to do so, or, of course, if Hitler himself
ordered me to come and see him. I myself could not go and see him as I
was merely a subordinate.
In the presence of Udet I gave a report to Hitler lasting over two hours
on the evening of the 9th of October, when my impression was still very
fresh. Hitler listened very attentively, asked a number of detailed
questions. I could tell him all about the various details which we saw
and heard, not so much the military ones, but the political details. I
could never talk enough about these things. After all, it was a fairly
long conversation with the Head of State. I recommended all these things
very warmly and I asked him to take this extended hand and he would
represent the greatest glory if he would succeed in coming to a lasting
agreement with France based on the very far-reaching economic community
between the two countries.
I compared this with the time of the German Customs League prior to 1870
when the German states were linked together only through this Customs
League. I recalled to his memory that both countries, France and
Germany, had been a unit and a community for centuries at one time, and
what was greatness at that time today merely meant a normal state. I
want to express in particular that nobody pleaded that the two countries
should be politically linked together but that political collaboration
was a necessity.
On 11 October, two days later, the Italian Ambassador called on me—
Q. Just a minute. I have to ask another question. Is it correct that
during this conversation you also offered to go as a special envoy to
France and to complete this task?
A. Oh yes, I told him that Count Welczeck should be called to Hitler in
order to give a report. Hitler said no, that is not necessary. I then
said that he must have somebody, if he wished to pursue this matter, who
enjoyed his confidence and also the confidence of the government to
which he was sent. I told him that I was prepared at all times to serve
under Welczeck as a special envoy only for that one task. I explained to
him that I regarded Welczeck as a man who enjoyed the confidence of the
French Government, and that it would be a pity if Hitler would not see
that man more frequently.
Q. Witness, did Hitler take a position on this question or did he keep
silent again as he did before?
A. Apart from putting questions to me he didn’t say anything decisive at
all. After all, I was not a Foreign Office official, and I could hardly
expect him to do so. Perhaps later on I can describe what I did as far
as Neurath is concerned.
Q. But before that I would ask you one more question. In Belgium and in
France were you told why you of all persons were approached by these
foreign countries and had the confidence of these countries?
A. The Belgians were explicit on that point. When I told Count Welczeck
that, after all, the Foreign Office was concerned here; that it would
not serve any useful purpose, he replied, “That will not be read higher
up. If you are the soldier coming to Hitler, he will listen to you, for,
after all, soldiers are your trump cards at the moment. Also we have
confidence in you, confidence that you will at least be able to see
Hitler; and he also has the confidence that you personally will do your
best in this respect.”
Q. Witness, at that time did others also approach you, other diplomatic
representatives, and lend you their confidence?
A. Yes.