_May 19th._--A report from St. Petersburg, dated the 14th instant,

says: “The news that Count Schuvaloff has been to Berlin and was

received by your Serene Highness has not failed to cause some surprise

here. It was reported immediately that Schuvaloff had been sent to

Berlin with a special mission and, as I learn from a well-informed

source, even Prince Gortschakoff’s own mind was not quite at rest with

regard to this rumour. The explanation is that the varying influence of

the Chief of the Third Department is unpleasant to the Chancellor, all

the more so as Prince Gortschakoff is aware that Schuvaloff dislikes

him, and the two Ministers are not always in agreement on questions of

principle.”

_May 21st._--We hear from St. Petersburg: “Prince Gortschakoff hopes

soon to receive communications respecting the International.... The

_tête-à-tête_ with Austria is certainly the best means of proceeding in

the matter. At this time of day a repressive treatment of the disease

is not in itself enough. The origin of the evil must be discovered, and

with it the antidote. Russia has resolved to suppress with the utmost

energy all disorders in which this dangerous association is involved.

The further communications to be made by me on the result of the

conference proposed by Count Andrassy are awaited here with interest.”

Bucher has left here to-day to join the Prince at Varzin.

_May 26th._--The following very academic, but none the less noteworthy,

dissertation written by Aegidi, as he says on instructions from Varzin,

may be read in to-day’s _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_: “The

attitude of the Conservative element in a country is of the greatest

consequence for its sound development. If there be no party which can

adopt into its programme the demands and requirements of a new period,

the altered conditions and principles of the present time, then the two

conceptions, conservative and reactionary, must be fatally confounded

together. The friends of the new order of things, whose aims have been

to a certain extent achieved, and who would therefore be glad to make

common cause with Conservatives in securing and consolidating the

existing order, cannot go hand in hand with reaction. They therefore

occupy an unstable position between the reactionary element and those

who want to go still further; but they remain at all times in closer

sympathy with the latter than with the former. Thus the State at every

new stage is deprived of the requisite steadying influences, and drifts

into a current which can only favour a determined reaction.

“Who will deny that the forces which promote change gave a salutary

and necessary impulse to public life? It is, however, an old political

axiom that the State also requires, and to as great an extent, those

forces that tend towards permanence and moderation. As a rule,

however, their chief service is considered to be to oppose change;

and such opposition is, indeed, frequently beneficial; but their

most useful work should be an entirely different character. The true

strength of the Conservative element in a State is to recognise at the

proper moment the essential features of the situation, to exercise

its judgment with an open mind and absolute freedom from visionary

aspirations, to acknowledge the rights and the true inwardness of the

living present, to keep immediately practical objects in view, and,

as a party devoted to the maintenance of what exists, to secure for

every stage of development a period of consolidation. Not in opposition

to the new era, but rather in union with its moral and positive

forces, can Conservatism find its true mission. By counteracting vain

tendencies to return towards the past, as well as to anticipate the

future, the Conservatives should consider themselves as the party of

the immediate present, and endeavour to secure for it the fulness of

its rights.”

Bucher, writing under yesterday’s date, requests me to secure the

insertion in one of the papers of a paragraph stating that he is

engaged with the Prince at Varzin, as he has been on similar occasions

during the past three years. He added: “This has been ignored on the

present occasion by the tame press, doubtless not unintentionally.”

(This, no doubt, means at the instance of Aegidi, who would like to

replace Bucher at Varzin.) Bucher reports that the Chief is in “very

good humour, rides a great deal, and enjoys his plantations.”

_June 16th._--A despatch addressed to the Imperial Chancellor from St.

Petersburg on the 10th instant says: “I have only been able to have

a very short conversation with Count P. Schuvaloff since his return

from Karlsbad. He thanked me once more for having been the means of

obtaining for him the very interesting interview which he had with

your Serene Highness. According to what he said on this subject, he

received the impression that your Serene Highness quite dissociated

the labour question from the treatment of the International. The

former should be thoroughly studied, and regulated as far as possible

by legislative action. At the same time, he did not think your Serene

Highness considered it desirable to take energetic measures against the

latter just now. Your whole attention was absorbed in the struggle with

the Catholic Church, and it appeared to him that your Serene Highness

did not wish unnecessarily to turn against the Government so useful a

weapon as the Socialist movement might ultimately prove to be against

clerical encroachments. Count Schuvaloff found no confirmation whatever

in the conversation which he had with your Serene Highness for the

supposition circulated here by Prince Gortschakoff that your Serene

Highness was opposed to a friendly understanding between Rome and

Russia.”

According to another report of the same date, “Gortschakoff had

accepted Antonelli’s assurances (see above), and had not signed

the protest proposed by Prussia against the title of Primate”

(Ledochowski’s), Tolstoi, the Minister of Education, had “remonstrated”

with him for not doing so, and “most strongly urged him to act in

concert with Prussia.”

_July 10th._--Bucher sends me from Varzin the following sketch of an

article: “A South German newspaper recently called attention to the

expediency, in view of the Pope’s state of health, of an understanding

between the Governments to promote the election of a successor of

moderate views. We hear that a suggestion to this effect has been

made by the German Imperial Government, but that it has up to the

present been received with favour by only two of the great Powers. The

reserve manifested by the others may in several cases be explained by

the circumstance that they consider their relations with the Catholic

Church to be so settled and assured by law that they may regard the

action of the Curia with indifference, while others, perhaps, believe

Germany to be in greater difficulties than themselves. This view is

only so far correct that the _ecclesia militans_, which is in a latent

state of war against every country with a regular system of government,

is engaged at the present moment in attacking Germany with exceptional

fury. But Germany, even if left isolated, would be able to repel these

attacks, and would be in no embarrassment if it became necessary to put

an end to the intimate relations which have hitherto existed between

Church and State, and to substitute for them the relations which obtain

in England and the United States. Pessimists might even say that it

would be all the better if the present Pope, who chastises with rods,

were followed by one who would scourge us with scorpions. The German

Government, however, desires to be at peace with the Catholics, and

desires the Catholics to be at peace among themselves.”

This sketch, “which is the result of this morning’s conversation at the

breakfast-table,” is to be used for an article in the _Weser_ or the

_Magdeburger Zeitung_. For the rest there will not be much journalistic

work just now, as the Prince is displaying a rather marked indifference

to newspaper business. Aegidi has been at Varzin for a few days, and

expressed a strong desire to relieve Bucher there. The Princess,

however, does not like him, and he therefore left on the 8th instant

for his father-in-law’s, without having improved his opportunities for

spying and eavesdropping on behalf of Keudell.

_July 11th._--This afternoon received two communications from Bucher.

(1) A suggestion for an article referring to that of Bamberger, “The

Genius of the Imperial Chancellor and the Genius of the Imperial Diet”

(Lindau’s _Gegenwart_, No. 24). It must be pointed out that “probably

the reason why the Jews, the former Jewish members of the Reichstag,

Lasker, Bamberger, Friedenthal, the representatives of Hamburg, and

perhaps a few more, have spoken and voted against the Jesuit laws, was

because they felt a dim presentiment that, in an outburst of general

indignation against themselves and their race, a demand may be made

for exceptional measures against them and their tactics,” (2) “The

Prince is now held responsible for the weakness of the Jesuit Bill,

but very unjustly. He only demanded the introduction of such a Bill,

but had nothing to do with the drafting of it. The first draft, which

was made in the Imperial Chancellerie, was modified and weakened in

the Ministry of State, and we believe we are correct in saying that

the Chancellor was by no means pleased with it, and made no secret of

his displeasure during Herr Wagner’s visit to Varzin after the Cabinet

Council. The Chancellor, however, declined to prepare a draft himself,

on the ground that at Varzin he had neither the necessary materials

nor the opportunity of personal communication with his colleagues, and

also because he relied upon the Reichstag to put backbone into it. The

result proved that he was right in his calculations.” Sent No. 1 to the

_Weser Zeitung_, and No. 2 to the _Kölnische Zeitung_. The former was

not printed, which is not to be wondered at, considering the influence

of the Jews in the journalistic world....

_July 13th._--Sent to the _Kölnische Zeitung_ the following letter,

based upon a report from Paris: “Hopes are entertained in the Orleanist

camp that, after the indirect abdication contained in the manifesto

of the Comte de Chambord, they will be able to proclaim the Comte de

Paris as King. This hope is not, however, shared by the more thoughtful

members of the party, although MacMahon is understood to show a leaning

towards the Duc d’Aumale, and many persons are even of opinion that

when Thiers hands over the reins of power his successor will not be

an Orleans, but some one very different--namely, Léon Gambetta. If

all signs are not deceptive, the cause of the sons of Louis Philippe

is just as certainly lost as that of the Comte de Chambord. They

can make no further progress by legal means in presence of the very

considerable accession of strength which the Republican minority in

the National Assembly obtained at the elections, and they have hardly

courage enough for an attempt to use force, which might, perhaps,

have succeeded two months ago. The centre of gravity now lies in the

Republican party, with whose assistance Thiers has hitherto held his

ground, and which the recent elections have further strengthened, as

against the monarchical parties. But Thiers’ position is very seriously

menaced by the reappearance on the scene of Gambetta, who will probably

in a short time induce the Left to desert him. Gambetta’s first object

would then be to form a purely Republican Cabinet, and that may be

expected to develop into a Grévy _régime_, which would one day suddenly

give place to a Gambetta dictatorship. Such a turn of affairs would

not be favourable for German interests. Thiers and Favre (of whom

the latter would be the first to fall a victim to the Parliamentary

Left) are unquestionably the statesmen who now and in the future would

suit us best. As to Gambetta, we know that he observed recently to

an acquaintance that the Republic would enable France to prosecute a

successful war of revenge against the Germans, and that he intended

to promote this end by every means in his power; and that even to-day

France was in a position to wage such a war if it were conducted

in a more revolutionary spirit. Of course he will not immediately

proclaim such views and intentions in the National Assembly. On the

other hand, it is expected that his support of the income tax will win

for him the gratitude of the poorer classes, the artisans, the small

bourgeoisie, and the peasants, amongst all of whom he has even now a

large following. By such means he and his friends will find their way

into the Paris Municipal Council, which is to be elected on the 23rd

instant. He has also no little influence with the army. In the first

place, the leading officers, like Faidherbe, are on his side; while

all those who were appointed by him during the war regard him as their

natural champion against the reductions in rank which the Government

contemplates; and, finally, he must have numerous friends among the

soldiers themselves, to judge from the voting of the troops stationed

in Paris at the last elections, when he received 1,700 of their votes,

while Cissey, the Minister of War, who had formerly been in command of

an army corps, got no more than 1,200 to 1,300.”

Bucher sends me the following paragraph from Varzin for circulation

in the press: “It is stated in a quarter, which, from its proximity,

might be expected to know better, that the domains granted to Prince

Bismarck in the Duchy of Lauenburg now return an annual income of

40,000 thalers, which may be easily increased to three times that

amount when the leases fall in. The truth is that the domains in

question now yield an annual return of 34,016 thalers, inclusive of

3,500 thalers for the rent of some shooting, and over 2,000 thalers

for the rent of certain manorial privileges which will lapse later on;

and that there is absolutely no land from which an important increase

of returns is to be expected, as the whole estate consists of forest,

which, after the deductions to be made on the cessation of the rights

above mentioned, will yield only an annual income of about 28,000

thalers.”

_July 18th._--R. had a conversation with Schuvaloff on the 30th ultimo,

respecting the social question, and is to continue the discussion

of the subject. The Chief has made marginal notes on several of the

Count’s observations, and amongst other things he calls attention to

the fact that savings banks founded by employers have existed for a

long time past in Germany, those established by Krupp and other large

manufacturers being particularly worthy of note. The Government would

be glad to do everything in its power to promote such institutions,

which indeed have already occupied the attention of the Legislature.

It is true that these savings banks are not a preventive against

strikes. They exercise, however, a very beneficial influence on the

more sensible section of the labouring classes. Courts of arbitration

were also useful. Finally, the Government has long had the intention

of supplementing the criminal law, particularly with respect to

associations under foreign control, and to the intimidation of workers

who do not wish to join a strike. These questions must however be

treated in a systematic way, which has been impossible up to the

present, owing to the protracted illness of the Minister of Justice.

The Prince himself does not wish to enter upon this task in the amateur

fashion common in Russia.... A thorough preliminary study on the

part of the various Ministries concerned will also be necessary in

connection with the proposed conference between ourselves and Austria,

if they are to lead to any practical result. The Ministries in question

include that of Justice, as well as those of the Interior, of Commerce

and Industry, and of Public Works. The latter has already discussed

the social-political question with certain authorities on the basis

that the State can only undertake to deal with the labour difficulty

so far as it may be rightly considered to come within its province.

Questions that lie within the competency of the Legislature are first

to be considered in the Ministries of the Interior and of Justice.

The position of the preliminary inquiries renders it impossible to

fix a date for the meeting of the German and Austrian Commissioners,

although there is every desire to hasten it. For the rest, the Prussian

Legislature has already adopted various measures for the better

maintenance and regulation of the institutions and funds for the

relief of the working classes. Tribunals of commerce and arbitration

for settling differences between employers and employed are also under

consideration, and indeed have been provided in certain instances by

means, in particular, of the Prussian Trade Regulations and the other

laws extending the same, such as the Mines Act and the Roads and Canals

Construction Act.

_July 19th._--Received the following letter from Bucher:--

“Verehrtester Herr Doctor,--No chance for you up to the present. (I had

asked for more work.) He reads the newspapers with the impartiality

of a _rentier_, amuses himself and sometimes gets a little angry, but

does not show the slightest inclination to interfere. (A circumstance

which does not worry me.) When the Karlsbad cure is finished and I

am relieved by Wartensleben on the 1st of August, the prospect will

improve. The letters are becoming intolerable, and he is thinking of

issuing a sort of proclamation against them. Perhaps you could spare

him that trouble if you could secure the insertion in some remote but

widely circulated paper of a communication to the following effect

which should be dated from Stolp:--

“‘Notwithstanding the notice in the _N. A. Z._ that, &c., there

is a rapid increase in the number of private letters addressed

to Prince B. with requests for assistance, loans, appointments,

purchases of estates, redemption of pawned goods, recommendations

of all descriptions and proposals of the most various kinds for the

improvement of the world, together with offers of manuscripts for which

it has been impossible to find a publisher, &c. Attempts are made to

force the Imperial Chancellor to open and read these letters himself

by registering them, or marking the envelopes “Private,” “Important,”

“Please to read personally,” or by claiming special introductions.

Others address themselves to the Councillor of Embassy Bucher, and

expect him to disturb the repose which is so necessary for the cure by

communicating the contents of epistles, which usually begin with the

stereotyped formula: “Although I know that you have little time and the

Prince still less, I trust it will nevertheless be possible to make an

exception in the present instance.” The Prince has therefore given

instructions recently that no letters addressed to him privately are to

be taken in, unless they can be recognised as coming from relations or

friends.’

“The communication should be given as if coming from an inhabitant of

Stolp who had been here on a visit, but without exactly saying this.

Yours very truly,” (In English.) This was immediately prepared for the

_Kölnische Zeitung_, in which it appeared a few days later.

_July 29th._--A report of the 27th instant contains the following

passage: “Count Tauffkirchen, who recently arrived at Munich on leave

from Rome, gave W. some particulars of what he had ascertained shortly

before his departure respecting the alleged Bull ‘Præsenti cadavere.’

As already known, a Bull of Pius VI. of the year 1797 prescribes a

term of ten days which must elapse before the election of a new Pope

can be proceeded with. On the other hand, the _Bullarium Romanum_,

volume xiii., page 92, contains a Bull of Pius VII., dated the 6th

of February, 1807, which modifies this provision and prescribes

formalities to be observed in the election of a Pope in case of

political disturbances. It provides that the interval of ten days

need _not_ be kept if more than half the Cardinals (that is, at the

present time, 125) decide otherwise. It is not necessary to wait for

the foreign Cardinals, although they must be invited. The Cardinal Dean

(Patrizzi), the _Capi d’Ordini_ (de Angelis and Antonelli), as well as

the _Camerlengo_, have to decide where the election is to be held. It

is probable that the next election will take place in accordance with

these directions.”

_August 10th._--Sent the _Kölnische Zeitung_ the following letter,

dated from Rome, which I wrote from information contained in a

despatch: “The _Nazione_ publishes a series of articles entitled

‘L’Esclusiva al Conclave,’ which proves that the civil powers--and not

only Austria, France, Spain and Portugal as hitherto, but also the

King of Italy and the German Emperor, have an unquestionable right

to enter an effective protest against the election of candidates for

the Papal dignity who do not appear to them to be suitable. In the

course of this argument, the journal in question alluded to the Emperor

William as follows: The creed professed by the bearer of the supreme

authority in a State can exercise no influence upon the relations of

that State, or upon his own relations with the Church. The Emperor is

a Protestant, but as the ruler of several millions of Catholics, and

as their lawful representative, he would be perfectly within his right

if he desired to exercise his influence on the election of a new Pope.

It would be unnatural to deny him this right while not contesting it

to the King of Spain, whose rule does not extend over a larger number

of Catholic subjects; or to the King of Portugal, who has much fewer

Catholic subjects than the German Emperor. The latter’s position does

not involve any sacramental or dogmatic question, but simply and solely

a civil and legal relation, namely, the representation of his Catholic

subjects. Besides, after the Reformation, the electors who took part in

the election of the Catholic German Emperor included three Protestant

princes. On the consecration of the Emperor by the Bishops of Mainz,

Cologne, and Trèves, the Protestant electoral princes joined in the

symbolic rites. Indeed, the bishops received from their hands the crown

which they placed upon the Emperor’s head, and those princes attended

the Catholic Mass on the occasion. They thus took part with Catholic

bishops in Catholic rites. Every one must recognise that the German

Emperor, in exercising by means of his veto an indirect influence upon

the election of the Pope by the Conclave, performs an act which has

far less of a spiritual character than the direct co-operation of the

Protestant electors in the coronation of the old Catholic Emperors.

Towards the end of the article, the writer says that Pius IX. has

already repeatedly violated ancient and venerable principles of the

Church. If he questions the right to reject unpopular candidates,

which is based upon the fundamental laws of the Church, he runs the

risk of his successor not being recognised, and of thus giving rise

to a ruinous schism. So far the Italian organ. It is quite another

matter whether the German Emperor and his counsellors propose to take

advantage of the _Esclusiva_ in question.”

_August 15th._--On the 12th instant Eckart, of Hamburg, again sent

the Foreign Office a report of the contents of some of the Russian

periodicals. This includes a reference to an article by an “American,”

or, more correctly, an Englishman, named Dixon, who indulges in a

number of silly statements as to the intentions of Germany respecting

the Baltic Provinces of Russia. These are to be refuted, and I am

doing so in a communication to the _Kölnische Zeitung_, which runs as

follows: “In the July number of the Russian monthly _Besseda_, we find

an article by the much talked-of and prolific writer Hepworth Dixon,

in which the Russians are urgently warned against the German agitation

for the Baltic Provinces, which must necessarily lead to the next

European war. According to Dixon it resembles the former agitation

for the separation of Schleswig-Holstein from Denmark, which after

modest beginnings ultimately swept German statesmen forward in spite of

themselves. It is true that up to the present the more sensible section

of the German people will not hear of it. The leading statesmen in

particular, including Prince Bismarck, are thoroughly and in principle

opposed to it. Experience teaches, however, that fanatics are always

more energetic and active than those who weigh the consequences of

their acts; and it may therefore be regarded as certain that the

agitation in Germany, which is maintained by skilful agents from the

Baltic, will continue to spread and lead finally to a war with Russia.

The _Golos_ finds it incumbent to commend to the consideration of the

Russian public these silly lucubrations of a writer who obviously

knows still less of Germany, its requirements and aspirations, than he

does of Switzerland, upon which he recently published some few hundred

pages of moonshine. That is really quite unnecessary. The only grain

of truth in Mr. Dixon’s wisdom is that no leading German statesmen

and no sensible people in Germany give a moment’s thought to Curland

and Livonia in the same sense as they once did to Schleswig-Holstein.

The agitation, which was not initiated with much skill, and was from

the very beginning hollow, has not increased, but on the contrary

has long since died out, with the exception of some faint echoes in

opposition newspapers, whose faith in the cause they plead is itself

slender. Every one with the least insight into the facts knows that

‘German’ Russia, with its one German to every ten inhabitants, cannot

for an instant be assimilated to Schleswig-Holstein, nor Russia herself

to Denmark; and furthermore, that we have not the least right to

interfere in the administration of those provinces, nor the slightest

interest in their conquest, which would only extend our straggling

Eastern frontier, and render it less capable of defence. We have

entirely omitted from our consideration the circumstance that we have

in Russia a friendly neighbour, whose good will, which has been of

great advantage to us in a recent very critical period, we desire to

cultivate further. It might, however, have occurred to Mr. Dixon, if

he were not a lightning thinker of superficial judgment and meagre

knowledge.”

_August 18th._--A few days ago Balan, who now performs the functions of

Secretary of State, wrote to Prince Reuss, who is at present staying at

Nordernay, respecting the approaching visit to Berlin of the Emperors

Alexander and Francis Joseph. “As Prince Bismarck had let him know

that he considered it desirable to ascertain the views of the German

Ambassadors to both Courts respecting the manner in which the question

of precedence was regarded by the Courts of St. Petersburg and Vienna,”

he begged Prince Reuss to inform him. Reuss replied as follows under

yesterday’s date: “As your Excellency is aware, the Emperor Alexander

had at first fixed upon the 6th of September as the date of his

arrival. This plan was altered, and the Emperor told me that if it

were agreeable to his Majesty he would arrive in Berlin on the evening

of the 5th. Count Schuvaloff explained to me that the motive of this

alteration was the desire of the Emperor to arrive somewhat earlier

than the Emperor Francis Joseph. That the question of precedence was

involved was evident from the statement of the Count that whilst he was

at Stuttgart the Emperor Alexander had also arrived somewhat earlier,

in order to secure precedence of the Emperor Napoleon. I also gather

that the Emperor Alexander attributes a certain importance to his

earlier appearance, as indicating that he is the older friend. I do

not believe however that he would be inclined to insist upon having

precedence during the whole period of his visit.”

A letter of the 16th instant from Berne says: “My assumption that

the appointment of Herr von Niethhammer as (Bavarian) Envoy to

Switzerland may be regarded as a kind of demonstration against the

Imperial Government seems to be confirmed. That gentleman hopes for a

Gasser Ministry, and in competent quarters here he praises the King

of Bavaria, who is not disposed to sink to the level of the small

Princes who come to Berlin. Moreover, he expresses views of such an

absurdly Particularist and Ultramontane character that he frequently

excites somewhat contemptuous surprise, and gets snubbed for his pains.

As to Prince Gortschakoff, who has been elsewhere described as the

‘garrulous’ Chancellor, he gives it to be understood everywhere that

he considers it desirable for Russia to draw nearer to the Vatican in

the same measure as others draw away from it, and that he seems to have

already succeeded in this policy.”

Bucher, writing from Varzin, sends me the following paragraph for

Brass: “In case the Prince’s health permits him to travel, he will

proceed to Berlin at the beginning of September, going from there to

Marienburg, and returning thence to Varzin.”

_August 27th._--This evening read the answer of the Emperor Alexander

to the invitation to meet the German and Austrian Emperors in Berlin.

It is written in very cordial terms, and runs as follows:--

“Mon cher Oncle,--Votre lettre si amicale du 16/28 juillet,

pour laquelle je Vous ai dejà remercié par télégraphe, m’a fait un

plaisir véritable. J’avais effectivement l’intention d’employer la fin

du mois d’août à des courses d’inspection dans le midi de la Russie,

mais ayant appris par le Prince Reuss, que ma présence à Berlin,

simultanée avec celle de l’Empereur d’Autriche, était desirée par Vous,

je me suis empressé de m’arranger de façon à pouvoir me rendre à Votre

aimable invitation.

“Je pense comme Vous, mon cher Oncle, que notre entrevue à trois pourra

avoir une importance fort grave pour l’interêt du bien-être de Nos

états et de la paix du monde. Que Dieu nous vienne en aide!

“Quant à la joie immense de Vous revoir je crois n’avoir besoin de vous

en parler, car l’affection que je Vous porte n’est pas chose nouvelle

pour Vous.

“Je me fais aussi une véritable fête de revoir Votre brave et belle

garde à laquelle je suis fier d’appartenir grâce à Votre constante

amitié, dont Vous m’avez donné une si belle preuve sous les murs mêmes

de Paris.

“Je Vous demande la permission d’amener avec moi mes fils Alexandre et

Wladimir, car je tiens, comme Vous le savez, à ce que les sentiments

qui nous unissent et que nous avons hérités de Nos Parents puissent se

conserver et se perpétuer aussi dans la nouvelle génération.

“Le Prince Reuss ayant communiqué Votre gracieuse invitation à mon

frère Nicolas, il en a été très heureux et me précédera à Berlin de

quelques jours, si Vous le permettez.

“La presence de Vos officiers distingués à nos occupations, en camp de

Krasnoe-Selo, fût une grande satisfaction pour moi, et j’espère qu’ils

en auront emporté un aussi bon souvenir que celui qu’ils ont laissé

parmi nous.

“Oh! que je me réjouis de la perspective de Vous répéter de vive voix

l’assurance de l’amitié sincère avec laquelle je suis, mon cher Oncle,

Votre tout devoué neveu et ami,

“Alexandre.”

_September 8th._--To-day the Chief gave a great diplomatic dinner

in honour of the members of the suites accompanying the Russian and

Austrian Emperors. Of our people, Von Thile, Von Keudell, Von Bülow,

Philippsborn, and Bucher were present. The latter, with whom I had a

long _tête-à-tête_ in the evening, said: “I have seldom seen such a

collection of weird faces as those Russians. The Hamburger is a regular

Stock Exchange Jew. Jomini looks like a professor--you know there are

professors who understand how to make themselves agreeable to ladies.

There were also some strange specimens among the Austrians. I said so

afterwards to the son, Herbert (so I understood him, but Bucher always

speaks in a whisper and not very clearly), and he replied: ‘Yes, you

are right, although many people would not trust themselves to say it

aloud--but it is true all the same.’”

This evening we remained till 11 o’clock at the Ministry, where I had

to write another article for the _Kölnische Zeitung_ on the election

of the Pope, which was directed, amongst other things, against the

assertion of the _Catholique_ that this election was of world-wide

significance. Afterwards Bucher and I had a bottle of red wine at

Friedrich’s, when he gave me a great deal of interesting news. Keudell,

he said, had long been on the look-out for a substantial embassy, and

the Chief has now given him Constantinople. He, Bucher, fancied that

this was done because Keudell was of little further use to the Prince,

as he was taking leave at every moment--town leave while the Reichstag

was sitting. Constantinople was selected because a great luminary was

not required there. Keudell would not do much as an Ambassador, as

he had no ideas of his own. Here he frequently borrowed one from the

Chief, and made use of it for his own purposes; but on the Bosphorus,

far away from the Wilhelmstrasse, he would have to stand on his own

legs, and, in any emergency, he would hardly be equal to it. He could

hold his tongue, and that was of some value; but his political acumen

was confined to his own personal affairs, in regard to which he always

knew how to improve his opportunities. I then mentioned that on one

occasion when I was speaking of the East Prussians, Keudell’s fellow

countrymen, and said that all those with whom I had had any dealings

were thoroughly selfish, the Chancellor tersely added: “Jewish horse

dealers” (Pferde Juden). Referring to Aegidi, Bucher repeated what he

had formerly said, namely, that he was brought to us by Keudell in

order to act as his correspondent, spy, and intermediary after his

departure, keeping him posted in current affairs and in the ideas of

the Chief, and getting his praises sung in the newspapers as often as

possible....

Bucher then mentioned that during the last week at Varzin the Chief

had almost given up riding, but had, on the other hand, driven about

the country a great deal, and that, too, in a basket carriage without

springs, a very unpleasant conveyance when it bumped over the roots of

fir trees which project across the paths. He had never seen the Prince

look so cheerful as on the day of his silver wedding. In the morning,

as they were about to go to church, they could not find a dress-coat

for his Highness, but, just as he was preparing good-humouredly to

submit to his fate, they discovered a very ancient garment of the

kind required in some forgotten wardrobe, which he then donned for the

festive occasion. Finally, in the evening, he brewed for himself and

the company a potent beverage, composed of two bottles of port, one of

old arrack, and one of champagne, which he quaffed gaily long after

Bucher had had more than enough, and gone off to bed. After the second

glass the Countess fell so fast asleep in her rocking-chair that she

could be heard--breathing aloud....

_September 15th._--A Ministerial crisis has been in progress in Munich

for weeks past, and it is said that Gasser has a fair prospect of

becoming Premier. His wife, a Von Radowitz and a friend of the King

with whom his Majesty is in constant correspondence, is credited in a

report of the 1st instant with “no inconsiderable share in the Cabinet

crisis which the Sovereign has provoked.” According to a report from

B. of about the same date, Von Daxenberger, the Councillor of State,

is disposed to support Gasser’s candidature. At least it is said

there that “he is in closer agreement both in political and religious

questions with Bray than with the present Minister”; that in speaking

to B. he had “endeavoured to represent Gasser as a man of moderate

views, whilst he was inclined to depreciate Lutz.”

To-day I forwarded to the _Kölnische Zeitung_ a letter dated from

Munich for which Bucher conveyed to me the Chief’s instructions. It

stated that the Ministerial crisis was not yet at an end, and asserted

positively that the Secretary of State, von Lobkowitz, the prospective

Minister of Finance, was especially active in promoting a Gasser

Cabinet. On the other hand, the report that the Councillor of State,

Von Daxenberger, is also working in the same direction seems less

worthy of credence. “No argument on the subject,” was the Chief’s

instruction.

_October 10th._--Arnim recently (date not noted) sent the Chancellor

a rather lengthy statement of his opinion that Thiers should not be

supported any longer, as he was only strengthening France for the

benefit of Gambetta. He also hinted that we might give our support

to others, in which case there would be plenty to make overtures to

us. The Ambassador said he had severed his connection with B., who

had shown himself quite incapable, but he was now employing another

agent of the same description, who seemed in general to justify the

confidence placed in his cleverness and powers of hearing. Prince

Czartoryski had recommended to his political friends in the province

of Posen, as Parliamentary candidate, the parish priest of Zduny,

a man of strong clerical and nationalist sentiments, and a friend

of Kozmian. Further, a French political agent, named Orlowski, was

stationed at Dantzig, where he passed himself off as a commercial

traveller. Samuel, the Chief of the French Secret Police, was now

staying at Lunéville. Ladislaus Witkowski, a Jesuit, who spent several

years in Rome, and who was made a Knight of the Legion of Honour on

Czartoryski’s recommendation, had been sent by the Prince to the Grand

Duchy of Posen, in order to promote an agitation among the peasantry.

Witkowski was thirty-eight years of age, tall and stout, grows a

beard, and wears plain clothes. He would probably put up at Kozmian’s.

In Paris, he resided with the Jesuit, Jelowicki, who has recently

paid several visits to Posen, and appeared to act as a channel for

communication between Rome and the Grand Duchy. Witkowski might also

have instructions from Samuel.

_November 8th._--This evening received from Bucher, who has returned

to Varzin with the Chief, the outline of a communication to be

dated from Stolp, and sent to the _Kölnische Zeitung_, and which

should run somewhat as follows: “Permit me to constitute myself ‘An

Occasional Correspondent’ from Pomerania, as I have accidentally come

into possession of more detailed information than the professional

correspondents seem to possess. There are no indications at Varzin

of an approaching departure. I cannot say whether a very active

correspondence is maintained with Berlin, but when the Prince, in

speaking at his own fireside of a reform of the Upper Chamber, declares

it to be of necessity for our public life, it is hardly likely that

his colleagues will be unacquainted with his views in this respect.

Furthermore, if one bears in mind certain conversations which are

understood to have taken place, at the Parliamentary _soirées_, during

the debate on the Inspection of Schools Bill, some idea can be formed

of the direction of the intended changes. It may therefore be assumed

that, as the Upper Chamber is only a poor imitation of the English

House of Lords, for which neither our history nor the position of our

landed aristocracy affords any justification, its future character

will have to be rather that of a Senate or Council of State combining

greater intelligence and usefulness.”

_November 22nd._--Last week a local paper--I think it was Glasbrenner’s

_Montagszeitung_--and the _Deutsche Presse_ of Frankfurt, published a

paragraph, which was in all probability inspired by Aegidi, stating on

good authority that Herr von Keudell would shortly be recalled from

Constantinople in order to take over the post of Secretary of State

at the Foreign Office, as Herr von Balan must sooner or later return

to Brussels. I sent this to Bucher, who would seem to have laid it

before the Prince, as Aegidi said to me to-day that the Chief had asked

for information respecting its origin. He added: “I will write to the

_Montagszeitung_, but I have little hope of ascertaining anything.” At

that moment I had in my pocket the following rough draft of a paragraph

which I had received from Bucher: “The long absence of the Prince

from Berlin, and the unfavourable reports as to his health that have

been circulated by enemies of his, and also under the cloak of regret

by certain friends who hanker after his inheritance, have encouraged

the hopes of those who desire a change, which it is well known would

not be unwelcome to a certain _exalted lady_.” Bucher added: “If you

cannot get this into a (non-official) paper you may perhaps mention it,

unintentionally as it were, to some one who will circulate it in the

Press.” I secured its insertion, expanded to a somewhat greater length,

in the _Hannoverscher Courier_, from which it was copied by other

newspapers, such as the _Schwaebischer Mercur_ (of the 16th inst.)...

_December 16th._--During the past few weeks wrote a number of minor

newspaper paragraphs upon the Chief’s instructions, as transmitted

to me by Bucher from Varzin, and latterly from here. To-day again I

wrote a somewhat longer article for the _Kölnische Zeitung_, for which

Bucher brought me down directions. It ran as follows: “Last week a

number of obscure and confused reports were circulated in a portion of

the press respecting the intentions of the Imperial Chancellor on his

return from Varzin. According to one of these rumours, Prince Bismarck

proposes to resign the office of President of the Ministry of State,

and, of course, also that of Minister for Foreign Affairs. Another

declares that he is thinking of withdrawing from all co-operation in

Prussian internal affairs. It should be pointed out in reply that the

foregoing ‘of course’ is in direct contradiction to the facts. We have

it on the best authority that the Prince has no idea of resigning the

office of Minister for Foreign Affairs, and, consequently, does not

intend to retire from the Prussian Ministry of State. In view of the

close connection existing between Prussia and Germany, such a course

would be inconceivable, unless he were at the same time to give up the

Chancellorship of the Empire. On the other hand, the rumour in question

is correct to the extent that the Prince desires to be relieved of the

Presidency of the Prussian Council of Ministers. Therefore, in future,

if the Emperor approves, the Prince will hold the positions, first

of German Imperial Chancellor, together with that of Chief Prussian

Representative in the Federal Council, and will remain Minister for

Foreign Affairs, and as such retain his seat in the Prussian Ministry.

The Prince’s reasons for resigning the Presidency of the Prussian

Council of Ministers and restricting his share in the administration

of Prussia are, in the first place, the absolute impossibility of

continuing to devote the necessary energy to the duties of the various

offices which he has hitherto held without danger to his health, which,

by the way, is now happily restored. Under the ‘collegial’ system

which prevails in the Prussian Ministry, the Presidency requires the

undivided attention of a statesman in robust health. The same applies

equally to the office of Foreign Minister for the Empire, as well as

to the other duties devolving upon the Prince as Imperial Chancellor.

As it is, it will be a severe effort for him to perform the duties

of those offices which he proposes to retain, and he could scarcely

continue to do so in a satisfactory manner if he were not so ably

assisted and represented, as he has hitherto been, by the leading

officials of the Empire. Another reason, which may have decided

the Prince to ask to be relieved of the Presidency of the Prussian

Council of Ministers may be the desire to bear, in future, a smaller

share of responsibility than he has hitherto done, for the policy and

decisions of the departmental Ministers, who, in consequence of the

collegial system[7] above mentioned, are very largely independent of

the President. The Mühler Ministry may be remembered as illustrating

the drawbacks of this system. It allowed an official department to

be utilised for the furtherance of ultramontane interests, and its

real character was only detected by the Minister President after

it had placed all sorts of difficulties in the way of his policy.

The relations between Prussia and Germany will not be rendered less

intimate by the alteration which the Prince has in view. As Foreign

Minister, he has hitherto been the intermediary between Prussia and the

rest of Germany. In that capacity, he has held direct communication

with the King as German Emperor and has instructed the Prussian

representatives in the Federal Council. All these duties and powers

must unquestionably, and will, therefore, continue to be, performed

and exercised by him after his resignation of the Presidency of the

Prussian Council of Ministers.”

_December 18th._--According to a letter from a trustworthy source in

Munich, King Lewis recently sent Prince Adalbert a note, of which the

following is the substance: The Prince had taken the initiative in the

matter of the Gasser Ministry, therefore the discredit attaching to the

failure of that attempt must fall upon him. Consequently, his Majesty

must in future imperatively forbid all interference by the Prince in

State affairs.

1873.

_January 1st._--I note the following from a communication from

Stuttgart, based upon a conversation with Mittnacht respecting the

cause of the dismissal of Baron von Egloffstein (till recently

President of King Charles’s Cabinet), and the situation created

thereby. The King is determined to fulfil his duties towards the

Empire, but Egloffstein had constantly endeavoured to influence

him in a Particularist direction. Since 1870 Queen Olga has been

apprehensive for the existence of Würtemberg, and is confirmed in these

apprehensions by the ladies of her _entourage_, and in particular by

the Baroness von Massenbach as well as by Von Egloffstein, who, at

the instance of the Queen, has also been endeavouring to influence

the King. The Ministry was therefore obliged to demand the removal of

Egloffstein from his post, and to this the King at once consented....

_January 21st._--An instructive and entertaining dissertation on the

“history of a semi-official newspaper article” might be written from

the following entries in my diary. I content myself with providing the

material for it, and adding a few words calculated to give a true idea

of the origin and value of this much debated work. Rumour had already

been busy for a considerable time when the _Kölnische Zeitung_ on the

10th instant published the following “disclosures”:--

“When the Upper Chamber resumed the consideration of the District

Regulations last autumn, the necessity of the reform was so fully

recognised in the highest quarters that not only Count Eulenburg, the

Minister of the Interior, but the Sovereign also had committed himself

to that measure. As far back as February, 1872, the Ministry, in view

of the attitude of the Upper House, passed a resolution declaring its

approval in principle of a reform of the Chamber--a reform which was,

indeed, to be based solely on the idea of a Council of State, and not

on that of a real Chamber of Peers in the English sense.[8] Naturally

such a radical change found many opponents in exalted circles, and even

the Liberal party received the proposed reform with relative coolness,

being much more interested in an energetic handling of the District

Regulations question. At this juncture they regarded the District

Regulations as the ‘bird in the hand,’ and showed little appreciation

for the reform of the Upper Chamber, which they looked upon rather as

the ‘two in the bush.’

“The leading statesman thought differently. He was of opinion that

if one secured a twenty mark piece (the reform of the Upper House)

it would be an easy matter to get change for it and secure also the

thaler (the District Regulations). When, therefore, in the autumn the

Upper House again showed itself recalcitrant, its attitude was by no

means unwelcome at Varzin, though there was no particular enthusiasm

for a creation of peers. In fact something more was desired. Hence the

hints given to individual members of the Upper House that the Prince,

who was then away on leave, was not at all keen about the District

Regulations. In short it looked as if the then President of the

Prussian Council of Ministers had no objection to an amendment of the

Bill in the direction proposed by the Upper House, and did not want any

secret made of his views to certain of his colleagues who were members

of that Chamber. If this is an accurate statement of facts it is easy

to conjecture what plans were being laid. The Prince would have had

an opportunity of intervening, and ultimately the Upper House would

have been confined to that consultative position which he regards as

indispensable, if it is to be retained as a living factor in the State.

It will be remembered that this scheme was frustrated by a creation

of peers. The latter measure was opposed in a memorandum from Varzin,

which declared in favour of an immediate reform of the House of Peers.

But this proposal was supported only by one member of the Ministry,

namely Count Roon. Count Eulenburg carried the day with the majority of

the Cabinet, the hints given to certain members of the Upper House with

regard to amendments of the District Regulations Bill having in the

meantime reached the ears of the Sovereign.

“Prince Bismarck and Count Roon were therefore left together in the

minority, although the former, as Minister President, still bore in

the eyes of the public the responsibility for a policy which he had

expressly opposed within the Cabinet. This was very little to the taste

of the Imperial Chancellor, for whom it was a fresh illustration of the

drawbacks of the collegial system obtaining in the Prussian Council of

Ministers.

“Here, therefore, he hoped to find an opportunity for intervention and

reform, while taking up once more the question of reorganising the

Upper House, which always occupied the first place in his thoughts.

When he left Varzin he was already preceded by a swarm of rumours,

all of which turned upon his relations with the Prussian Ministry and

an extension of the Imperial Ministries. It almost appeared as if

henceforth Prussia’s task was to be confined to her domestic affairs.

Like the navy, the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Communications,

the army seemed fated to fall within the jurisdiction of the Imperial

Chancellor, so that the head of the War Office would, as a Minister of

State, occupy about the same position towards the Imperial Chancellor

as General Stosch in his capacity of chief of the Admiralty, and Herr

Delbrück as President of the Federal Chancellerie. The Emperor’s

decrees on military matters would never again be countersigned by

the Prussian Minister of War, but by the Imperial Chancellor, &c.

Concurrently with these changes the Constitution would become more

homogeneous, and the formation of a real Cabinet would ensue, with

a chief who would be able to pursue an independent, and, indeed, a

personal policy, and, through the members of the Cabinet, extend it

even beyond the limits of that body.

“This plan, however, seems to have never yet been developed officially

to its full extent. When it became known in exalted quarters (where the

remembrance was still fresh of the hints conveyed to the Upper House

respecting the District Regulations) that, in existing circumstances,

the Minister President was as such no longer disposed to allow himself

to be outvoted and saddled with a policy which was not his own, the

question of filling the gap was bound to arise. Count Eulenburg, who

had just carried off the victory, and who once before, within the last

year, had been selected for a similar position, was naturally one of

the first to be considered in the Royal deliberations. At the same

time it was beyond doubt that, under the Presidency of Count Eulenburg,

who had just secured a victory over Prince Bismarck in the Cabinet on

the question of the creation of peers, further co-operation on the part

of the Minister for Foreign Affairs in matters of specifically Prussian

interest could not be expected. Count Roon’s position was different.

He had also tendered his resignation on the ground that he had been

outvoted, and the Sovereign was strongly indisposed to part from him.

His appointment as President of the Council of Ministers in succession

to the Prince would by no means constitute a disavowal by the King of

the Chancellor’s views with regard to the reform of the Upper House, as

Count Roon had gone hand in hand with Prince Bismarck in this respect.

Both men, who had had intimate personal relations with each other for

years, speedily came to an understanding. Count Roon, notwithstanding

his Conservative leanings, had long since frankly adopted the policy of

the Imperial Chancellor. He had already proved his determination in the

struggle with the clergy over the Old Catholic army chaplaincies and

the encroachments of the military Bishop, Nanczonowski, and he now made

no difficulty about adopting in every particular the programme of the

retiring Prussian Prime Minister with regard to the fight against Rome.

Both statesmen were in the most perfect agreement in the question of

the Upper House. The Civil Marriage Bill had to be set aside for a time

without going into its merits, as the Ministers had not yet decided

what compensation should be given to the Evangelical clergy in return

for the perquisites and fees which they would lose. On the other hand,

the Imperial Chancellor was in a position to promise his support for an

ultimate increase in the demands made upon the Reichstag for the Army

Budget of the Empire, in the event of a second chief of the military

administration, whom it was proposed to appoint, being more closely

connected as Minister of State with the Imperial Chancellor. In short

an intimate alliance and a cordial understanding were arrived at by

which part of Bismarck’s original programme was immediately realised,

the rest being postponed, without prejudice, to a future time.”

This article was followed on the 14th of January by the following

explanation, which appeared in the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_:--

“The _Kölnische Zeitung_ of the 10th instant contains an article on

the secret history of the Prussian crisis, which it prefaces with the

assurance that it has been derived from trustworthy sources. We are

unable to say how far this assurance is justified in every particular,

but we must contradict the statement that the Imperial Chancellor ever

encouraged the opposition against the District Regulations Bill in the

Upper House, or that any attempt whatever was made from Varzin to open

up communications with the existing Opposition.

“After the Upper House had amended certain paragraphs in contradiction

to the spirit of the Bill, and to the report of the Lower House, the

Prince gave it to be understood that the constitutional procedure

should be followed, namely, that the amendments of the Upper House

should be dealt with once more in the Lower House, and opposed the idea

of closing the session of the Diet after this first hostile vote of the

Upper House, and forcing the position by a creation of peers.

“It is true that, on the unexpected resolution of the Upper House

rescinding its own amendments, the Prince urged strongly that the

reform of the Upper Chamber should be taken in hand at once, before

proceeding further with the District Regulations Bill, and he still

considers this reform to be one of pressing necessity, though it should

not take the form of a consultative Council of State, but rather that

of a two chamber system, under which the Upper House, however, must

strike root and carry weight in the country.”

On the 20th of January the same organ went still farther in its

comments on the disclosures of the _Kölnische Zeitung_:--

“We have already specified some inaccuracies in this article without

entering into a complete contradiction of it. We are now in a position

to assert that, in our humble opinion, this article contains about

a dozen statements of very doubtful accuracy.... As, however, the

Minister President has expressed in the Diet a wish that the discussion

of this subject in the press should be brought to a close, and as we

do not intend to run counter to a desire uttered in such a quarter,

nor care to enter into a polemic with the Rhenish organ, which usually

obtains its information from better sources, we forego all further

correction of the contents of the article, to which--as we are in a

position to state--official circles are entirely foreign.”

And now, what was the real truth of the matter? Let the reader form his

own opinion from the following diary entries, remembering, in addition,

that Aegidi was intimately connected with the journal last mentioned

through Eckart: “_January 12th._--This evening Bucher told me in reply

to my question that the disclosures of the _Kölnische Zeitung_ were

correct, and that he had himself prepared the memorandum referred to

therein.” “_January 15th._--Wollmann informed me this evening that

Aegidi had sent the article in the _Kölnische Zeitung_ of the 10th

instant to the Prince at Friedrichsruh, adding that he was aware who

the author was, and giving an assurance that he had had no part in

it.” “_January 21st._--Bucher told me this morning that the article in

the _Kölnische Zeitung_ was written by Kruse, the chief editor of the

paper, who is now in Berlin, from information given to him by Aegidi,

and contains only a few unimportant errors. He, Bucher, had, under

instructions from the Chief, written the mild _démenti_ published by

the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_ on the 14th instant. The sharper

_démenti_ that followed, calling the attention of the _Kölnische

Zeitung_ to the fact that no people had a right to demand a _chronique

scandaleuse_ from their journals, was dictated by the Chief and written

by Aegidi, who was thus obliged to ply the rod on his own back.”

On reading these various communications, one can hardly help agreeing

in some measure with the _National Zeitung_, which wrote as follows

on the 20th of January: “We would strongly urge upon the Government

the desirability of accepting the advice which we tendered to them

recently, namely, that, instead of blaming the press, Ministers should

keep their own motley throng of Privy Councillors and semi-official

satellites in order. It is notorious that some of our Ministers are at

loggerheads, and desire each other’s overthrow, and no denials will

persuade people of the contrary. They may fight out their battles

within the Ministry and in the proper place, but they should not bring

their quarrels under the notice of the general public by mysterious

insinuations, conveyed through persons who are dependent upon them,

and whom they disavow at every opportunity. Altogether we would

urgently request the Government to exercise a closer supervision over

their semi-official mouthpieces, and not permit them to convert the

performance of their official duties into a public nuisance which is

steadily growing worse.”...

_February 15th._--Among the documents which I read to-day I found one

of last month that was of exceptional interest, as Bucher had added a

number of marginal notes, obviously for the purposes of the Chief’s

reply. It was a despatch from Arnim excusing himself to the Chancellor,

who had charged him with giving utterance in his communications to

opinions at variance with the fundamental principles of German policy.

The Ambassador asserted that no divergency of views existed between

them. The Prince had laid it down that the first task of Germany in

connection with France was to prevent the latter being in a position

to form alliances, and “he (Arnim) had also kept that end constantly

in view.” It was only with respect to the means towards that end that

he had expressed an opinion differing from the views of the Chief (who

regards the maintenance of the Republic and of Thiers as the best

course). The quotations from previous despatches show that there is

as little truth in this statement as there was in the assertion that

on his return to Paris in October last he had “found the President’s

position strengthened to a greater degree than was desirable.” In reply

to this assertion Bucher quotes the following sentences: “It is even

now questionable whether Thiers, who imagines that he has come to terms

with the agitator (Gambetta) is still a match for him” (Report of the

3rd of October), and “the continuance of the present _régime_ only

benefits the Radical extremists, in whose programme the _revanche_ goes

hand in hand with their campaign against the monarchies and the entire

social system of Europe.” (Report of the 13th of November.) Finally,

in his present defence, Arnim tries to show that he had formerly

“observed, not without uneasiness, that Thiers was making arrangements

intended to secure his own power for a number of years.” Thereupon the

Chief had remarked: “He can hardly have observed that,” and Bucher

quoted the following passage from a despatch of the Ambassador’s, dated

the 30th of November: “The power which he is accumulating will pass

into other hands (Gambetta’s).” Finally, the Count now asserts that

he had only recommended “that M. Thiers’s prestige should no longer

be promoted through the inspired German press.” In his report of the

29th of November the Ambassador persists in his opinion that “the

President’s Government must be regarded as a source of serious anxiety

for monarchical Europe.” In the despatch of the 30th of November Count

Arnim recommends that we should bring about a crisis which should

result in bringing either Gambetta to power or a Government which would

seek support from Germany. We should then be justified in overthrowing

Gambetta, and indeed obliged to do so (according to Arnim’s view of the

case, on account of his propaganda). He would advise us to withdraw our

support from Thiers. In conclusion, according to Bucher’s notes, Arnim

says, in a report of the 6th of December: “It may be taken for granted

that the President will find it very difficult to govern if he does not

make up his mind to lean on the Conservative majority.”

_February 20th._--It appears from a report of Arnim’s of the 17th of

last month that he has engaged a certain Lindau[9] to furnish him

with detailed reports from the French press. In a despatch of the

8th instant, the Ambassador states that Lindau has asked not to be

deprived of the assistance of Beckmann (who was probably objected to

as a suspicious character, or otherwise unsuitable). Arnim strongly

supported this request, “in the interests of the service.” Lindau must

have some one at his disposal who would undertake the more compromising

portion of the whole arrangement.... Besides, neither Herr Lindau, nor

any other official at the Embassy, was in a position to deal with all

the material and to furnish full and satisfactory reports on the press,

and at the same time to write articles himself for German, Italian, and

Russian newspapers. According to Arnim, Lindau also proposed to start a

publication for Russia, probably a news agency.

_March 3rd._--All these suggestions were rejected by the Chief in a

despatch of yesterday’s date. He will have no formal Press Bureau, no

Russian news agency, and no influence exercised upon the German papers

by the Paris Embassy.

I closed my diary at the last-mentioned date to let it rest for some

years. The period which I had set myself, on the cessation of my

_direct_ intercourse with the Prince, for my further continuance at

the Foreign Office was at an end; and this intercourse had not been

renewed. I therefore, on the 28th of February, wrote to the Chief, as

follows:--

“Most Noble Prince, Most Mighty Chancellor, Most Gracious Chief and

Master.

“A few days ago I completed my third year of service at the Foreign

Office. In connection therewith I venture dutifully to beg that your

Serene Highness will allow me to retire from that service at the end

of March, and to return, at first, to Leipzig; and at the same time to

take into consideration the concluding sentence in the order of the

15th of March, 1870. The sentence in question says: ‘I would add that,

in case your present occupation should sooner or later cease, you will

be granted an annuity of 1,200 thalers, on condition that you still

devote your literary activity to the support of our policy, as you have

done during recent years.’

“The employment for which I was engaged here, according to your Serene

Highness’s verbal instructions on my presentation to your Serene

Highness on the 24th of February, 1870, ceased on the 1st of July,

1871, and with it, gradually, everything in the way of duty that was

associated therewith. Notwithstanding this, I have honestly endeavoured

to make myself useful; but I must confess to myself that these

endeavours would be more fruitful in a different position to that which

I now hold.

“In view of the circumstances, I ought perhaps to have sent in the

foregoing dutiful petition immediately after the change which deprived

me of the honour of direct intercourse with your Serene Highness.

Had I taken such a step at that time, however, it might have been

misunderstood; and I moreover had still to inform myself fully as to

the purport of the instruction to ‘support our policy,’ in order to

avoid possible mistakes; and, furthermore, I was anxious to be able

to bequeath to future generations a picture of your Serene Highness’s

life, painted not only with affection but also with knowledge. The

latter has been for years past, and will remain, my sole ambition. It

will at the same time afford me compensation for the loss of personal

intercourse with your Serene Highness to renew it more actively in the

spirit.

“Although during the three years which I have spent here I have

certainly not acquired nearly sufficient positive information, I hope

I have made considerable progress in freeing myself from political

prejudices, as well as in _matter-of-factness_. One can, moreover,

never leave off learning, although in other studies a triennium is

considered sufficient.

“I may, therefore, confidently hope that your Serene Highness will

kindly grant my dutiful petition; and perhaps I may not be disappointed

if I add the fainter hope that when I begin the larger biography which

I have in view, your Serene Highness will give me assistance similar to

that which others would appear to have had before me.

“However that may be, I shall leave here with the same deep sense of

veneration for the regenerator of our nation with which I came, and

will act accordingly. With this feeling will always be associated

a grateful recollection of the days, so happy for me, when I was

permitted to have personal intercourse with your Serene Highness,

and particularly of the seven months of the great war, when that

intercourse was most direct, and when I sometimes believed myself

justified in thinking that I enjoyed your Serene Highness’s good will.

“Your Serene Highness’s

“Dutiful and devoted

“Dr. Moritz Busch.”

I read over this paper first of all to Bucher, who approved of it as

being “perfectly dignified,” and who, on his own suggestion, laid

it before the Chief in an open envelope. The Prince read it through

carefully, and then said, “I suppose he cannot get on with Aegidi.”

Bucher replied that he was not acquainted with our relations, and only

knew that I was not satisfied with my present position. The Chief then

finally ordered: “Do not let it go through the office, but hand it

direct to Bülow, who should see me about it.”

No reply was received for nearly three weeks. Finally, on the 20th of

March, Aegidi informed me that he was instructed by the Prince to say

that he wished to speak to me, and that he had fixed 2 P.M.

on the 21st for that purpose. When I went upstairs to the Chief’s

residence at the hour named, I had to wait for about ten minutes in

the Chinese Salon while Bülow was with him. (The following was written

down immediately after this audience, and gives a literal reproduction

of all that was said by the Imperial Chancellor.) Mantey, the Chancery

attendant, then announced me. As I entered, the Prince, who looked

very well and greeted me with a friendly smile, was seated at his

writing-table dressed in his blue silk dressing gown. He shook hands,

and invited me to take a seat opposite him, the same place which

I occupied at my first interview in February, 1870. The following

conversation then began:--

He: “So you wish to leave? You have written me a letter. (He opened

out the letter which lay before him, and I saw that he had marked

one passage in blue pencil.) Excuse me for not answering it sooner.

You referred to an arrangement which I could not recall to mind. I

therefore had the letter sent to Keudell, and his answer on the subject

only arrived yesterday. From that it appears that you are within your

rights, and I have instructed Bülow to arrange the matter accordingly.

You will receive what has been promised to you, but according to the

understanding, the services to be rendered by you in return will be

slight and purely voluntary.”

I replied that I would nevertheless be as diligent as possible. I was

chiefly taken up with politics, and in supporting _his_ policy I should

only be obeying a moral imperative. I could not possibly act otherwise,

had written in support of his views long before I was paid for it, and

so forth. I not only wished to be, but should be soon, in a position to

serve him, as in a few months I should take over the chief editorship

of the _Hannoverscher Courier_, a newspaper with a circulation of about

10,000. I would only ask for good information.

He: “You will doubtless not wish to receive it through Aegidi, yet it

must be so. There must be only one source from which information goes

forth.”

I: “Well, there is another man here who, if I may take the liberty to

express an opinion, is the best of all those who work under you, in

character, ability, and knowledge.”

He: “And who might that be?”

I: “Bucher. If your Serene Highness would only sometimes let me know

through him what you desire and intend. One is accustomed to some

extent to your Serene Highness’s way of thinking, and can guess a great

deal; nevertheless, new and unexpected ideas may frequently arise of

which some indication should be given me.”

He: “Yes, Bucher. A real pearl! Well, put yourself in communication

with him. A very able man, if I can only keep him; but he seems to me

to be in anything but good health.”

I said that was certainly true, but when he was exhausted he was always

able to recuperate by sleep, so that in spite of his hard work he could

keep up to the mark. The Prince then continued:--

“But now to come to the second point. You have said in your letter

that you wish to write my biography. I have nothing to say against

that, and it may even prove very useful. It is not a matter of

indifference to me who writes it. A great deal has already been

written, but it includes a lot of rubbish. I will assist you in it,

although it will not be easy. I am ready to answer all the questions

you put to me and to give you every possible information. But first

read what has already been written on the subject, and then send me a

sheet or two of questions. Or, better still, write the history of the

headquarters in France. You were there. That may prove very useful to

me, and also to history. I will give you every possible information.

You can also question my sons, and my cousin Charles, whom you know.

By the way, an attempt has been already made to levy blackmail upon

me. A Leipzig bookseller wrote me that you had kept a diary in which

you had written down everything that I had said about the King. Five

copies of it were deposited in five different places, and would be

published unless I sent him a hundred thousand thalers. I considered

you to be a man of honour incapable of that kind of thing, so I wrote:

‘Not five groschen!’ nor would I set a single policeman in motion on

that account. It would certainly not be a matter of indifference to me

if it were printed and published, and if all that I had said in my own

way about the King and other exalted personages when I was excited and

indignant--rightly indignant--were to become known. But the King knows

that I had already said much worse things of him. Besides, now that

I have resigned the Presidency of the Council of Ministers I am on a

much better footing with him. He thinks now that I can no longer stand

in his way and prevent him carrying out his wishes when he has some

unpractical idea in his head, or when prejudice makes him reluctant

to sanction some necessary measure. But my influence over the other

Ministers has only increased with the change. I have never had so much

influence upon them as now, and since then I have been able to carry

through much more. My health, however, is not good. I was almost six

months away last year, and it was not of the least benefit. I am no

longer what I was--only a Ziska drum,[10] you know, nothing but the

skin.”

He paused for a moment, and then returning to the attempt at blackmail,

said: “The bookseller wrote once more on the subject, and this time

he said he would be satisfied with fifty thousand thalers. I kept to

my former decision, however. ‘Not five groschen, and not a single

policeman.’” With the exception of my own family and a few old friends,

I had spoken to no one about the diary I kept during the war, and

least of all to a bookseller, at Leipzig or elsewhere. I was quite

certain of that; it was utterly impossible; and I was, therefore,

absolutely dumbfounded at these remarks. This, then, was obviously

the reason--which I had so long sought vainly to discover--why he had

broken off all direct intercourse with me. I had been calumniated, and

he mistrusted me. I was more than once on the point of saying that

this bookseller was a myth, and, what was more, a gross and palpable

invention by some malignant fellow, who found me in his way because he

could not use me for the advancement of his own selfish ambition. I

checked myself, however, and only said I was thankful to him for his

confidence. It was not unjustified. The diary certainly existed, but

I had never intended to publish it. It was only for myself, and it by

no means consisted merely of what he had said respecting the King and

other Princes. “And besides,” I concluded, “it was no secret for the

Foreign Office. At Versailles Abeken had called attention to it at

table, and you observed that it would one day be quoted, ‘_Conferas

Buschii_,’ &c.”

“Yes,” he observed, “that is quite right. I remember now. By the way,

you will hardly have cared much for Abeken either.”

I replied: “Well, not very much.”

“Nor did I,” he added. “He was only happy in the atmosphere of the

Court and at the Radziwills; and when he had his nephews with him, ‘my

nephews, the Counts York,’ he was quite beside himself with delight. He

was useful, however, in his own red-tape fashion. He had such a sackful

of phrases that, when I wanted some, he had only to shake it out, and

there I had a whole pile.”

He then referred for the third time to the fabulous bookseller, who

still seemed to cause him some anxiety; and I again assured him that

I had no idea of publishing my notes. “After my death,” I said, “some

fifty years hence, perhaps.” “It need not be so long,” he replied. “You

may even now write on the subject; and, indeed, I should be pleased

if you did. And just ask me when there is anything you do not know

or are in doubt about. It should be my epitaph. I should not like to

have it done by Hesekiel, though. But you will proceed with tact and

discrimination, and in this respect I must trust entirely to you. But

you must not let Decker publish it, but some other publisher, or people

will notice that I have had a hand in it.”

I again observed that the matter was not so simple, as all the material

had to be properly collected, sifted, and arranged if it were to be

done as it ought to be, and that in the immediate future I should not

have the necessary leisure for this purpose. Besides, when I wrote the

book I would beg leave to submit the proofs to him sheet by sheet for

revision and correction. He agreed, imposing one condition--that I

should observe silence respecting his collaboration, “for, of course,

that would be to collaborate.” I called his attention to the fact that

letters with questions and envelopes with proofs would be opened in the

Central Bureau downstairs. “Register them, then; writing ‘Personal’ on

the cover, and in that way they will reach me unopened,” he replied.

With these words he stood up and gave me his hand, said he had been

glad to see me again, hoped I would visit him later when I came to

Berlin, and repeated that I was right in what I said respecting my

promised pension, which I should receive. He then shook hands with

me once more, and I took leave, delighted with his amiability, and

determined to do everything possible to please him. In the evening I

gave Bucher an account of my interview, and on the following Monday I

dined with him at a restaurant in Unter den Linden, when we made all

the necessary arrangements for the supply of information to me. He had

as little faith as myself in the mythical bookseller, but thought it

quite possible that some one had tried to palm off that fiction on the

Chief, and imagined that in that case it was probably Keudell who had

instigated the intrigue.

A day or two later Balan came to my desk, and said: “I congratulate

you, Herr Doctor. A pension of 1,200 thalers, and thanks for your

services in addition. That is a great deal.” Thanking him for his

congratulation, I replied that the amount was payable under an

old contract, and that if I had not earned it up to the present I

should try to do so in the future. A few hours later I received the

order, signed by the Imperial Chancellor; and on my going again to

the Ministry next morning to take leave of my colleagues, I found

the following letter on my writing-table: “The Imperial Chancellor

and Princess Bismarck request the honour of Dr. Busch’s company on

Saturday, the 29th of March, at 9 P.M.” Of course I accepted

the invitation. It was one of the Chief’s Parliamentary evenings,

which I had never yet attended. Next day, at noon, I left Berlin, half

sad, half glad. Sad, because I was leaving him in whom all my thoughts

were centred, and glad because I had recovered my liberty, and should

henceforth no longer pace those floors where intrigue crawls at the

feet of the honest and unsuspecting, causing them, by knavish and

underhand trickery, to stumble and to fall.