“During the last few weeks of the Franco-German war reports were

circulated in the German and Swedish press that King Charles had

written a letter to one of the French prisoners of war containing

expressions not particularly favourable to us. Denials of the existence

of this letter were received from Sweden, and among others a Stockholm

correspondent of the _National Zeitung_ wrote that the story was

apocryphal, and had given much offence to the King. Our information

from Sweden is very different, so different indeed that we do not

hesitate for a moment to quote, and to lay special stress upon this

‘apocryphal’ letter, as evidence of the anti-German sentiments of the

King, and of his ardent sympathy for France, to which he is only too

anxious to give tangible expression.

“One last proof will be conclusive. The King sometimes writes poems,

which he does not withhold from publication, and which he is accustomed

to sign with the initial letter of his name. Over the same signature

he not infrequently writes and publishes military and other articles.

Everybody in Stockholm knows this _nom de plume_. Now a few weeks

ago, shortly after the scheme of army reorganisation was rejected

by the Swedish Diet, the _Aftonblad_, a journal which is generally

known to have intimate relations with the Court, and which is perhaps

the most zealous and vehement preacher of the anti-German crusade

in the Swedish press, published three articles under the title of

‘After-Considerations.’ These consisted of arguments by ‘C.’ in defence

of the rejected Bill, together with sallies against Prussia, from

which--if, as is generally assumed, they were the product of the Royal

pen--we must naturally infer that King Charles regretted the failure

of his favourite scheme, principally because it deprived him of the

opportunity of preparing for a future attack upon Germany. It is true

that the articles tried to repudiate the aggressive ideas concealed

behind the Bill. But this certainly did not convince the party which,

in the Diet and in the press, rejected the reorganisation scheme,

principally on the ground of such aggressive tendencies.

“And now, in order to give some idea of the tenour and tone of this

remarkable piece of military penmanship, so far as it affects us

Germans, we here reproduce a few of the sallies referred to. ‘C.’ says,

_inter alia_, ‘Just as we condemn all partisan misrepresentations of

the history and position of our native land, however eloquent these may

be, whether they be intended either to excite arrogance or to produce a

sluggish sense of security, instead of a noble patriotism and an active

spirit of independence, we also denounce the cowardice which shrinks

from every danger, the lack of enterprise and endurance which will

not struggle to overcome difficulties, the selfishness which will not

submit to any sacrifice.’

“Mention is then made of Xerxes, who scourged the waves of the

Hellespont, of Napoleon’s painful reflections at St. Helena, and of the

fearful awakening of France in 1870-71. ‘C.’ then proceeds:--

“‘In like manner the Prussian policy of conquest and its sanguinary

ambition will pave the way for its fall, and bring about its own

punishment when peoples recognise that community of language does

not form a common nationality, and that the yoke may prove a heavy

one even to those who speak the same tongue. At the present moment,

however, Prussia is a source of apprehension for all those who are not

prepared to be enslaved, and who are not willing to be made subjects,

either direct or indirect, of the King of Prussia. Russia shows that

she has a mission, while England has betrayed us with a selfishness as

inhuman as it is sordid. Russia will certainly have a great future.

Russia, hated and despised at the bidding of England, may one day

become a necessary bulwark against the arrogance of Western Europe or

the covetousness of a certain great Power. England, on the contrary,

already reaps, in the mistrust and contempt of other nations, the fruit

of its hypocritical love of liberty, its calculating policy of peace,

and its too successful efforts to tear open the wounds of Poland, in

order to distract attention from its greed of conquest in India and its

oppression of Ireland.

“‘The Emperor William has recently shown not only how to establish

one’s self in a conquered country, but at the same time how to fill up

deficiencies in the Treasury with German blood.

“‘If we consider the magnitude of the forces that are now being armed

to sow and manure the battle-fields, and compare them with those of

former times, taking also into account the enormous resources of

the present day, and the five milliards which Prussia demanded as

compensation for her trouble in maintaining the balance of power in

Europe, it becomes evident that Prussia, working indefatigably and

ruthlessly to assure her military ascendancy, will only too soon be

able to throw hundreds of thousands of soldiers on our coasts with

ease, rapidity, and certainty.

“‘The world desires to be deceived. Bismarck has known how to take

advantage of this fact. Peoples and Governments have spared no trouble

gradually to augment the power of Prussia and their own danger.

Austria helped Prussia against Denmark, and was rewarded with Sadowa,

and an impotence that makes her now powerless before the minority of

her own population. France, or rather Napoleon III., at that time

reckoned on being paid for his neutrality. The payment consisted in

Sedan, the Paris Commune, and the International. England and Russia

permitted the dismemberment of France. The former performs an act of

penance in the Alabama affair, bows down before the ex-Emperor, and,

placing herself under the orders of Prussia, sulkily pockets or hides

under her petticoat (a delicate reference to the circumstance that a

lady sits upon the throne of Great Britain) her defeat in the Black

Sea question. Russia, by her readiness to fall in with the views of

Prussia, has either dealt a deadly wound to the Slavonic cause, or

incurred the necessity of an ultimate war to the knife in its defence.’

“We do not propose to gather all the flowers in this garden for the

delectation of our readers. Those already submitted will suffice. It

was thought in Sweden that the King, even if he were really not the

author of this article, at least shared the views to which it gave

expression, and therefore took no steps against the abuse of his _nom

de plume_. This opinion has never been contradicted. It is true that

about a week after the 7th of December, when the first article from

‘C.’ appeared, the Swedish newspapers denied that it had been written

by the King; and on the 20th of December the correspondent of the

_National Zeitung_ (who is, of course, semi-official) mentioned that

a man so well informed on military affairs, and doubtless also on the

military constitution of Germany, as King Charles XV. could not have

written such nonsense. But for a whole fortnight there was no official

_démenti_, and even then, so far as we are aware, it only appeared in

England. It was only on the 16th of January in the present year that

Baron Hochschild, the Swedish Minister in London, declared that the

statement of a correspondent of _The Times_, to the effect that the

article in question emanated from the King of Sweden, was entirely

unfounded.... We, of course, accept the _démenti_ as we know that

diplomatists never lie, but we are none the less glad to think that

Sweden is no longer an absolute monarchy.”

_February 20th._--In the morning again read despatches and made

extracts for future use. Queen Olga, who was in Berlin about eight days

ago, on her way to St. Petersburg, in writing to her consort, said

she was very pleased with the political interview which she had had

with the Imperial Chancellor, and with the reception given to her in

Berlin, which was as cordial as it was brilliant. A letter from Paris

of the 9th instant states that General Fleury has had an interview

with Orloff, speaking to him exactly in the sense of the well-known

memorandum (previously mentioned). Thiers must be called upon to

summon the nation to a plebiscite, as Europe was interested in seeing

the monarchical system firmly re-established in France. At the same

time General Fleury did not conceal from the Prince that Napoleon was

much pained to see Russia accredit an Ambassador to the Republican

Government. It would almost seem as if the Imperial Government regarded

President Thiers as the definitive ruler. Prince Orloff surprised the

general by replying that Russia certainly regarded every Government in

France as definitive so long as it existed. Fleury, in taking leave

of the Prince, was disappointed, if not piqued. A report of the 13th

instant from Rome states that the health of the Crown Princess is a

source of anxiety to her immediate _entourage_. She is understood to

be in the first stage of disease of the chest, against which the old

school can do nothing. Furthermore that next summer she will perhaps

visit Germany with her consort; and that a personage occupying a

prominent position in Roman society had remarked confidentially: “In

case the Crown Princess, the Pearl of the House of Savoy, should be

lost to the country, it may be confidently expected that the Orleans

family will strain every effort to place a Princess of their House

upon the Italian throne. It would therefore be desirable to at once

take that eventuality into consideration, and in order to prevent the

success of a plan which would be most prejudicial to Italy, a Princess

should be sought in Germany who, at least politically, might compensate

such a loss.”

The conflict between the _Kreuzzeitung_ party and the Chief is now

a matter of public notoriety. For some time past these gentlemen

have opposed the Prince, sharing Herr Windthorst’s views as to the

necessity for a staunch opposition, and choosing for their watchwords

the “vindication of the monarchical principle against the rule of a

Parliamentary majority,” and “the defence of the Christian character

of our State.” According to their organ the Prince, in his speech of

the 30th of January, deliberately attacked or abandoned the principle

which the Conservative party in Prussia had constantly proclaimed

and defended during twenty years as one of the fundamental articles

of their programme. The passage which led to this discovery runs as

follows: “But as things stand at the present moment we, the Ministry in

a Constitutional State, require a majority which is in agreement with

the general direction of our policy.” This is represented as a “frank

recognition of that Constitutionalism which the _Kreuzzeitung_ has

opposed with success, on the ground that it is not in harmony with the

Prussian Constitution.” In a double article drafted by Aegidi, with

liberal corrections and additions by the Chief, and which was published

in the _Spenersche Zeitung_ after it had been declined by the _National

Zeitung_, the following considerations were very justly urged in reply:

“Not Constitutional? Are we then not living in a Constitutional State?

Have we not a popular representation? Do not our laws to be valid

require its consent? Is not that consent given by a majority? Surely

then it follows inexorably that the Counsellors of the Throne must

seek a majority for their measures, so far at least that if it does

not approve of every Bill, it shall at least support the general line

of policy adopted by the Ministry. The man whom the _Kreuzzeitung_

criticises with such an air of superiority has proved in times of storm

and stress that he is willing to sacrifice a Parliamentary majority

for what he recognises to be essential. But the same statesman once

said that conflict cannot be made a regular part of the machinery of

State. Where popular representation exists and there is no desire to

see conflicts become a permanent feature of public life, it will be

necessary to secure a Parliamentary majority. If those on the Right

refuse their support, the Government, whose duty it is to keep the

machine working, may have to look further to the Left for a Government

majority whose support may be relied upon. The Prime Minister has

already called the attention of the Right to the fact that their wanton

opposition must forcibly transfer the centre of gravity to the other

side. This warning has lost nothing of its significance. The majority

can be regarded with indifference only in those countries where the

approval of the popular representatives is not required for the

validity of the laws, that is to say, in those States that are governed

on absolutist principles.”

_February 24th._--Read a variety of documents received. It is reported

from Brussels on the 22nd instant, that the Comte de Chambord desired

to go to Malines, but that the Archbishop advised him not, as public

opinion was suspicious of religious motives. The Pretender has

therefore remained at the Hôtel St. Antoine, in Antwerp, whither the

King sent his greetings through the Chief Chamberlain. He will shortly

pay the King a visit at Brussels, as he did last year. Great influx

of Legitimists, who did not, however, remain long. Chambord entirely

avoids publicity, and only goes out to hear Mass. The _Précurseur_, the

most widely circulated newspaper in Antwerp, welcomed him on the 19th

instant with a leading article which betrayed very little sympathy for

him.

A fruitseller at Versailles had addressed a letter to the Empress

Augusta, in which she asserts that the Marquise de la Torre (previously

mentioned) had during the occupation of that town by the Prussians

frequently ordered fruit from her which were intended for the Crown

Prince--“pour le Prince Fritz.” These were not paid for, however, and

she now begs the Empress to settle the account on behalf of her son.

The enclosed account amounted to 75 francs. Probably the fruit was sent

to the Coburger, but Wollmann declares that Bohlen also received some

of it, including the beautiful grapes and pears which we had once or

twice as dessert.

Bucher says he has ascertained that it is proposed to remove Abeken to

the Chamber of Peers, “together with other deserving statesmen like

Roon and Moltke.” (Surely not by the Chief.) This is an arrangement

intended to compensate him for having been disappointed of the grant

which was originally contemplated. He is therefore to be “Lord Abeken”

in future.

_Evening._--Read further documents received and despatched. On the 17th

of February the Chancellor sent the Emperor an abstract of a letter

addressed by Count Ladislaus Plater, a leader of the emigrant Poles

who is residing in Zurich, to the editor of the _Dzennik Poznanski_

(the Polish Journal), urging the most active agitation possible. This

abstract, which the Chancellor received from a Polish agent, states,

_inter alia_: “Germany, whose unification is hardly yet complete,

is undermined by two very determined parties, the Catholics and the

Socialists, neither of which will abate one jot of its demand, nor

shrink from any means to promote its cause.” The Count goes on to say

that it is the sacred duty of the Poles to support both parties in

word and deed. Should a Socialist revolution break out in Germany,

which may very shortly be expected with tolerable certainty, the Poles

must assist it with all their might. Writing on the 20th Arnim reports

various particulars with regard to parties in the National Assembly

at Versailles, and adds: “The President considers the Monarchists

to be powerless, and said to me yesterday that he had no anxiety on

that ground. He at the same time clearly manifested his intention to

establish the Republic as the definitive form of French Government.”

_February 26th._--Bucher brought me instructions from the Chief to

write an article for the _Kölnische Zeitung_, which was to be based on

a report of the 17th instant on the anti-German agitation carried on by

certain Orleanist officials of the French Embassy at Brussels. This was

immediately done....

_Addendum._--Yesterday morning Doerr brought the news that Dr.

Beuthner, the chief editor of the _Kreuzzeitung_, was so greatly

affected by the thunderbolt hurled at his party in the _Norddeutsche

Allgemeine Zeitung_, and the charge of incapacity levelled at him

personally, that it brought on an attack of apoplexy. That is the

inevitable fate of such stupid conceit as he showed last spring,

when he declined in the following words to accede to a desire of the

Chancellor which I communicated to him: “We will not do that, and we

shall see who will prove to be right in the end. The _Kreuzzeitung_

party is older than Bismarck, and it will last longer than his

Government.” The article in question, which is certainly very strongly

written, was in great part the work of the Chief himself.

Bucher informed me that the article in No. 41 of the _Norddeutsche

Allgemeine Zeitung_ on the concessions made to the Poles in Galicia

also emanated from the Minister himself.

_February 27th._--Bucher told me this evening that since yesterday the

Chief has been “exceptionally irritable,” and treated Roland Boelsing

and, again to-day, Alvensleben (who has now taken Bohlen’s place

and does all sorts of subordinate work for him) with the greatest

harshness. His irritation is no doubt due to the circumstance that

Camphausen did not wish to draw up the Taxation Bill for which the

Chief was most anxious, and that the latter had no power to enforce his

views upon his colleague.

_February 29th._--Read and noted the principal points of three

documents received on the 26th. A report from Stockholm states that

King Charles is still very weak, and that his doctors have ordered

him “six weeks’ retirement for the purpose of undergoing special

treatment as a measure of precaution against the increasing induration

of the internal organs.” The Russian General Lewascheff, who was

recently in Paris, is understood to have said to certain Galician

Poles that a scheme was under consideration at St. Petersburg for

reviving the Wielopolski system, and granting Poland a larger measure

of independence. Orloff, on being questioned upon the subject, said it

was a misunderstanding on the part of the Poles. On the 26th instant

Abeken prepared for the Chief an abstract of a report from Pera dated

the 14th of February. It states that “Russia favours the aspirations

of the Bulgarians, and General Ignatieff has actively promoted them.

The Greeks, whose influence in the Balkan Peninsula will be seriously

diminished thereby, are greatly embittered against Russia. Herr von

Radowitz himself considers it ‘an extraordinary change that Russia

should have for the first time sacrificed the Greek element to the

Slavic.’ Russia had previously relied chiefly upon the Greek element,

and the Greek Orthodox Church in Turkey had received its death blow

from the new measure, the Patriarch of Constantinople being deprived of

almost all his former influence.”

Subsequently read another St. Petersburg report of the 22nd instant,

which says: “Thiers has informed Prince Orloff that Casimir Perier

would submit to the National Assembly a proposal, the object of which

would be to confirm the Republican form of Government, and he, the

President, would support the motion, and stand or fall with Perier.

Orloff believes that the Bonapartists have a better prospect of success

than any of the other parties. Fleury has been to see him and repeated

to him almost literally the statements contained in the memorandum of

the Grand Duchess Marie on the Bonapartist cause. He had asked at

the same time whether Russia could do nothing to induce M. Thiers to

have a plebiscite. On his replying that he had instruction to maintain

the best relations with France and to avoid all interference in party

politics, the general remarked in a tone of pique that they were less

scrupulous in that respect in Berlin than at St. Petersburg.” (Hardly

in Berlin, I fancy, but rather at Arnim’s.)

_March 3rd._--Bucher brings me from upstairs instructions and material

for a Rome despatch for the _Kölnische Zeitung_. It runs as follows:

“Rumours have already been circulated on various occasions to the

effect that the Pope intends to leave Rome. According to the latest of

these the Council which was adjourned in the summer, will be reopened

at another place, some persons mentioning Malta and others Trient.

This report has now assumed a more positive form, and it is asserted

that the departure of the Holy Father is near at hand. From what we

hear there would appear to be something in this report, although the

question of the convoking the Council afresh may not yet be ripe for

decision. It is understood on good authority that the idea is mooted

and recommended by a priest named Mermillod, who has come here from

Geneva. He is a Savoyard by birth, and recently occupied the position

of Suffragan Bishop in Calvin’s city. He is one of the most active

agents in promoting the recognition of the doctrine of infallibility,

and the restoration of the temporal power of the Roman Pontiff. For

this purpose he has recently paid numerous visits to France and

Belgium, and--as others assert--to Germany also. He has returned with

the results of his observations and an account of the recruits he has

been able to raise. It appears that his report has determined the

Pope, or those who exercise a decisive influence upon him, no longer

to hesitate between the party which is for remaining in Rome and that

which urges his departure, and that it is now resolved to proceed

either to Malta or Trient for the purpose of summoning the Council to

meet there in April or May. Doubtless the main object of this gathering

will be to elicit from the assembled fathers a strong declaration in

favour of the necessity of the Temporal Power. Obviously a secondary

object of this Parliament of Bishops, convoked away from Rome, would be

to demonstrate to Europe that the Vatican does not enjoy the necessary

liberty, although the Act of Guarantee proves that the Italian

Government, in its desire for a reconciliation and its readiness to

meet the wishes of the Curia, has actually done everything that lies

in its power. The twenty Italian bishops nominated by the Pope on the

23rd of February, as well as the mitred abbots, were instructed not to

submit the Bulls containing the nominations to the Italian Government,

and were assured of compensation should they be deprived of their

temporalities. This shows that if the Pope has really, and not merely

nominally, less liberty than he requires, he at least has money enough.”

_March 5th._--Bucher brings me the following instruction from the Chief

for an article which is to be inserted in a South German newspaper,

or in the _Kölnische Zeitung_, in connection with the debate on the

vote for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, which has just taken place

in the Würtemberg Diet. “Under the Imperial Constitution Würtemberg

has the right to maintain Legations abroad. It is questionable,

however, whether it is in the interest of the Empire or of advantage

for Würtemberg that this right should be exercised. The presence of

several German representatives in Paris, for instance, would be a

constant temptation to the French Government to try to sow discord.

It is necessary in this connection to recall the ignorance of the

French respecting foreign countries and their old idea that the German

States have conflicting interests. The presence of a French Minister

at Stuttgart, or indeed anywhere in Germany except in Berlin, is even

more to be deprecated, as he may be easily induced by expressions

of party feeling to try to enter into conspiracies with individual

Governments. If the false reports of French diplomatists had not led

their Government to reckon upon dissensions in Germany, we might

perhaps have been spared a great war. Ministers who have little to do

make work for themselves in order not to appear superfluous, in this

respect resembling police agents, who do the same. That is particularly

disquieting at Stuttgart, where St. Vallier had the hardihood, after he

had failed with the Government, to apply direct to the Sovereign. It is

true, indeed, that the King also was forced to decline his overtures.

But, after all, it is better for the Sovereign not to be subjected to

such pressure.”

_March 7th._--According to a report from Stuttgart of the 3rd instant,

the King a few days ago invited his Ministers to dinner, and said

openly at table that the Queen had written to him that Prince Bismarck

had, in conversation with her, expressed himself in favour of the

maintenance of the Würtemberg Legations. He asked, therefore, why

the Paris post should not be kept up. The King assumed, therefore,

that there was no objection on the part of Prussia to the renewal

of diplomatic relations between Würtemberg and France, and that he

also would now receive a French envoy. Suckow described this as a

misunderstanding. The Chief, however, said to-day with reference

to his interview with Queen Olga, which, he said, had lasted some

hours, that she finally asked if the Ministry for Foreign Affairs at

Stuttgart should be maintained. “I contented myself with replying

that Würtemberg, under the Imperial Constitution, had both active and

passive rights with respect to diplomatic representation, and that

we could not attempt to interfere with them. It was not a fitting

opportunity to enter into the question whether it was in the interest

of the Empire and of Würtemberg to exercise those rights, particularly

as her Majesty did not mention diplomatic intercourse with France,

which must form the main consideration in any such discussion. Paris

was not mentioned in the course of the conversation.”

A St. Petersburg report of the 29th of February informs the Chief

that “a correspondence is being kept up with Munich, and indeed with

the Royal residence itself, through Richard Wagner, the composer,

who is living in Switzerland.” This correspondence referred to the

connection between the International and the Russian Nihilists. General

Lewascheff, who was entrusted with the task of following up this

connection in Paris and elsewhere, described Wagner as being altogether

a very dangerous man, who made the worst possible use of his relations

with King Lewis. The correspondence in question went by way of Berlin.

This information was given as “very secret” by the Emperor Alexander.

It is doubtless a mare’s nest, like much more that is related of the

International, or still more probably an invention of the Russian

police, the object of these weighty discoveries being gold snuff-boxes,

decorations and such-like _douceurs_. (...)

The weekly paper, _Im Neuen Reich_, publishes a reply to an article

in the _Kreuzzeitung_ pleading in favour of the Palais Radziwill.

“No doubt it is a splendid and hospitable house worthy of a Polish

_grand seigneur_ who holds his Court in Berlin, and those who have

had access to it--amongst them evidently the contributor to the

_Kreuzzeitung_--appreciate it. But we should advise the latter to make

his inquiries about the characteristic feature of the Palais Radziwill

not in the house itself, but on Prussian soil, and he may learn that

the vast capital represented by its luxury and refinement, although

acquired by bourgeois investments, yields its dividends only for the

benefit of a certain form of Catholicism, which is Polish rather than

German.”

Bucher called my attention to this article, and added the following

commentary: “The article in the _Kreuzzeitung_ is written by no other

than our mutual friend Abeken, while the answer has come from the

Chief. Abeken undertook the defence of the Radziwills against the

charge that their palace has become the centre of Berlin Ultramontanism

owing to the fact that he is accustomed to visit them, and because

they are related to the Court and therefore sacred in his eyes.”[5]...

“Doubtless the idea of raising Abeken to a seat in Olympus, or the

Chamber of Peers, will now come to nothing, as the Chief has discovered

his intrigues with the Ultramontanes. So it will not be ‘Lord Abeken,’

after all.”

_March 8th._--To-day wrote the following article for the _Kölnische

Zeitung_, from the Chief’s instructions as communicated to me by

Bucher: “In the speech made by the Imperial Chancellor in the Upper

House the day before yesterday he spoke of petitions in favour of

the Pope which, during the session of the Reichstag, were ordered or

countermanded just as the members of the Centre Party found convenient.

Then proceeding to the seizures of papers by the police authorities in

Posen, the Prince said that among these he had seen certain letters

‘which the police considered it necessary to bring to the knowledge

of the highest authorities in order to put them on the right track

with a view to subsequent investigations in another direction.’ The

speaker further remarked that one of these letters was from a prominent

member of the Centre Party to a priest of high position, a canon in

Posen who has recently been much talked of. If I rightly remember, it

said: ‘Do not send us any more petitions to the Reichstag.’ A similar

instruction, in the French language, was despatched at the same time

to the Province of Posen by a well-known German bishop, who also

said: ‘Stop sending petitions for the present. They do no good in the

Reichstag, and only lead to unpleasant discussions.’ ‘But,’ continues

the former writer, ‘do not fail to forward these petitions later on at

regular intervals, only address them not to the Reichstag but to the

Sovereigns direct, upon whom they will in any case produce a greater

impression. Although we may have nothing to hope for from the German

Princes, it is nevertheless certain that sooner or later the Catholic

Powers will intervene on behalf of his Holiness, and such intervention

the German Princes will not venture to oppose if these petitions

impress them with the idea that opposition would cause serious

dissatisfaction among the Catholic population.’ The eventuality which

the two gentlemen, whose statements I here intentionally reproduce in

full, have in view is a French crusade against Italy, in expectation

of which Germany must be rendered powerless. It is understood on good

authority that the writers referred to by the Chancellor are Herr

Windthorst and Bishop von Ketteler; while the canon to whom Windthorst

communicated his plan for intimidating the German Princes is, as will

have been surmised, the Polish prelate Kozmian.” (...)

_March 10th._--Yesterday Bucher brought me down the outline of an

article which I am to get Rössler to write for the _Grenzboten_, whose

editor must then arrange for its reproduction by Biedermann in the

_Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_. Bucher’s shorthand notes ran as follows:

“One of the newspapers has expressed the opinion that Windthorst

would appear from his letter to Kozmian to expect an intervention

by France on behalf of the Pope. The member for Meppen, however, is

doubtless more far-seeing, and recognises that if France were to take

such a course the natural ally of the French and ultramontane policy

would be found in Vienna. An Ultramontane-French-Austrian alliance

would, of course, be directed chiefly against Germany, but would also

find it an exceptionally easy task to revolutionise Poland in the

direction desired by the Pope--if an inference is to be drawn from the

concessions which it is proposed to make in Galicia. At present the

relations between Germany and Austria are good, but mainly owing to

the personality of the Sovereign. Nevertheless, there is danger under

a Hohenwart Ministry of a return to the so-called ‘Father Confessor’

policy. That would also entirely paralyse free development of every

kind in Austria. This is to be first inserted in a weekly paper and

then circulated further.”

Hints of a similar effect to the remarks here made respecting the

Poles were already given by the Chief in Brass’s paper on the 17th

of February. The article caused a great sensation in Vienna, and

afterwards formed the subject of despatches between Schweinitz and our

Chancellor.

_March 13th._--This morning Bucher handed me a copy of Windthorst’s

letter to Kozmian, with the remark that the Chief wished “it to

appear in the press as coming from Parliamentary circles.” I sent the

document, with a few words of suitable introduction, to the _Kölnische

Zeitung_, from which it was copied into all the other papers.

This publication of Windthorst’s letter produced an immense sensation.

The Liberal organs condemned the letter, while the Clericals poured

out the vials of their wrath upon those to whom they ascribed “the

outrage” of its publication. One of the most amusing features of the

whole affair was the manner in which they vented their anger upon the

“learned dwarf,” as the _Germania_ was accustomed to call our little

Aegidi, who was as innocent as a new-born babe of any share in our

stratagem.

_March 22nd._--R. reports under date of the 17th instant: “The Polish

emigrants are making great efforts to bring about a reconciliation

with Russia.... Reports to this effect are received not only from

the Russian Ministers abroad, but also from the Governors-General of

Wilna, Warsaw, Kieff, and Odessa.... At the command of the Emperor the

most positive instructions have been sent to the Imperial officials to

avoid everything that would look like negotiations with the emigrants.

The Imperial Government can in no circumstances negotiate with the

latter. It must also be positively declared everywhere that the

Imperial Government will have nothing to do with pan-Slavism, but on

the contrary regards it as one of the greatest dangers for Russia. His

Majesty the Emperor appears to hold immutably to this opinion.”

_March 24th._--Among the documents received is a report from Darmstadt

giving particulars of an interview with the Grand Duke which is worth

noting. It took place at a dinner which was given in honour of the

Emperor’s birthday. In the course of conversation the Grand Duke had

expressed himself strongly on the anti-national attitude, and almost

exclusively selfish aims, of the Ultramontane Party, and upon the

untrustworthiness and Jesuitism of Bishop von Ketteler in particular.

(...)

_April 2nd._--This evening between 8 and 9 o’clock the Secretary of

State came to my desk. He first asked if I was always obliged to remain

so late in order to see if anything was wanted upstairs. I replied in

the affirmative, explaining at the same time that Bucher conveyed the

Chief’s orders to me, and supplied me with material. He then observed:

“He has stated to diplomatists that he wishes the war to be waged in

a milder form. The English representative told me so, and I should be

glad to know if any instructions to this effect have been received

here. Has anything of the kind been done?... After all he cannot mean

to go so far as the papers say. Why, that would amount to a Thirty

Years’ War.” I said that would hardly be possible, and the Chief would

scarcely think of going beyond a certain point. “I do not believe it

either,” he said; “but in that case the semi-official journals should

not give rise to such apprehensions as seem to be entertained by the

other papers; and he should not have given such directions. If you

should happen to hear that a milder tone is to be adopted, please let

me know, so that I may be informed when the diplomatists question me on

the subject.”

During this conversation I remembered a letter which I had seen on

the floor of his room the day before yesterday, which was dated from

Brussels, and would appear from the handwriting to have come from

Balan. It contained the following passage: “It would seem as if

the ecclesiastical question would more and more dominate all other

relations with us, and in this respect as well as in many others would

postpone for a long time to come the return of that idyllic peace of

former times which we were accustomed to in our youth.... The main

difficulties have scarcely begun. In my opinion they will inevitably

arise when it becomes necessary to check the fanatics of the movement

that has now been started.”

_April 3rd._--Bucher dictated to me to-day the following ideas for an

article for the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_, which he had taken

down in shorthand from the Chief: “Naturally very many persons in

Alsace-Lorraine wish to remain French citizens, through fear of the

conscription and for other similar reasons. That was clearly foreseen

by us, but we were obliged to keep that strip of land as military cover

against new filibustering raids such as the French have attempted

fifty to sixty times during the past two centuries. It is obvious that

we could not permit those who elected for the French nationality to

continue to reside in Alsace-Lorraine, as possibly the majority would

then adopt that course. As to the threat of expelling the Germans from

France, all those who are not absolutely necessary for the maintenance

of industry and commerce in France are already being driven away.

Life is made so unendurable to the others that they leave of their own

accord.”

_April 6th._--At midday to-day Bucher brought me instructions and

material from the Chief for a long article on the Bohemian party

of autonomy, which was to be dated from Prague and sent to the

_Grenzboten_. It was afterwards reproduced in the _Norddeutsche

Allgemeine Zeitung_ at the instance of the Chief. It ran as follows,

the portions within brackets being a literal reproduction of the

Prince’s own words: “I take the liberty to return once more to a

subject which it is desirable should be clearly understood in Germany,

namely, the character of our great landed proprietors, an important

element in the opposition to the cis-Leithan Constitution. In this

respect many organs of the German press give expression again and

again to erroneous views, although the gentlemen in question have been

repeatedly exposed in their true colours in this as well as in other

journals. At the decisive moment our great Bohemian landowners will

play the principal part. It is now asserted that the voting in both

electoral sections may be expected to be in favour of the Government

and the Constitutional party. Nevertheless, we think it best not to

shout before we are out of the wood. At all events, a few weeks ago

the landed aristocracy of Bohemia still belonged to the party which

declared in favour of a Federal and anti-Constitutional policy. It

would be a great mistake, however, to confound these magnates with the

bulk of the nationalists and to fancy that they support the agitation

of the Czechs from a genuine enthusiasm for the Crown of St. Wenceslas,

and an autonomous kingdom of Bohemia.

“Who are these gentlemen that assume such a Bohemian air? A national

nobility of Czech blood? By no means, or, at least, not in the great

majority of cases. They are, on the contrary, an element which by birth

and descent are not only foreign, but even hostile to the Czechs.

[Precisely the most active members of their party are the descendants

of the generals and statesmen who during the first decade of the Thirty

Years’ War were most energetic in suppressing and destroying the

national State, and in exterminating the native nobility of Bohemia and

confiscating their lands. They are the grandchildren and heirs of those

who, in return for the services they rendered to Father Lamormain’s

imperial penitent, and for their assistance in suppressing the Bohemian

nationality on the one hand and Protestantism on the other, were

rewarded by the Jesuitic policy of the Hapsburgs with the estates of

the national Czech nobles who had been sent to the scaffold or banished

from the country.]

“The representatives of our landed aristocracy who now vie with the

rabid Czech nationalists in their enthusiasm for Bohemian autonomy are

almost without exception Germans. [In thus assuming the part of Czechs

they make themselves as ridiculous as the gallant Junker von Krauthofer

from the banks of the Vistula when he dons the embroidered Pekesche of

the Poles with their white or red ‘Confederatka’ cap, and christens

himself Pan Krutowski. Not one of them uses the Bohemian language

in speaking to his equals; indeed few of them are able to read or

understand it at all, while hardly a couple out of the whole lot could

stand the test of pronouncing the famous vowelless shibboleth ‘Strcz

prst skrz krk.’ (These words signify: Put your thumb down your throat.)

They speak as their mothers, grandmothers and great-grandmothers spoke,

they think and feel as their grandfathers and great-grandfathers

thought and felt, that is to say, neither German nor Bohemian, but

rather in as un-national and anti-national a spirit as their most

intimate friends and allies, the Clericals and Ultramontanes.]

“This history of Bohemia shortly before and after the battle of the

White Mountain is well known, and so are the statesmen and military

commanders who lent their aid to the Emperor and his Jesuits in

the destruction of Bohemian independence, and in the sanguinary

‘Reformation’ that followed, as well as the intrigues of the

Centralistic-Ultramontane Court party in Vienna, and in the vengeance

which they wreaked and the rewards which they received. People

remember the wholesale executions of those who were the guardians and

administrators of Bohemian autonomy, the dragonnades under the guidance

of the Jesuits which were intended to drive the Czechs, aristocracy,

bourgeoisie, and peasantry within the pale of the One True Church, and,

finally, the enormous confiscations by which the Imperial Treasury

acquired 642 estates during the year in which the battle occurred. The

Emperor, it is true, had occasional intervals of a milder temper, but

was again and again persuaded to take violent measures by the bigoted

hatred of his Jesuit confessor and of the Papal Legate, and to at least

an equal degree by the covetousness of officials of high position, who

were actually promised a large share of the confiscated property. Even

Czechs, who had been guilty of no offence, were robbed of their estates

on all sorts of pretexts. Almost all the landed aristocracy lost half

their property, and many, including the wealthiest, their entire

estates through the Commissions that were appointed by the Emperor in

1622 to raise the amount that had been expended in consequence of the

insurrection.

“It would be well one day to give statistical details of the share

which fell to the assistants in this great work of oppression and

revenge, and of the portion that still remains in the hands of the

families of those who were then rewarded, and with these details--for

the sake of comparison--a statement of the political views of the

present holders of those confiscated estates. It would be a very

singular picture to see people who have grown rich and powerful through

the destruction of Bohemian autonomy now promoting its restoration.

“That would in truth be a most extraordinary reaction. But one should

be very cautious in crediting the sincerity of our large landowners

who make common cause with the Czechs in opposing the Constitution,

and in the aspirations and efforts that are ostensibly directed

towards that end. Their reactionary aspirations do not extend so far

back. They would be satisfied with a return to the conditions of the

period immediately preceding 1849, to the Austria which flourished

under Schwarzenberg and Bach. They and the Ultramontanes have allied

themselves with the Czech Federalists in order to prepare for this

reaction and to undermine and weaken the present political system of

the Empire, reducing it to a state of permanent instability. Like

their fathers, who once worked from Vienna against Prague, so do they

now from Prague oppose the political and religious influence of the

Austrian capital.

“Our ultramontane Princes of the Church, who now join with the

remainder of the reactionary mob in attacking the Constitution, were

formerly by no means in favour of Federalism or autonomy. The same

bishops who are to-day fanatical supporters of the Czech demands,

declared at the time when the Concordat was under discussion that the

variety of languages was one of the evil consequences of the building

of the tower of Babel which should be abolished, and emphasised the

necessity of a centralised State. Even now they are not irreconcilable

opponents of centralisation, but what they desire is to see Rome made

the centre for all affairs of importance. For them a centralised

Austria, under its present constitution, is an abomination. But a

centralised Austria held together by Ultramontanism and thoroughly

permeated with it, with a Vienna Star Chamber policy, like that of

Metternich, coercing, in co-operation with Rome and the old nobility,

all the contending nationalities and utilising them for their own ends

and those of the Pope, far from being repugnant to them, would be the

realisation of their ideal. And the members of our landed aristocracy

who have fallen into line with these ecclesiastical allies of the

Czechs have exactly the same ideas on the subject.

“I repeat, the Czech sentiment of these nobles is a mere pretence. It

is as false as the zeal which they manifest for Bohemian autonomy.

Two and a half centuries ago, their forefathers, as the servants of

ecclesiastical and political reaction, and as tools of the Jesuits,

opposed Bohemian autonomy with their whole might, and were rewarded

by being put into possession of the estates of the Bohemian nobility.

[The Schwarzenbergs could tell a tale on that subject. They have taken

over the views of their ancestors with the estates which they have

inherited. They will only support the Slav agitation for a time, and

with the secret intention of dropping it at a suitable opportunity. In

their hands the Czech peasant serves merely as the instrument for his

own better subjection. He was chosen for that purpose solely because

the Germans were not sufficiently gullible, and were too independent

of character, to serve these gentlemen’s purposes, viz., the fusion of

Ultramontanism and Absolutism which was established in Austria from

1661, and which the Jesuits and their lay and Clerical allies are now

promoting with all their might in Germany also.]”

_April 8th._--According to a telegram from Rosen, our representative

at Belgrade reports the Secretary of the Russian Consulate had boasted

that it was Russia who had put the Servian Government up to refusing to

pay the Zwornik tribute. The Chief made the following marginal note:

“Herr R. must be told to drop the habit of telegraphing every boastful

utterance in which Consular officials may indulge.”

In consequence of the difficulties respecting Zwornik and Sakar,

despatches have been written to S. and R., informing them that R.

has been instructed to act with the greatest prudence and reserve

in this matter, which clearly betrays a divergency of views between

Austria and Russia, in order not to prejudice our relations with St.

Petersburg or Vienna. Consul-General Rosen has however long since

received instructions to unhesitatingly subordinate our interests in

Servian affairs to the considerations imposed upon us by our intimate

and friendly relations with Russia and Austria, and to avoid everything

that could lead to misunderstandings or complaints on either side.

_April 10th._--According to a report addressed by the Austro-Hungarian

Ambassador, Count Apponyi, to Andrassy, which was shown by the latter

to S., Thiers, speaking to Apponyi, said: “_Les sentiments hostiles

de Bismarck contre le parti catholique lui inspirent de la sympathie

pour la gouvernement de Victor Emanuel_.” In other respects, Thiers

still maintains his optimistic view of the situation in France. He said

the country had never been so tranquil, and the South was no more to

be feared than Paris. He further observed that the good understanding

between Prussia and Russia was based more upon family relations than

upon the common interests and sympathies of the peoples.

_April 14th._--Andrassy has again raised, through the Austro-Hungarian

Ambassador in Berlin, the question of taking action against the

International, remarking incidentally that although at the interview

in Gastein nothing positive had been settled with regard to the

measures to be taken, yet there was every reason to believe that both

sides were in agreement, and that the German Government wished to

take the initiative in the matter. The communication of the Spanish

Government now afforded an opportunity of returning to the subject.

It was known through Schweinitz that the German Government was not

prepared to let the matter drop, but, on the contrary, intended to take

it into serious consideration, and that it was disposed in particular

to complete the existing extradition treaties by adding provisions

respecting the International. It is then suggested that a conference

of Austro-Hungarian and German authorities on the subject should take

place in Berlin, the results of which might be submitted to both

Governments. The document goes on to say:--

“The following measures might be recommended to the technical

authorities on both sides as likely to be effective: The prohibition of

labour congresses in which were represented associations belonging to

different countries; the prohibition of all foreign control over labour

societies at home; and, finally, the definition under treaty of those

precautionary measures that require a common understanding between the

European States and those which every State should be left to promote

under its own laws. Those points once settled by arrangement between

the two Governments, they might then proceed to consider whether in

addition to repressive measures it would not be possible to discuss

others of a remedial nature, to meet the legitimate demands of the

working classes and thus counteract the Socialist propaganda.”

I may add here that on the 27th of April the Chancellor instructed

Bucher to write to Itzenplitz, requesting him to have the materials

collected in November last embodied in a memorandum, and to nominate

for this purpose on behalf of his Ministry a representative acquainted

with the subject. A similar request was addressed to the Ministers of

the Interior and of Justice.

_Evening._--Bucher brings me an article from the _Pester Lloyd_ of the

11th instant and says: “The blue pencil mark, and the query ‘Surely

to be laid before the Chancellor?’ are by Aegidi. He thinks it will

be something new for the Chief. I am, however, pretty certain that

the article has been written at his suggestion. I myself have on

one occasion launched something of the kind against Augusta. Just

see that the article, or the best passages of it, are reproduced

in some low outside print (_irgend ein entferntes Schandblatt_). I

do not wish to give the black fellow my views on the origin of the

article, because, as you know, I do not trust him. Keudell has also

connections in Augusta’s circles.” The “best passages” from the

article, which began by describing the Emperor’s speech from the throne

as dry and temperate, but free from phrasemongering, and typical

of the “practical character of Prussian policy,” are the following:

“Although the statements contained in the speech from the throne

afford little ground for comment, yet the omissions point to another

aspect of the question. For some days past a singular rumour has been

circulating in the newspapers to the effect that the arm which has

seemed on the point of crushing the intrigues of the zealots is felt

in Berlin to be already unnerved, and that an armistice is impending

with the reactionary party which Prince Bismarck has just branded

as the arch-enemy of the German Empire. The sudden and unexpected

arrival of the Chancellor from Varzin is regarded as an indication

that something is pending in the capital which renders his presence

there indispensable. Others assert that the threatened expulsion from

Germany of the order of Jesus has excited such serious apprehensions in

Rome that the Holy Father himself directed the Episcopacy to observe a

prudent and moderate attitude in order to avert the execution of that

measure; thus paving the way for a _modus vivendi_, negotiations for

which had been already entered upon with every prospect of success.

As it is well known how unwillingly the Emperor William entered upon

that campaign, and what difficulties Bismarck had with the Conservative

Junkers and Pietists, the ominous silence on this point of the speech

from the throne may be taken as a confirmation of the foregoing rumours.

“Moreover, another dark rumour is gaining more form and consistence

from day to day, and cannot be ignored much longer. We regret to say

authentic reports agree in representing the Empress Augusta as the

centre of that coalition which desires to stay the hand that Bismarck

has raised to strike. We grant that the rumour sounds ludicrously

improbable, yet in presence of the letters that represent the facts as

fully authenticated, we have no alternative but to set aside all such

denials as futile, and--taking the matter as it stands, for good or for

evil--endeavour to explain it and to consider its consequences. We must

confess that we have only two very commonplace explanations to offer,

which may nevertheless suffice. These are the spiritual requirements

of increasing piety, so common in energetic women who are advancing

in years (the Empress will soon have completed her sixty-first year)

and the desire to play a political part, which likewise grows upon

them with age. It is scarcely necessary to recall special instances

in history to show how easily and frequently these tendencies have

combined, and how ladies of the highest station have thereby become the

most convenient and effective instruments of pietistic schemes. The

Empress, who has been at all times of an aspiring and ambitious mind,

but who has never exercised much political influence over her consort,

was obliged to seek a lever elsewhere. That is the simple solution

of the problem, but it must not be dismissed merely because of its

simplicity. Other ladies in a similar position follow the dictates of

their hearts when, influenced by their innate piety, they devote their

whole energy to promoting the interests of the Church.

“In the case of the Weimar Princess, the daughter of Charles Augustus,

whose friends were Schiller and Goethe, and the pupil of Alexander

von Humboldt, the connection between these two factors is reversed.

The splendour, to which her pride has always led her to aspire, has

now fallen abundantly to her lot. When it is remembered that the

magnificent coronation festivities, ten years ago at Königsberg and

Berlin, were principally her work, (it is well known that she begged

the Empress Eugénie to lend her her hairdresser for the occasion),

she must be fully satisfied in that respect, since the imperial

crown has been added to the royal diadem. But, in addition to this

outward pomp, Augusta now wishes to enjoy the sense of real power.

Indications of this tendency were evident so long ago as 1866, when

Vogel von Falkenstein received orders from Berlin in a feminine hand

to proceed with leniency in South Germany, and was suddenly removed

from the command of the army on the Main, because his anger at this

interference found expression in the words, ‘When petticoats are to the

front, the devil take a Prussian general!’ In order not to sink into

insignificance beside Bismarck, the Empress required a party, and she

was obliged to take it wherever it was to be found. In this way, the

illustrious lady, who once prided herself on being the patron of the

freethinking cream of the scientific and literary world in Berlin, has

come to find herself presiding over a conventicle.

“The turn things have taken remains none the less extraordinary

because we have tried to explain it. The Empress Augusta is the leader

of the pietistic Junker clique, which, under Frederick William IV.,

did everything in its power to humiliate her, at a time when she, as

Princess of Prussia, lived on the Rhine in a kind of honourable exile,

because she was not prepared to humour the romantic visions of her

royal brother-in-law. It is still related in Coblenz that a favourite

amusement of the wife of that arch-Junker Kleist-Retzow, who is now

leading the opposition against Bismarck in the Upper House, and who

was then Governor of the Rhine Province, was to hang out her wet

linen in the garden in such a way as to cut off the Princess’s view.

Berliners still remember the article in the _Kreuzzeitung_ which

actually denounced the ‘democrats’ for an ovation that once took

place in the fifties, outside the Palace of the Prince of Prussia,

because he and his consort had regained their popularity by opposing

the pietistic clique. And yet to-day the Empress is working hand in

hand with Kleist-Retzow and Senfft-Pilsach, with Lippe and Gerlach!

The unnatural character of this alliance is the best guarantee for its

short duration. The Empress, who is a clever woman, will grow tired of

the adventure as soon as she discovers that, instead of influencing

others, she is herself being used as a tool. Bismarck, however, must

now prove the truth of what he once said to Bamberger in Paris: ‘I am

much more of a courtier than of a statesman.’”

_April 15th._--Read two reports of the 11th instant from St.

Petersburg. One states that a copy of the _Kozmian Documents_ has

been handed to Prince Gortschakoff, and that the Russian Chancellor

has declared his readiness to join with us in protesting against the

appointment of Ledochowski as Primate of Poland. The report goes on to

say: “Prince Gortschakoff formerly complained that we intended to throw

Russia alone into the breach, and yet it would now seem as if it was he

who wished to throw himself into it, or rather had already done so, as

M. K. has made representations in Rome, although only in a confidential

form.” The other document reports: “Prince Gortschakoff told me to-day

that a few weeks ago General ---- showed him a private letter from

M. Thiers which contained a reference to the German occupation. The

Chancellor had replied that if the President of the French Republic

wished to communicate to him a financial scheme giving adequate

security for the payment of the war indemnity, the Russian Government

would willingly commend such a plan to favourable consideration in

Berlin. Beyond that he could promise nothing. The French Ambassador

returned to the subject a few days ago and again asked if the Imperial

Government would not use its influence in Berlin to hasten the

withdrawal of the German troops. The Prince replied that he would

not weary General ---- with repetitions, but would relate to him an

anecdote out of his own experience. On one occasion at the conclusion

of a game, the loser went on bewailing his bad luck, thus unnecessarily

delaying the other players. At length one of the latter exclaimed

impatiently, ‘_Payez d’abord et lamentez après!_’ The Ambassador took

the hint and did not press the matter further.”

_April 17th._--To-day towards noon Aegidi came to my desk and said he

wished to ask me a question. Hallberger, of Stuttgart, intended to

found a great Review, jointly with another gentleman whose name he

could not mention as yet. Now it had occurred to him, Aegidi, that

Professor Roessler might be willing to accept the editorship, for

which he would be highly suitable. The Chief knew and approved of the

scheme. I replied that Roessler did not appear to me to be fitted for

it, as although he was certainly able, he was nebulous, unpractical,

and rather indolent, so that he would constantly require to be roused

and kept up to the mark. Aegidi then said that there was plenty of

capital behind the scheme, and that Roessler would have an excellent

position. “But,” he continued, “the main point is this. The Review

would publish a fortnightly survey of the situation from here, similar

to that in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_. Would you be prepared to write

it? Of course you must demand very high remuneration. All your terms

will be agreed to.” I said I would consider the matter, particularly

if the Prince appeared to desire it. “Yes,” he said, “and you shall

have whatever you ask. But there is another point which may cause

you some hesitation--the gentleman with whom Hallberger proposes to

carry on the work is Meding.” I was thoroughly astounded, and felt the

blood rush to my head. “Meding!” I exclaimed; “on no consideration

whatever! That would be to roll myself in the mud of my own free will.

I beg of you most earnestly not to propose anything of the kind to

Roessler either, as he would regard it as an insult to suppose that

he would have anything to do with such a double-dyed traitor.” Aegidi

was highly surprised, and--with bated breath--supposed I would not be

prepared to see Meding, who intended to call upon me at 2 o’clock.

“Heaven forfend!” I replied; “I do not wish to hear his name or to have

anything to do with him.” “Well,” he added, “I myself should really not

have taken up the matter but for Keudell. You can see from this what an

easy-going, unsuspicious man he is.” (As if one did not know better!)

Later in the day I returned to this outrageous proposal, and told

Aegidi once more that I did not understand how such an individual could

imagine that a respectable literary man would have any connection with

a periodical edited by him. Roessler would be beside himself if such a

thing were suggested to him, and I really had good reason to be angry

at such a proposal being made to me. “You are right,” replied Aegidi,

“and I beg your pardon for having done so. I really did not know at

first that he was the same Oscar Meding.[6] (Stinking fish!) I cannot

understand how Keudell could have recommended him to me.” (...)

_April 20th._--In a report from Pesth, dated the 17th instant, I find

that Andrassy fancies, from various symptoms, that dissatisfaction is

felt at St. Petersburg at Austria’s disposition to enter into more

intimate relations with us. This does not apply, however, to the

Emperor Alexander himself. It would appear that the symptoms referred

to are to be found in communications from Lieutenant-Colonel Baron

Bechtoldsheim, the Austrian Military Attaché at St. Petersburg, and

from Lieutenant-General von Tornau, the Russian Military Agent in

Vienna. The latter, a meritorious old soldier, belongs to that class

of Russian politicians who look upon the Prussian conquest of the

Baltic Provinces as inevitable. During the war of 1870, General Tornau

was so _francophil_ that it was impossible to comply with the wish of

the Emperor Alexander, that full information should be given to his

military agent concerning Austrian armaments.

The same writer reports, under the same address and date: “I again

called Andrassy’s attention to the principle that has repeatedly

been laid down before as one of the preliminary conditions of our

mutual _rapprochement_--namely, that it must not in the slightest

degree impair the relations between Germany and Russia. In addition

to the reasons already mentioned, I gave the following. In political

affairs national and revolutionary passions have now associated

themselves more closely than ever before with sectarian feeling. This

circumstance increases the value of our orthodox friend. Andrassy

took this opportunity to give me the grounds on which he bases his

conviction that any action on behalf of Rome was an impossibility

in Austria-Hungary.... Not only there (in Hungary) but also in

Cisleithania, a Papal policy could not be carried into effect. ‘Even

the Thuns, and the members of their party,’ continued the Count, in

allusion to the notorious Clerical deputation, ‘entertain no such hope,

and no thought of it exists in those quarters with whom the decision

must lie.’ Therefore, if in the next war between Germany and France,

the latter seeks to secure allies on a Catholic basis, she will have

nothing to hope for here in Austria-Hungary. It is more probable, added

Andrassy, that she would turn to the Slavs, who form the majority of

the Austro-Hungarian population, and are connected with kindred races

on the southern and eastern frontiers of the Empire.”

_April 21st._--Brass to-day publishes an article (the greater part of

which was dictated by the Chief to Bucher) on the language used by the

Pope in bestowing his benediction upon a large deputation of Catholics

last Saturday. I quote the following passages: “Until we are assured

of the contrary on more definite information, we are disposed to think

that those four hundred persons did not all come to Rome from their

different countries merely to deliver the address, but rather that

those who have charge of the Vatican policy considered it desirable

to give the Pope an opportunity of expressing his views, and that the

real pilgrims were reinforced with contingents from the tourists and

foreign residents who are always to be found in Rome and the other

Italian cities. We shall hardly do the Papal advisers an injustice

in crediting them with this little stratagem, when the Pope’s own

speech proves that they did not hesitate to impose upon him with the

grossest inaccuracies, and when they induced so truth-loving a man to

say that a spirit of hostility to the Church had provoked the struggle

in Germany. The Pope does not understand the German language, and the

Germans who encompass him are no friends of Germany. It is, therefore,

no wonder that he is unable to control the statements made to him by

his counsellors. Are we not, indeed, accustomed to find the grossest

errors respecting Germany prevalent in leading circles in France,

a neighbouring country which is in active, personal and literary

intercourse with us? Every one in Germany who is capable of forming an

independent opinion knows, and every one, with the exception of the

party of the _Germania_, will acknowledge, that it was the Catholic

reaction which began the quarrel with a Government whose dispositions

towards the Catholic Church were most friendly. Every Government,

including those of Catholic countries like Portugal, Spain, Belgium,

Italy and France, must defend itself against a reactionary movement

which now, through the mouth of the Pope, summons to its assistance

the elements of opposition in Ireland, Poland, and Holland, in the

same way as it must defend itself against the revolutionary democracy.

This is confirmed by the Pope himself, so far as France is concerned;

as the ‘party’ which fears the Pope so much must, we presume, be held

to include the Government that has curbed the zeal of the ultramontane

deputies. For the Papal politicians even France is not sufficiently

Catholic; France, where for centuries the keenest Papal propaganda has

been carried on, where Roman discipline has been maintained by the St.

Bartholomew massacres, the dragonnades, and the revocation of the Edict

of Nantes, and whose first care, after stealing Strassburg from us, was

to hand over the Protestant Cathedral to the Catholic bishops. The Pope

admonishes the party which in France fears him to cultivate a humble

spirit. If he knew the real condition of affairs there, as in all other

Christian countries, he would rather have addressed that admonition

to the arrogant priests who, unlike the Protestant clergy, instead

of being the servants of the community desire to become its masters;

and to those members of the laity who, for the purposes of their own

ambition, abuse the prestige which he rightly enjoys, who terrify him

with the lie that the Catholic Church in Germany will undergo similar

material losses to those which it has suffered in Italy, who take

allies wherever they are to be found, and who--as in certain election

addresses--instigate the spoliation of the rich in the name of a

religion of love.”

Bucher, who called my attention to this article, told me the Chief

desired the whole official press to speak in this tone of the Pope--a

good old gentleman, who does not understand German, and who has

fallen into bad hands. He at the same time gave the following notes,

requesting me to “smuggle them into the press somewhere:” “In the

course of the debate in the Reichstag on the Statistical Bureau,

the Federal Commissioner, Privy Councillor Michaelis, asserted that

under the new order of things the Foreign Office had become entirely

superfluous for Prussia. That is an extraordinary statement, which

calls for rectification. The debate on the Budget in the Prussian

Diet showed that there are still in existence eight Royal Prussian

Legations, and that for the transaction of the business connected with

them, the Foreign Office is still designated the Prussian Ministry

for Foreign Affairs, and appears as such in the Prussian Budget, the

title of its officials to be regarded as Prussian officials having been

expressly vindicated. It is an open secret that the opposition to the

Prussian Statistical Bureau is due to other causes. This institute has

done its work, and submitted its results without considering whether

the latter harmonise with this or that theory--in other words, it

has acted in a scientific spirit. Now, for a considerable time past

it has been observed with disfavour in certain quarters that the

results obtained by the Statistical Bureau do not always tally with

the infallible and all saving doctrines of Free Trade. The opinion is

indeed gaining ground in ever-widening circles that the preachers of

economic infallibility would do well to test and amend their teachings

by the light of such facts as are now being collected in Berlin,

instead of emulating their ecclesiastical colleagues the Jesuits by

calmly putting every heretic out of the way.”

_April 22nd._--Aegidi told me this morning that the Chief wished to

see the following subject discussed in the press. Prince Leopold of

Bavaria, in consequence of his betrothal to the Austrian Archduchess

Gisela, was to enter the Austrian army. During the war with France he

had distinguished himself by his gallantry and other high qualities.

Therefore, in spite of the pleasure caused in Germany by his betrothal,

it would be a matter for regret if he were to be lost to the German,

and particularly to the Bavarian army. Up to the present, there had not

been any such intimate personal connection between the Bavarian army

and the dynasty as existed for instance in Prussia and Saxony, and it

must therefore be hoped that the rumour would not be confirmed, or that

the decision might still be altered.

Aegidi added that he had just sent a paragraph to this effect to Zabel

(then chief editor of the _National Zeitung_), but that he had declined

to publish it....

_May 4th._--Aegidi assures me that an article in the _Norddeutsche

Allgemeine Zeitung_, written by himself, reproduces the ideas of the

Prince, in several places “almost literally.” After alluding to the

nomination of Cardinal Hohenlohe as German Ambassador to the Curia,

and with the erroneous interpretation placed upon it by certain

newspapers, the article goes on to say: “It is not the business of

a diplomatic agent to have his own plans of campaign, to deliver

battle or gain victories, nor to exercise influence through threats,

stratagems, or persuasion. He is only the intermediary between

the Governments and Courts that hold intercourse through him, the

mouthpiece of his Government, whose instructions he must carry out

skilfully and conscientiously. In the present instance the aim of

the German representative at the Vatican cannot for a moment be to

persuade or win over the head of the Catholic Church, and still less

to bring the great struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical

powers to an issue by diplomatic talent and resolution. The first task

of the representative of Germany at the Vatican would doubtless be

to prevent the Pope from being misled with regard to German affairs.

Were such a representative--thoroughly acquainted with the questions

at issue, and well informed both as to persons and things--to succeed

in this respect it would be a great gain. It must not be forgotten

that such subjects as are generally included in foreign politics do

not come in any way within the province of his diplomatic mission. The

envoy to the Papal See has nothing whatever to do with territorial

questions or other worldly interests, but only with affairs of Church

and State. Nor can these be settled in Rome, or be dependent upon any

decisions arrived at there. They must, on the contrary, be regulated

by legislation, with the co-operation of Parliament; and it is in

that way that they will be regulated. It is none the less desirable

to prevent numerous conceivable misunderstandings which may arise in

connection with such important matters, and in particular to forestall

wilful misrepresentations, thus averting unnecessary friction. These

considerations will doubtless have exercised a decisive influence in

the choice of an intermediary exceptionally suited for the post. The

Pope, however, did not approve. As reported yesterday, in reply to the

official communication announcing that Cardinal Prince Hohenlohe had

been selected for the post of Ambassador of the German Empire, and

inquiring whether the appointment would be agreeable to the Pope, the

Cardinal Secretary of State declared that his Holiness could not allow

a Cardinal to undertake such an office.”

_May 5th._--The following paragraph appears to-day in the _Magdeburger

Zeitung_, the _Weser Zeitung_, and the _Hamburger Correspondenten_:

“St. Petersburg, April 29th. It will be remembered that M. Kapnist, the

Russian agent to the Curia, was some time ago invested by the Pope with

the Order of Pius. It is now reported from Rome that the cross of the

Order is set in brilliants of exceptionally high value--the estimate

varies between fifty and a hundred thousand francs. Such a distinction

excites all the more surprise as M. Kapnist’s mission is by no means

concluded.” This was probably written by Aegidi, who asked me yesterday

to have the news circulated in papers to which I have access, but in

such a way that the source of the paragraph should not be recognised. I

wonder what object the Chief, from whom he received this instruction,

can have in view in circulating this report. In a letter written by D.

on the 27th of April, which reached here on the 30th, it is stated that

the story circulated by the _Italie_, as to Kapnist’s Order being set

with brilliants was unfounded, and that altogether he had received no

distinction greater than was due to his rank. And yet four days later

the above instructions are given!...

_May 9th._--A communication was yesterday despatched to S., which

contains the following passage: “You will have seen from the ciphered

despatch of Consul-General Rosen, dated the 21st of April, and

forwarded _viâ_ Vienna, that M. de Kallay in Belgrade denies being the

author of the report of our alleged intervention on behalf of Servia,

in the Zwornik question. Different versions of his communications seem

to have reached Vienna and Constantinople, as would appear from the

statements made by Count Andrassy to your Excellency, and by Count

Ludolf to Herr von Radowitz. Similarly, the false reports that have

reached the newspapers can be traced to the same source. As they

are obstinately maintained, it has been necessary to publish the

following _démenti_ in the _Staatsanzeiger_. An instruction has been

issued from the Foreign Office, to contradict a report from Belgrade,

dated the 28th ultimo, and published in the _Augsburger Allgemeine

Zeitung_ of the 2nd instant, which is in every respect unfounded. The

report in question maintains, in opposition to the _Norddeutsche

Allgemeine Zeitung_, that the Berlin Cabinet intends to intervene in

the Zwornik question on behalf of Servia. The correspondent observes:

‘I am informed, on an authority which it is impossible to doubt, that

Prince Bismarck, in the last Note sent by him to Herr von Radowitz,

expressly directed him to support the Servian demands.’ This statement

is wilfully false in every particular. No Note, no instruction, no

communication of this or a similar kind has been sent. When this

audacious invention was first circulated, an official inquiry which was

instituted into the affair showed that its author, whom we shall not

name for the present, was closely connected with certain non-German

official circles. Doubtless the correspondent knows the source of the

rumour, and will be able to judge for himself what he should think of

its trustworthiness.”

_May 10th._--I noted down the following from a despatch sent to

Rosen yesterday: “Count Andrassy tells me that M. de Kallay (the

Austro-Hungarian agent to the Servian Government) has reported from

Belgrade that the Regents give it to be understood that the German

Consul-General has said that Servia would ultimately get Zwornik, but

must avoid any step that would cause uneasiness.”

Read two reports from Paris, both dated the 6th instant. The following

is an extract from the first: “As I have already stated on a former

occasion, we ought not to decline off-hand the proffered understanding

with the Bonapartists, especially as, on the one hand, they have no

intention of intriguing against the present Government, and, on the

other, they are the only party which openly seeks our support and

includes reconciliation with Germany in its programme, while all the

other groups and sections avoid every intercourse with us, and inscribe

_la revanche_ on their banners. I consider the candidature of the Duc

d’Aumale to be as great a danger as that of Gambetta, and the so-called

respectable Republic which would be represented by Casimir Perier and

Grévy would form only a transitional stage to Gambetta. Therefore the

most desirable development of the political situation appears to me one

which would, on the one hand, leave us time to come to an understanding

with the Government as to the speedy payment of, and security for, the

three milliards, and, on the other hand, hasten as much as possible

the inevitable change of system, so that the presence of our troops in

the country might afford us an opportunity of exercising a decisive

influence upon the crisis.” The following passage from the other report

is of importance: “M. Thiers then explained to me the general outline

of his scheme for the payment of the war indemnity. He wishes to raise

a loan of three milliards. Of that amount not more than one hundred

millions per month can be called up without placing too great a strain

upon the Money Market. Those sums would be paid direct into the German

Treasury by the banks entrusted with the operation. The payments could

begin in the summer of the present year. The greater part of the first

milliard, which is due on the 1st of March, would therefore be paid

over before that date. This payment in advance should therefore be

met on our side by a corresponding evacuation of French territory.

I forbear to enter into the objections which I raised to M. Thiers’

proposals, as they are too obvious to be overlooked.”

_May 16th._--This afternoon Bucher, under instructions from the Chief,

handed me the following sketch for an article which was to be dated

from Vienna: “I do not know whether the little flirtations of the

authorities here with the Poles have been noticed abroad. The summons

to the recalcitrant Galician members calling upon them to appear in

the Reichstag within fourteen days under pain of losing their seats,

was sent so late that the interval covered the marriage festivities,

and these gentlemen were able to take part in them as members of

Parliament. On the 21st of April, the day on which they were declared

to have lost their seats, the Emperor nominated Dr. Ziemialkowski,

the Burgomaster of Lemberg, whose revolutionary past is well known,

as Minister without a portfolio, and in the Speech from the Throne

referred to this appointment as evidence of his constant consideration

for Galicia. Shortly before this the Archbishop of Lemberg and the

Bishops of Tarnau and Przemysl thought good to send an address to

the ‘Primate,’ Count Ledochowski. It will be remembered that at the

time when Poland was still a kingdom the Primate sometimes acted

as Interrex. The ceremony of inauguration of the Cracow Academy,

which was founded by the Hohenwart Ministry, took place on the 7th

of May, and was attended by the Archduke Karl Ludwig, the Patron

of the Institution. The festivities and speeches on this occasion

were of such a demonstrative character that the local journals,

notwithstanding the full reports which they published, omitted a number

of exceptionally piquant details, particularly in a speech of the new

Minister Ziemialkowski. We may perhaps form some idea of that speech

from the following passage in an election address which he delivered

in 1870: ‘Very soon,’ he said, ‘the civilisation of Europe must

measure swords with Asiatic barbarism. From this struggle Poland will

arise once more like the Phœnix from its ashes. It is true, indeed,

that in the present formation of Europe Poland, with a population

of sixteen millions, situated between the German Empire with forty

millions and Russia with sixty millions, could not maintain herself

alone. She therefore must unite with Hungary and Austria and form a

federation which would justify us in claiming that it had its origin in

a political necessity.’ In Polish affairs one is thoroughly accustomed

to these castles in the air, but it would really seem as if Prussia and

Germany ought to keep a sharp look-out.”