CHAPTER III

THE LAST TWENTY MONTHS IN THE FOREIGN OFFICE--DOCUMENTS RECEIVED AND

DESPATCHED

_July 28th._--Count W. recently sent papers marked “Contracts,” adding,

“these have been fetched on the instructions of Herr von Düring, and

are intended for Herr von Meding in Thun.” I suspected immediately that

the gentleman referred to was the ex-Government Councillor Meding,

formerly in charge of press affairs under the Guelphs at Hanover, the

patron of the _Situation_ in Paris, who had now given up the cause of

George V. in consideration of a respectable _douceur_, or a pension

from the Guelph Fund. I thought to myself that it is doubtless to him

and to his comrades that v. R. referred when he inquired the other day

whether he should pay their money to the Hanoverians in Thun.

In this supposition I was on the right track. I see to-day among the

latest correspondence received a letter from Government Councillor O.

Meding to the Imperial Chancellor, dated from Thun, on the 22nd of

July, in which he reports that non-commissioned officers and men of

the Hanoverian Legion in Africa, which has now been disbanded by the

French Government, have arrived at Geneva in charge of the former

Hanoverian Lieutenant Kreiss. According to Meding they wish to go to

Austria, in order to take service there, as they were told in France

that Austria was preparing for war. Meding further reports that they

were employed last year by MM. Malortie and Adelebsen for the formation

of a volunteer corps, but were first interned in Rouen by the French

Government, and afterwards shipped on board a vessel for Algeria under

an escort of gendarmes.

I here add some extracts from other documents dealing with the same

matter. On the 27th of July the same true friend of King George reports

that those people are in Zurich, and manifest great bitterness against

the King, who--as may well be the case--had not kept his promise to

provide for them. Kreiss had received from Hietzing an assurance of

a pension of five hundred thalers and an appointment as groom of the

stud of the Archduke William, but desires, nevertheless, to remain at

Romanshorn for the present. Commissary Ebers has gone to Zurich to

collect any documents in the hands of these people respecting their

entry into the French service. The communication concludes as follows:

“I have given the address of the Hanoverians in Paris, which has been

previously mentioned, to Beckmann, the writer, in order that he should

hand it over to the Councillor of Embassy von Keudell. The other papers

formerly in Paris have been brought here by Commissary Ebers, and I

will shortly report on the historic material contained in them, and

request your Serene Highness’s orders on the subject.” Later, on the

16th of September, von R. telegraphed from Berne, asking whether the

next quarterly instalment should be paid to the “Hanoverian pensioners

in Switzerland.” On the 28th of the same month an affirmative answer

was sent, signed by Thile, who added, however, that those gentlemen

should return to their homes, and assist there in influencing the

population in favour of the Government. The Parisian papers have been

received. The first contract with them was signed as early as the 24th

of September, 1870, v. R. should report whether Count Mengerssen was to

be included among the pensioners.

Wollmann told me this morning that the widow of the painter Bouterweck,

a Prussian lady, has written from Paris to the Foreign Office, stating

that several pictures owned by her late husband, which she had had in

her house at Bougival, and which did not even belong to her, had been

taken away by the Prussian troops. They were paintings by old masters,

among them a Hobbema. She had ascertained that a Captain K., of the

47th (doubtless the 46th) Regiment, had packed them up and sent them

away, and she now requested that they should be returned to her. They

are certainly not in the possession of Captain K., but it may be that

First Lieutenant ---- has them, as the story goes that he has been sent

packing on account of a consignment of flotsam and jetsam in the way of

furniture, which he forwarded to his mistress....

_August 23rd._--The following suggestions for the semi-official press

were sent by the Chief to Thile, who handed them over to me: “The

domestic complications in the cis-Leithan half of Austria-Hungary give

rise to frequent misconceptions abroad, too much importance being

given to the national aspect. The issue turns upon governmental and

constitutional questions, and the relations of the various parties,

rather than upon the struggle between the Germans and the Slavs. It

is mainly a fight between the Conservative and Liberal elements. The

German landed proprietors support the Slavs because they themselves are

conservative or reactionary; and among the leaders of the Slav party

and those who are promoting the compromise there are a great number

of prominent aristocrats who do not understand a word of Bohemian or

any other Slav language. Men like Thun and Hohenwart are in the first

place conservative, and are only Bohemian in so far as they regard the

Slavs as useful tools for advancing the views of the aristocracy and

of the Church. That they further the Slav national movement at the

same time, and even apparently adopt its principles, is due to the

fact that the Slav peoples prove themselves to be more capable and

willing instruments of aristocratic, absolutist and clerical tendencies

than the German element. The latter, owing to its entire education

and to the circumstance that it includes the real bourgeoisie and

prosperous middle classes of Austria, gravitates unmistakably towards

Liberalism. It is in this way that the struggle assumes a national

character. This condition of affairs will be more readily understood by

comparing it with similar occurrences in Germany and elsewhere, where

the reactionary as well as the democratic and revolutionary groups,

irrespective of nationality, have thrown in their lot with kindred

parties in other countries (Poles and Frenchmen) for the purpose of

forwarding their party schemes against their opponents at home.”

“The Federalist-Conservative party in Austria has selected two

other elements as allies and--as it hopes--tools. Both of these are

in themselves equally hostile to Liberalism and Conservatism, and

desire for their part to use the Conservatives as instruments, hoping

ultimately to out-general them. These elements are Ultramontanism on

the one hand, and Socialism on the other. The latter, in the person of

the Minister Schaeffle, has been able to extend its ramifications even

into the present cis-Leithan Cabinet, and from that point of vantage

democrats like May, Frese and others, who are opposed to every form of

national as well as State organisation, will be utilised for momentary

party purposes. From its nature Ultramontanism is equally hostile to

every national element, and particularly to the German. The attitude

of their organs in Germany and abroad shows clearly that the German

nation cannot conclude any honourable peace with them. On the contrary,

both elements, the Ultramontane and the Socialist, are the born foes of

Germany.”

_August 30th._--Abeken, under instructions from the Chancellor, has

sent Thile a _résumé_, dated the 20th inst., of the conversation that

took place between the Emperor William and the Emperor Francis Joseph

on their journey between Welk and Ischl, from the particulars furnished

by the former. The abstract runs as follows:--

“When their Majesties had taken their seats in the carriage the Emperor

of Austria began immediately by expressing the satisfaction with which

he followed the great and successful achievements of his Majesty the

Emperor and King and of his armies. The conversation then turned on the

distracted internal condition of France, and from that to the danger

with which all Governments were threatened by the International and by

the communistic and socialistic movements with which it was associated.

His Majesty mentioned the last communication on this subject from the

French Government, dated the 16th day of July, with which the Emperor

of Austria also seemed to be acquainted. When his Majesty remarked

that in addition to a number of fine phrases it also contained one

practical suggestion, namely, that the Powers should if possible meet

in conference to consider the causes of, and come to an understanding

as to the means for averting, the threatening danger, the Emperor

of Austria replied that this was a good idea, which must be carried

into effect. The Emperor Francis Joseph referred to the domestic

difficulties with which he was confronted, but expressed the hope that

he would be able to overcome them. He hoped shortly to be able to

bring about a compromise with the Czechs. Everything was ready, and

the proclamation was to be made on his birthday, the 18th of August,

which it was hoped would satisfy Bohemia. He did not give any further

particulars of the measure.

“The Emperor Francis Joseph observed that the excessive demands of the

Germans in his Empire gave him a great deal of trouble. Towards the

close of the conversation the Emperor William took an opportunity of

telling him that if he succeeded in meeting the legitimate demands of

his German subjects, their thoughts would certainly not turn away from

Austria towards Germany. He had made a similar remark to the Emperor

of Russia with respect to the Baltic Provinces. The Emperor of Austria

considered that his Majesty had every cause to be satisfied with the

attitude of the Imperial and State Diets in recent times, to which his

Majesty assented in general, although some few differences had arisen.

His Majesty then recalled the circumstance that the Emperor Francis

Joseph had once said to him at Teplitz that in twenty years’ time

Constitutions would be things of the past. Ten years had now passed by,

and it did not look as if his prophecy would be realised within the

next decade.

“The question of the Roman Church was also incidentally referred to.

The Emperor Francis Joseph said it was to be regretted that the Pope

had brought the question of infallibility before the Council, whereupon

his Majesty replied that if a Catholic Sovereign expressed himself in

that sense it was all the easier for himself, from his own standpoint,

to agree with him. The Austrian Emperor did not say what his Government

proposed to do in the matter.”

His Majesty was highly pleased with the cordiality of his reception by

the Emperor Francis Joseph. The Archduchess Sophia had previously left

Ischl, as had also the Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who, as

his Majesty remarked, had just completed her cure.

_August 31st._--At noon to-day, Aegidi handed me the following, as

coming direct from the Chief, who urgently desired its publication in

the _Kölnische Zeitung_. “In the vehement attacks to which General

von Manteuffel was formerly subjected, and even in the articles first

published by the _Frankfurter Zeitung_, it was possible to credit the

writers, although partisan and hostile, with honest conviction. It is

obvious, however, that in the latest attack (_Frankfurter Zeitung_, No.

214) we have to deal with an absolutely unprincipled calumniator, who

knows nothing whatever either of General von Manteuffel, or of any of

the facts at issue. Nor can it be any longer supposed to have emanated

from some malcontent officer with an official or personal grudge

against General von Manteuffel, after the writer has made himself

ridiculous by the puerile insinuation that the attraction of oysters or

women induced the general to undertake his expedition to Dieppe. Every

one who has even a slight knowledge of the general knows that he is, we

might almost say, lamentably ignorant of the pleasures of the table,

and that so far as the fair sex is concerned, even before marriage his

conduct was always of such an ascetic character as to render suspicion

ridiculous. From the latest article in the _Frankfurter Zeitung_ it

would seem probable that the writer belongs to a class which does

little credit to the press, namely, the broken-down officers who had to

be cashiered during the 1848 period. His judgment in military affairs

is no better than his knowledge of oysters; for, with regard to the

latter, he is not even aware that among gourmets the Dieppe oyster

is known as the poorest of European crustaceans--big, leathery, and

bitter, like the brazen audacity of his own calumnies.”

_September 8th._--According to a report from London ---- are very much

annoyed that the visit of the Crown Prince has taken place in London,

and during the London season, and especially that his reception was

marked by such unmistakable signs of good will on the part of the

population. Even society and the press recognised the importance of

the Prince. The Crown Princess also made a pre-eminently favourable

impression.... The Prince of Wales and his Danish consort were

themselves more civil this time, and even put in an appearance at the

German Legation.... The Royal Family is once more beginning to be

afraid of France, and inclines toward Napoleon, who has always been

“England’s friend,” whereas the House of Orleans for some unknown

reason is looked upon as hostile.

_September 21st._--Aegidi said to-day he understood that Waldersee had

been “blundering,” having accepted from the French bills of exchange as

of equal value to ready money in the payment of the war indemnity. He

added: “We have lost in this way more than a hundred thousand thalers.

That comes of entrusting such high posts to military men.” This

piece of wisdom probably comes from Keudell. A short time ago, under

instructions from the Chief, I announced that Waldersee’s recall was

not due to any dissatisfaction with his management of affairs, but only

to the more peaceful relations between Germany and France, which no

longer required the services of a military representative.

_September 22nd._--This afternoon Bucher told me that Arnim had shown

great want of skill in negotiating the arrangement with regard to the

Customs of Alsace-Lorraine. He went to work as if he were empowered to

act on his own account, without reference to Berlin. It was a piece of

good luck that the French took it upon themselves to insert an extra

paragraph, or we might have fallen into the trap. Arnim is incapable,

as are also his attachés, Holstein, and the Lieutenants of Hussars,

Dönhoff and Stumm. Holstein is otherwise quite a capable man, but he

has no real knowledge of State affairs. Bucher concluded: “I have had

to give Arnim clearly to understand his position.”

_September 25th._--Eichmann, our Minister in Dresden (who, by the

way, is, according to Bucher, a vain, self-satisfied and rather

insignificant gentleman), reported the day before yesterday that

Friesen had told him that Beust, in speaking to Von Bose, the Saxon

Minister in Vienna, about his interview with Bismarck at Gastein, said

that the political views of our Chief fitted in with his own as did the

key to the keyhole, and that the Emperor Francis Joseph had observed

to Count Bray that his views had met those of the Emperor William half

way, and that a complete understanding had been arrived at between them.

A despatch given in Benedetti’s book, _Ma Mission en Prusse_, forms a

companion piece to Rasch’s mission to Garibaldi. From this despatch,

which was sent to Paris on the 10th of November, 1867, therefore not

long after the battle of Mentana, we obtain the following information.

When Garibaldi was about to invade the States of the Church, he wrote

a letter to Bismarck, in which he begged for substantial assistance

for his enterprise both in the way of money and arms. For safety’s

sake he had sent the letter by a confidential messenger, who handed it

over to the Chief. The latter appeared to entertain some mistrust, as

Garibaldi’s handwriting was easily imitated. Anyhow, he informed the

messenger that he had at his disposal no money for which he was not

bound to render an account to the Diet, and made several other remarks

to the effect that of course France could not permit an incursion

into the States of the Church, and that he regarded the enterprise

as hopeless. Benedetti’s disclosure was immediately followed by one

emanating from the Chief. As soon as France set about its preparations

for an armed intervention in Italy, the Cabinet in Florence telegraphed

to its representative in Berlin, instructing him to ask Count Bismarck

if, and to what extent, Italy might reckon upon the support of Prussia.

This was done; and the answer was, that in coming to the assistance of

the Pope France had a just cause for intervention, and that Prussia

could not be expected to lend its support to an incursion into the

territory of a sovereign with whom she entertained friendly relations.

_September 29th._--On the 26th instant the Bavarian Minister, H., told

W. that the time had arrived to think about introducing obligatory

civil marriage. According to the Council of Trent the sacramental

element in marriage consisted in the declaration of the bride and

bridegroom, before the priest and witnesses, that they desired

henceforth to live together as man and wife. How would it be, however,

if the Pope, who has now become infallible, were induced to declare

that the sacramental element consists in the performance of the

marriage rites by the priest? In reply to the inquiry whether he was

aware that something of the kind had been proposed at Bonn, he said no,

but that the idea was in the air. According to W., Professor Schulte,

who has been fully initiated into the former Austrian Concordat

negotiations, stated that the Emperor Francis Joseph could easily be

induced to agree to the dissolution of any religious order in Austria,

with the single exception of the Jesuits, to which he would certainly

not consent.

_October 7th._--Aegidi brought instructions from the Chief that in

future Austrian affairs were to be treated differently in the press. In

the official newspapers, as also in those that are regarded as having

a remote connection with us, the greatest consideration must be shown

towards the Hohenwart Ministry, while in the others all the concrete

measures taken by it against the German element must be criticised and

condemned in the sharpest possible terms.

_October 15th._--A report from Stuttgart of the 12th instant states

that the Baden Legation there has been abolished, and that Herr von

Dusch, who is very popular at the Court of King Charles on account

of his conciliatory character, has already presented his letters of

recall. Von Bauer, the Würtemberg attaché at Karlsruhe, has also

been recalled, and the Würtemberg Legations in Paris and Berne will

likewise be done away with. Probably the Italian envoy to the Court at

Stuttgart will also be withdrawn, and henceforth England will only be

represented there by a Chargé d’Affaires. “What Frenchman will come?”

asks the report in conclusion; and answers, “Certainly not St. Vallier.

Grammont’s communications in _l’Ordre_ have made a very painful

impression at Friedrichshafen.”

_October 22nd._--Stieber sends the Chief a report, dated the 20th

instant, which begins:--“In accordance with your Serene Highness’s

verbal permission I beg to submit the following particulars respecting

the Vienna _Vaterland_, Obermüller, and the party connected with

that paper. It was founded by Count Leo Thun, and was taken over

from him in 1870 by Dr. Puffka of Posen and Heinrich von Huster.

Thun now subscribes and writes very little for the paper. It has,

on the other hand, many contributors in Westphalia. The present

editor, Obermüller, (a Hessian, who formerly edited the fanatically

particularist _Saechsische Zeitung_, in Leipzig, and at the same time

gained for himself a not very enviable reputation as the author of some

extraordinary works on the Celts,) has stated in letters (which Stieber

appears to have seen and made extracts from): ‘The Saxon Federalist

nobility has, up to the present, been far less generous towards the

newspaper than the Bohemians, notwithstanding the fact that the sole

salvation of the former lies exclusively in a _rapprochement_ with

the Czechish-Polish-French party, which is in process of formation.

A meeting of the Saxon Federalist nobles has therefore been convened

at Bautzen for the 16th of October, in order to raise the annual

subvention from 800 thalers to at least 1,200.’ Obermüller writes

further: ‘It is quite clear to every one, friend as well as foe, that

Beust is now entirely on the Prussian side.... Beust has lost all

credit with the Emperor, and is now trying to maintain his position

with the assistance of Prussia, which will be of little use to him in

the long run. Here they desire first of all to remain on tolerably good

terms with Prussia, and for that reason Beust is retained, in order to

mask the situation.’” Stieber thinks the writer is not badly informed,

as Clam-Martinitz and Co., who used his office as their rendezvous,

have doubtless given him the necessary information.

According to a report from Stieber of yesterday’s date the “meeting

of nobles” at Bautzen has taken place. The only persons who put in an

appearance were Stolle, the (Catholic) Councillor of Consistory, as

the representative of the Dresden Patriotic Society, and the lawyer

Fischer, as the delegate of the Leipzig Patriotic Association, which

sent the _Vaterland_ a contribution of 300 thalers for the current

quarter, in support of its efforts in favour of a Federal policy in

Germany.

In the evening saw an announcement from Munich, dated the 13th of

October, and the draft of a reply, which I noted for future use. Lutz

expressed his anxiety that “the Government may after all be unable to

hold its own against the Ultramontane party.” The Minister’s opinion

and desire is therefore that the ecclesiastical questions should be

brought up for discussion in the Imperial Diet also, and that in

existing circumstances the Imperial Government should adopt an attitude

which would support and strengthen the Bavarian Ministry in its

struggle with the Ultramontanes. The Chief replied that he approved the

cautious tone maintained by the writer of the report, and instructed

him, in case the Bavarian Ministers should again reopen the subject in

the same sense as Herr von Lutz, to point out that the Federal Council

was the proper place for the discussion of that question, and that we

should be most willing to consider any proposals which the Bavarian

Government might have to submit there.

It would appear from a draft which I have read that Beust has sent

in a memorial on the International and the measures to be taken in

connection therewith, and that this has been submitted by the Chief to

the Minister of the Interior.

_October 30th._--G. writes on the 25th instant from Lisbon that he is

assured by one of the foreign Ministers accredited there, that Count

Silvas, the diplomatic representative of Portugal in Berlin, in the

spring of 1870 telegraphed to Lisbon the news of the candidature of

the Prince of Hohenzollern, and that it was in this way the French

Government first became acquainted with the affair. According to

reports of the 21st and 22nd instant, Andrassy has set forth to the

Emperor Francis Joseph in the course of a long audience the dangers

to which he would expose himself if he were to take the anti-German

side, “as was done in the unfortunate rescript.” “The genuine loyalty

of which the German Government now gives such clear proof, would,”

said the Count, “be then unable to stay the course of events. The

Austrian Germans would turn to the German democrats, and these would

tear the national banner out of the hands of Prince Bismarck, and carry

it forward until the whole German race was united.” Furthermore, the

Austrian Envoy at the Court of Baden reported that Prince Gortschakoff

had not concealed at Baden-Baden his satisfaction at the concessions

promised to the Czechs, and had in general expressed sympathy with the

demands of the Austrian Slavs.

To-day on my pointing to the article in the _Frankfurter Zeitung_ in

which the Radical journal calls attention to the services of Count

Solms, who was formerly attached to the German Embassy in Paris, and

complains of the neglect to which he is now subjected, Bucher said

that certainly before the outbreak of the war Solms had formed a much

sounder opinion of the situation and sent better reports than Werther,

but that the Chief was indisposed to believe him, being of opinion that

he was a man of no judgment. He afterwards fell into complete disgrace

for having accepted, during the campaign, a position in the Crown

Prince’s suite, instead of acting upon the suggestion of the Minister

that he should work with us.

_November 2nd._--Count Bismarck-Bohlen came into the Bureau to-day to

take leave of us. He is going to Venice, and then probably further on

into Italy, where he will remain until July. He told me that he had

tendered his resignation, but had only received--six months’ leave.

He will therefore continue to draw his salary in return for laborious

idleness. Bucher says he wanted to retire because his request for a

higher official title had been refused.

_November 8th._--This morning Wollmann showed me a letter of the 6th

instant from W., stating that in pursuance of a rescript of the 2nd

instant the _Süddeutsche Presse_ was henceforth not to receive any

subvention. Fröbel, the editor of the paper, is however to get further

sums of 2,000 and 7,000 florins for the year 1872, in all 9,000

florins, as compensation.

Aegidi told me to-day that the article “From German Austria” in the

_Preussische Jahrbücher_ was written by him, and was “almost entirely

from notes dictated upstairs.” What constant cackling over every egg!

The little man with the swelled head then called my attention to a

report by the Consul in Rio Janeiro on the slave law, which is printed

in the _Reichsanzeiger_, to which he had sent it. He then observed that

he would continue to supply them with such matter, and thus develop the

journal into a “great political organ.” I said to him in that case he

would perform a miracle, as it was like calling upon the lame to rise

and walk. I did not believe however that miracles took place in our

day. He replied: “Oh, yes, I know it will be a hard job, and indeed

I have already had trouble enough with an article which I dated from

Constantinople. But I shall manage it.” I said nothing, but thought to

myself. “Much good may it do you, little coxcomb!” I heard afterwards

that he complained to Abeken that in the _Provinzial-Correspondenz_

Hahn had expressed satisfaction at the decline of anti-German feeling

in Paris. “He should leave foreign politics alone,” he said. He

evidently did not know that Abeken himself had inspired the article. An

hour later, when he brought me his _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_

article against the _Provinzial-Correspondenz_ he insisted that Abeken

had intentionally brought the matter up. _Vanitas vanitatum, vanitas!_

But ludicrous at the same time, most ludicrous!

_November 9th._--In reply to my inquiry, Aegidi admitted that he had

sent the _Sternsche Correspondenz_ the contents of a report by Balan

on the Brussels Ministry and the “Roi Jésuite,” asserting at the same

time that the Chief had said it should appear in a paper which was not

regarded as semi-official. But the clever little man had carefully

selected a news agency which is universally regarded here as of an

exceptionally official character, and which competes with the Literary

Bureau, to Doerr’s serious discomfort.

_November 13th._--A report from St. Petersburg, addressed to the

Emperor William and dated the 8th instant, which reached here

yesterday, through safe hands, states: “His Majesty the Emperor

graciously communicated to me the letter which your Imperial Majesty

sent through Prince Frederick Charles. The passage respecting the

meeting at Salzburg was specially emphasised by the Emperor, who

remarked that what your Majesty had said as to the efforts of the

press to represent the good understanding between the two Powers as

being at an end was unfortunately too true; but that this, as I knew,

could exercise no influence upon his sentiments. The Emperor also gave

me the memoir of the Grand Duchess Marie on the negotiations with

Count Fleury to read. This document, which is probably the work of M.

Duvernois, and was handed to the Grand Duchess by Fleury for her use,

the Tsar considers to have been skilfully drawn up. The advocate of

the dethroned Emperor pleads his case cleverly in trying to convince

the German Emperor that the indemnity is in danger so long as the

present state of things continues in France; and that Germany should,

therefore, strongly urge a plebiscite as the sole remedy. He then went

on to say that Fleury constantly spoke of a strong Government, which

was only to be had under the Empire. But who would guarantee that, with

the return of the Empire, it would be possible once more to find the

strong hand to which Europe certainly had reason to be grateful at the

beginning of the fifties? If the French wished to hold another general

election in order to decide upon a definitive form of government,

by all means let them do so. That was their affair, and not that of

foreign Powers, which had nothing to do in the matter.

“It was in this sense that the Emperor spoke with regard to Fleury’s

proposals. In my opinion his Majesty will pay very little heed to

proposals for a Bonapartist restoration. The trouble taken by his

illustrious sister to interest him in this, her favourite scheme, is

likely to be wasted.”

_November 16th._--We hear from a well-informed source at Lemberg

that the society “Opielka Narodowa” (National Protection), which

has undertaken to establish and maintain the connection between

the numerous emigrants from Poland and their old homes, under the

control of Valerian Podlewski, is constantly increasing in numbers

and influence. A branch society for Eastern Galicia has been founded

in Cracow under the leadership of Byglewski, the president of the

so-called Siberian Committee, which provides for the Poles who return

from Siberia, and which is now to be affiliated to the Opielka. The

society has already established branches in twenty-six districts.

The Opielka Narodowa exercises strict supervision over the emigrants

resident in Galicia, and is in direct communication with all the

emigrant committees in England, France, Belgium, and Switzerland, thus

forming a connecting link between them.

_November 19th._--It is reported from Munich that Prince Otto’s health

is going from bad to worse; that it is, therefore, doubtful whether he

will be fit to succeed, and that consequently the King has again made

approaches to the family of Prince Luitpold, having twice paid them a

visit in the evening, an unusual thing for him to do. Abeken’s draft

of a report respecting the dismissal of Beust, which was despatched to

P. on the 13th instant, says that the Chief had not expected it from

the impression he had derived during the interviews at Salzburg. “For

the present he can only attribute the turn affairs have now taken--the

resignation of the Austrian Chancellor following upon the real victory

which he had just won--to that ‘Father Confessor’ policy (_Beichtvater

Politik_) which has always been powerful in Austria, and he must take

it that the influence of the confessional upon the Catholic monarch,

rather than considerations of a political nature, led him to sacrifice

his Protestant Minister to the Clerical party, as a compensation for

the defeat which they suffered through the dismissal of the Hohenwart

Ministry.” A communication forwarded to R. yesterday speaks in the

same sense, and then adds: “Probably Councillor von Braun has also

been active in this direction. I have previously mentioned to you that

he was well known to me at Frankfurt as an accommodating and active

instrument of the Clerical party.”

_November 30th._--Arnim was instructed in a despatch of the 27th

instant to secure redress in Paris for the impertinence of which

the French representative in Rome was guilty towards the Bavarian

envoy there. This despatch runs: “According to a report from Count

Tauffkirchen the French Ambassador in Rome and his wife have been

so impolite to him and his attachés that Tauffkirchen has asked to

be allowed to call Harcourt personally to account. Before I grant

him permission to do so I would ask you to secure the despatch of

the enclosed instructions to Harcourt. Failing that, we will revenge

ourselves upon the innocent Gabriac, and let Tauffkirchen loose on

Harcourt.” A telegram from Rome of yesterday’s date reported that the

Frenchman (doubtless under pressure from Versailles) had apologised for

his rudeness to Tauffkirchen.

_December 7th._--Von R., writing from Berne on the 4th instant, sent

in the autograph answers of the “Hanoverian pensioners” to a circular

of the 10th of October, in which they were called upon to make a

declaration respecting the place of residence which they would select

for the future.

_December 9th._--Among the documents received is an exceptionally

interesting communication from Vienna respecting an interview with

Andrassy. The following is an extract: “The Count called upon me

yesterday shortly after his return from Pesth. He is highly pleased.

Up to the present, he said, as Hungarian Premier, he had only the

support of the Deák party. Now that he is Minister for Foreign Affairs

the whole country is on his side. I observed that certainly he was

supported by the whole power of Hungary, but that on the other hand he

would be influenced by the wishes of Hungary. Count Andrassy replied

that even the Left, with the exception of a few followers of Kossuth,

were in agreement with his policy of peace. I reminded him of the

traditional friendship of Hungary for the Poles, but he strongly

contested the existence of any dangerous tendencies in this direction.

Returning to the subject of previous conversations, I acknowledged

that the Polish idea, as expounded by Count Andrassy, seemed to

me legitimate, namely, severance from France and the abandonment

of the agitation against Russia, in order to stay the process of

extirpation--in short, a conservation of the Polish nationality as a

means of counterbalancing future pan-Slavist tendencies. At the same

time, however, I again expressed my doubts as to whether the Poles

would be sensible enough to accept these views, and asked whether

it was not a fact that they were only entertained by a few Polish

emigrants. He replied in the affirmative, and then informed me that

although Prince S. Czartoryski had been betrothed to a Princess of

the House of Orleans (the twenty-six-year-old daughter of the Duc de

Nemours), he had received concurrently with this news an assurance

that the projected union would not affect his policy. Passing to the

Danubian Principalities the Minister said he had received trustworthy

reports from Bucharest and elsewhere to the effect that Cousa,

Bratiano, Ghika and Cogalniceano had combined to bring about the fall

of Prince Charles. The _Prince étranger_ was to be deposed, and Cousa

reinstated, and with him French influence. The railway affair, and

the pressure exercised at our instance from Constantinople, increased

the difficulties of Prince Charles, whom he, Count Andrassy, desired

to support. I repeated that we did not ask Austria to exercise any

pressure on the Prince, but only to use its influence with the Ministry

and the Chamber.”

A report addressed to the Chief from Paris on the 7th of December

contains the following particulars respecting Beust’s visit and the

French _revanche_ idea:--“Count Beust called upon me on his way to

London, having first had an interview with M. Thiers. His impression

of the Government here was that, even in foreign affairs, it was not

so judicious as was generally believed. I did not conceal from the

Count the view which I have already expressed to your Serene Highness,

namely, that the President of the Republic wishes, above everything

else, to avoid all foreign complications. Count Beust, with whom M.

Thiers seems to have talked a great deal of hypothetical politics,

maintains his opinion that at Versailles there was too much disposition

to seek out all sorts of complications. I refrain for the moment

from commenting upon this statement, which was obviously made with

a purpose. I have to-day received a communication of a similar kind

from a French source, that is to say, from the Vicomte de Calonne,

who formerly served our interests, though with little success. He is

doubtless in possession of a great deal of information with which I am

not yet acquainted. Possibly his present move is intended to reopen

the old relations. The Vicomte asserts that Thiers has one idea which

governs his whole policy, namely, that of _la revanche_. Although

he may not show it, it is firmly rooted in his mind. M. Thiers has

inaugurated--not unskilfully--a press campaign which is to keep the

_revanche_ idea alive. I do not deny that, from my own observations

made some days before I had seen M. Calonne, a distinction should

be drawn between the utterances of the President and the language

of his journals. While M. Thiers and M. Casimir Perier expressed

themselves grateful for the recognition of their loyalty contained

in Herr Delbrück’s speech, the official papers assumed an offended

air, and journals apparently of a more independent character, but

also possibly influenced from Versailles, represented the Minister’s

speech as a proof that Germany had not ceased her provocations to

war. To this extent M. de Calonne’s communication is in harmony with

other indications. He, however, somewhat diminished the value of

his information by disclosing himself as a voluntary agent of the

Legitimists. He expressed a wish that we should give the latter our

moral support, as without a restoration neither peace nor order could

be reckoned upon in France. I was able to point out to M. de Calonne

that, next to the Bonapartist journals, the Legitimist press was the

most violent in its crusade against Germany, and that the restoration

of internal order was France’s own affair. Our interest in the matter

was purely selfish, the only consideration for us being how best to

_tirer notre épingle du jeu_. He could, therefore, see for himself

what was our attitude towards internal questions, which, moreover,

were still very unripe. M. de Calonne was not very pleased with these

remarks, and expressed himself to the effect that we were on the eve

of great crises, that France would fall to pieces, and that Thiers

would by his policy prepare for a revolutionary war, if a definitive

government, the traditional monarchy, were not speedily re-established.

“I have not considered myself justified in withholding the statements

of Count Beust and the overtures of M. de Calonne, whom I had hitherto

hesitated to receive. It is not impossible that M. Thiers may have

spoken to Count Beust in a sense different to his remarks to me. M.

de Calonne, whatever his personal significance may be, is in any case

confidant of the monarchist circles, and an organ of their public

opinion. The views of both gentlemen are confirmed by the circumstance

that M. Thiers is raising a larger army than that maintained by the

Empire. Casimir Perier, indeed, assures me that the Government cannot

dispense with this strong force if it is to maintain public order.

But even if that be so, who can guarantee that a gendarmerie of over

500,000 men may not suddenly become a field force, when circumstances

permit?

“All these considerations might lead me to apprehend that I have

reposed too much confidence in the intentions of the President of the

Republic. Nevertheless, I do not consider myself to have any reason

for in any way altering my previous view of the situation. Even if M.

Thiers should permit himself to entertain vindictive combinations, and

even if he thought of ultimately employing this great army to some

other purpose than the war against the International, none of these

dreams could take a definite shape before the year 1874. We, as well

as M. Thiers, are for the moment only concerned with the next six

months; and for these six months, and indeed for his whole lifetime, M.

Thiers cannot desire warlike complications, because in spite of all his

frivolity he cannot doubt that the first cannon shot fired would put

an end to his own Government. What would happen afterwards is another

question, the decision of which would probably no longer lie in the

hands of the present President.

“It has become quite clear why Count Beust took Paris on his way, while

every political consideration should have induced him to avoid this

city. M. de Remusat, speaking of his interview with Count Beust, said

to me: ‘_Il a commencé par dire le plus grand bien du Comte Andrassy;

il a fini par en dire tout le mal possible._’ Herr von Beust spoke

of his own experiences as if he himself did not rightly know why he

had been dismissed. The first consequence of his dismissal and of the

idle talk to which it had given rise was that it became necessary to

lean much more towards the Left than would have been the case had he

remained. It appears to me that the fallen Austrian statesman has in

general _not_ made a very good impression here. He is thought to have

affected too much unconcern with regard to all those questions with

which he was officially connected. I first learnt from Herr von Beust

that Prince Metternich, after all delicate hints had proved fruitless,

was recalled at the express desire of M. Thiers. Nothing has yet been

decided as to his successor; and Count Beust is of opinion that the

appointment will be postponed for some time, as a means of marking the

dissatisfaction felt at the course adopted towards Prince Metternich.

The departure of Prince Metternich (whose sole merit consisted in the

possession of a singular sort of wife, for whom Paris no longer offers

a sphere of activity) is not regretted here.”

_December 16th._--With reference to the foregoing the Chief considers

Beust’s visit to Paris “a further characteristic symptom, affording

fresh grounds for a grateful appreciation of the value of the official

changes that have in the meantime taken place in Vienna. In the present

circumstances it should have been evident to him and to every other

statesman who regarded the matter from an impartial standpoint, that

the right course was to take the shortest and straightest route to

his new post, and rather to avoid such meetings as Count Beust had

sought. Only the desire to get himself talked of and to pose before

the world even in the smallest personal concerns could have misled an

otherwise intelligent man to attract so much attention, and secure so

much publicity to his movements. It is impossible to foresee into what

courses an influential Minister may not be betrayed by such weaknesses,

which destroy all confidence in his trustworthiness. Count Beust has

once more proved what good reason we have to be satisfied with the

change that has taken place in the control of political affairs in

Vienna, a change which gives promise of a more business-like and less

personal, and therefore steadier and more serious, policy.”

_December 25th._--To-day sent an article to the _Kölnische Zeitung_,

which was based on a despatch of Arnim’s of the 17th instant. Arnim

wrote:--“According to private accounts, which have reached here from

Stuttgart, the Würtemberg Court intends to appoint a Chargé d’Affaires

in the person of Herr von Maucler. Improbable as this news appears to

me, I cannot but point out how very regrettable such a decision on the

part of King Charles would be. Of course at a decisive moment the

presence of a Würtemberg Chargé d’Affaires would make no difference,

but it would unquestionably increase the disposition of the French

towards a new war by at least two per cent. Then there is the further

consideration that a Würtemberg Chargé d’Affaires would lead to the

appointment of a French envoy at Stuttgart, who would find it easy

to discover people who are dissatisfied with the new order of things

in Germany. Estimating the total loss of the German army in the last

war at 100,000, and supposing that a new war were to cost only 50,000

men, the Würtemberg Government would thus be making itself responsible

for the loss of 1,000, if it unwittingly contributed to encourage a

French renewal of hostilities. Similar reflections should be made in

Munich. Rudhard, the Chargé d’Affaires accredited here, whose attitude

is perfectly modest and correct, gives no ground for complaint. The

fact, however, that he and I meet in M. de Remusat’s antechamber is

sufficient to give rise to false notions. The attention with which

the French follow the symptoms of Particularism in the South German

Chambers shows what great hopes they repose in the possibility of

dissensions in the German Empire. The French cannot be judged by the

same standard as other nations. They have no sense of proportion, and

attach importance to matters that in reality have no significance. In

a madhouse the merest trifles may lead to a revolt, and even if it be

suppressed it may first cost the lives of many honest people. The small

German Courts should think of this, before they, for vanity’s sake,

send agents to Paris.”

_Evening._--Read a report of the 14th instant from Berne respecting the

impressions gathered by Colonel Ruestow (the well-known writer and Red

Democrat) during his recent stay in Paris, as communicated by him to

an intimate friend. He declares that he also conferred with the French

Minister of War and with several officers of high rank. According to

him, the _revanche_, and--however absurd that may sound--a speedy one,

has been firmly resolved upon. Not only the army but all classes and

sections of the population are filled with this idea and imbued with

this spirit. Their reckoning is made for the year 1873 or 1874. The

condition of the army, of which Ruestow closely inspected five corps,

he declares to be worse than he had ever known it. Drunkenness and

indiscipline, as well as socialistic tendencies, were universal, while,

on the other hand, Bonapartist sympathies were far more widespread

than was to be reasonably expected. The army and the people agreed

in a common and equal dissatisfaction with Thiers and the present

Government. R. thinks Ruestow’s views are not without interest, as

“that renegade” is well-known in Paris, and familiar with circles which

give some insight, both political and military, into the real condition

of French affairs. R. himself, who is a vain visionary, cannot be

regarded as a good observer.

_December 26th._--To-day read two St. Petersburg reports of the second

week of the present month, and partially utilised them for the press.

It is stated in one of these, that on the occasion of a gala dinner at

the Festival of St. George on the 8th inst., when the Emperor Alexander

strongly emphasised his friendship for Prussia, and expressed a hope

that later generations would also entertain that feeling, the heir

to the throne observed to his neighbour at table, “_Dieu veuille que

celà se fasse!_” A second passage runs: “I was anxious to hear what

Gortschakoff would say to me respecting the speech made by the Emperor

on the 8th inst. It confirmed what I knew already, namely, that the

Emperor had not taken any one into his confidence beforehand. He asked

Gortschakoff if he was satisfied, and the Imperial Chancellor replied

that he was pleased to observe the words ‘ordre légal’ in the speech.

If the Emperor had previously asked his advice on the matter, he would

have urged the insertion of these words, as it would be of advantage

that Europe should know that both Powers were at one respecting

the maintenance of law and order.” The report then continues: “The

Chancellor never likes the Emperor to deal with politics in an

extempore fashion, and without consulting him. In the present instance,

this feeling was again perceptible; but he had no option in speaking to

me but to express his great satisfaction at the Imperial utterances.

He added that the Russian press already commented upon his Majesty’s

words with approval, and hoped they would be well received in Berlin,

which has been the case. At the same time, so far as I can ascertain,

opinion here in St. Petersburg is very much divided on the subject.

Our friends applaud. Others, who, since the war, have been oppressed

with the foolish apprehension that victorious Germany would soon fall

upon Russia, now breathe more freely. Yet another section pull wry

faces at this formal proclamation of Russo-German friendship. A serious

blow has been dealt at all the attempts of this party to disturb the

friendship by exciting mutual suspicion. After such words as those we

heard on the 8th of December, the reading public will no longer credit

what they say, as such a frank statement by the Sovereign cannot be

without influence in Russia. They now seek to indemnify themselves by

turning the Tsar’s friendship for Prussia into ridicule. The visit of

the Prussians is referred to as the German ‘butter week’; exception

is taken to the presentation to Count Moltke of the general staff’s

map of Poland on the occasion of his visit to the general staff; the

Field Marshal and the officers who accompanied him, although they were

very careful in what they said, are accused of having betrayed their

contempt for the Russian military organisation, and further rubbish of

the same kind. These malicious stories may doubtless, here and there,

fall upon fruitful soil; but, in my opinion, they will not succeed in

effacing the good impression made by the Prussian visitors.”

What is here said of the Russian press was confirmed by a series of

cuttings, probably emanating from Julius Eckart, of Hamburg. These were

handed to me by Bucher on the 15th of December, under instructions

from the Chief, and an abstract was sent by me to the _Norddeutsche

Allgemeine Zeitung_.

In the meantime I had begun to prepare my article on the International.

Bucher called my attention to the volumes of documents in the Central

Bureau which contained useful material for this purpose, and instructed

the Secretary to place them at my disposal. Here I also came across

Beust’s memorandum which is mentioned in my diary under the date of the

22nd of October, and extracted the most important passages. From the

style it would appear to be written by Beust himself, or, at least,

to have been revised by him. Notwithstanding its somewhat florid

phraseology, it is a document of unusual interest, particularly in view

of the Constitutionalism which it affects. I was unable to discover in

it any great ideas or new methods.

The Austrian memorandum was followed by a Prussian one (see diary under

14th of April, 1872); and, to my knowledge, preparations were made

for a commission, composed of the representatives of both Governments,

which was to discuss the question. I am not aware what further steps

were taken in the matter.

_January 2nd._--According to a report from London, Beust had an

audience of Napoleon at Chislehurst on the 23rd of last month

(December), and afterwards said to Bernstorff that the Emperor had

not by any means given up the hope of returning to France. In reply

to Beust’s question whether he entertained this hope for himself

personally or only for his dynasty, the answer was that he himself

expected to ascend the throne again.

_January 5th._--Werther reports from Munich that Howard, the strongly

anti-Prussian English Minister at the Bavarian Court, has been

recalled, and on taking leave had an interview of three-quarters of an

hour with King Lewis, the length of which was all the more striking

as the Italian representative, Greppi, had remained with his Majesty

only a quarter of an hour. That the Minister for Foreign Affairs only

heard of this audience after it had taken place is significant of

the condition of affairs in Munich. Howard is succeeded by Morier,

former Chargé d’Affaires at the Darmstadt Court, with whom our Werther

is on a friendly footing. I may add that a short time ago Bucher

brought me some ideas from the Chief for a Munich letter, which was

to be inserted in a “non-official newspaper,” and which, if I am not

mistaken, appeared in the _Kölnische Zeitung_. It ran as follows: “Sir

Henry Howard, the English Envoy here, who, if I am rightly informed,

usually devotes his leisure to diplomatic chatter of an anti-Prussian

description, is now charged with the doubtless very welcome duty of

representing French subjects in Bavaria. His first act in this new

capacity was to invest M. Hory, the former Chancelier of the French

Legation, who had remained behind for the purpose of spying, with

the character of Chancelier of the English Legation. This conduct on

the part of the representative of generous Albion has aroused great

indignation here. Sir Henry, the representative of the Queen of

England, who bears the title of Defender of the Faith, is moreover

strongly Catholic.”

_January 8th._--A report addressed to the Chief from Berne, dated

the 6th instant, states that Rohrschütz, the Würtemberg Consul in

that town, under instructions from his Government, asked Welti,

the President of the Confederation, whether Switzerland would be

disposed to enter into a convention with Würtemberg for the mutual

care of the sick. Welti replied that it would be more in accordance

with the general interest to avoid Particularist treaties, and that

Switzerland would therefore prefer to conclude such an arrangement

with the German Empire. It would be more advisable for the Consul to

submit his suggestion in the first place to the German Minister. The

report concludes as follows: “The official communication made to me

by the President of the Confederation characterises sufficiently the

petty efforts of certain circles in Stuttgart, and tends to show the

expediency of defining my relations here, so far as Würtemberg is

concerned, with unmistakable precision.”

A characteristic article written by me on the instructions of the

Chancellor and based upon his suggestions, which was sent to the

_Kölnische Zeitung_, appears to belong to this or the following

week. It was based upon an official communication from the Chief,

intended--after certain excesses of anti-German feeling--to call the

attention of the French to the real significance of the situation. It

says, _inter alia_: “Two peoples dwell in France, the French and the

Parisians. The former loves peace. The latter writes the newspapers,

and seeks to pick a quarrel, which the other then has to fight out.

Both, however, should clearly remember how near the German army is at

Château-Thierry.

“If the Parisian moral code culminates in the categorical imperative

of revenge, the nation cannot be too strongly reminded how speedily

the Germans could reach Paris from Reims, now that Metz, Strassburg,

Verdun, and Toul no longer stand in their way. It would also be well

if the various French Pretenders would bear in mind the position

and treaty rights of Germany. The Government in office will in the

circumstances save itself from disappointment by not counting upon

any special consideration at the hands of Germany. It is entirely

in the interest of peace that countries and peoples should know

exactly how they stand with each other. The occupation of the French

departments, conceded to us by treaty, is for us a defensive position

from which we can only retire, in so far as we are obliged to do so

by treaty, when we are perfectly satisfied respecting the sentiments

and intentions of France. The policy and disposition of France since

the conclusion of peace does not inspire that confidence which would

justify us in renouncing any advantage of our present strong defensive

position. In France a war of revenge is being incessantly preached

from the house-tops, and a Government which has added to the military

budget eighty to a hundred millions more than it reached under the

Emperor Napoleon can lay no claim to a reputation for peacefulness.

If France maintains that the war indemnity is excessive, and at the

same displays lavish extravagance in preparing for another war, it

may be fairly said that the despatch of the 7th instant, with its

expression of regret that the German hopes for the re-establishment of

more peaceful relations should have proved premature, was a moderately

worded intimation, and that its publication was a well meant measure of

precaution.”

_January 17th._--Wrote the following article for the _Kölnische

Zeitung_, from the Chief’s instructions as transmitted to me by Bucher:

“Professor Friederich, writing on the 2nd of May, 1870, in the much

talked-of diary which he kept during the Vatican Council, that is to

say, a considerable time before the outbreak of the war, and while not

a soul here (in Berlin) thought of an approaching disturbance of the

peace, says: ‘I have it from one who is in a position to know that

there will be a war between Prussia and France in 1871. There are

whispers of an understanding between the Curia, the Jesuits, and the

Tuileries.’ Permit me to add a few observations that are taken from a

trustworthy source. There was no ‘whispering’ about that understanding

here, because people were perfectly certain of it. It was no secret,

but a notorious fact, that Eugénie, the bigoted Spaniard, was quite in

the hands of the Jesuits and in active correspondence with the Curia,

and that in contradistinction to the apathetic Emperor she promoted

this war (which she repeatedly described as _ma guerre_) with so much

zeal because it bore the character of a crusade; and because she and

her clerical advisers, who may be absolutely regarded as an agency of

the governing party in Rome, hoped to promote the objects which were

pursued by that party in the Vatican Council and the Syllabus that

preceded it. The father confessor played the part of intermediary

between the Empress, who was made Regent with full powers on the

departure of the Emperor for the army, and the directors of the Papal

policy. The assistance of other father confessors was also counted

upon in this connection, Vienna, for example, and even Italy being

influenced in the same way. If the victories of Weissenburg, Wörth, and

Spicheren had not followed in such rapid succession, it is probable

that the event would have borne out the calculations of the Vatican

and the Tuileries in regard to a coalition of the Catholic Powers

against Germany, which was equally hated in both quarters. There is,

therefore, no doubt that the Empress worked hand in hand with the Roman

Ultramontanes in promoting the war. On the contrary she prided herself

on it. It was her heart’s desire. In judging political situations and

events people frequently fall into the error of forgetting that the

course of affairs is often abnormal, and that one very frequent cause

of such departures from the regular order is the influence of women

upon rulers. Where women have a free hand, however, there Jesuitism and

its aims will speedily flourish.”

_January 21st._--Werther has addressed the following complaint direct

to the Emperor: He had been instructed to hand over the chain of the

Order of the Black Eagle to the King of Bavaria. As the King had

returned from Hohenschwangau on the 15th instant, he applied on the

16th to Hegnenberg to procure him an audience, but was referred by the

latter to the Royal Household. He immediately called upon Eisenhart

and explained to him the importance which the Emperor attached to the

presentation of the chain on the 18th of January, the anniversary

of two important events in the history of his House, and requested

to be informed of the decision of the King by 1 o’clock. Not having

received it however up to 3 o’clock, he called upon Eisenhart again and

ascertained that the latter had not yet been able to lay the matter

before the King. He now urgently renewed his request and pointed out

“how opposed it would be to the intentions of his Imperial and Royal

Majesty if the day passed without his instructions being carried into

effect.” Finally, at 8 o’clock in the evening, the dejected and anxious

Minister received a letter to the effect that the announcement was

a source of surprise and pleasure to the King, who would have been

very glad to receive at once the Emperor’s letter and the insignia

if he had not been fatigued by night work and detained by visits to

the Royal family. He would take an early opportunity of fixing a day

for the purpose. Werther ascribes this more to the awkwardness of

Eisenhart than to the shyness of the King. Hesse remarked: “Werther

will get a sharp reprimand over this. Just look here!” The Chief had

underlined the passage referring to the second visit to Eisenhart, and

to the “urgency” of Werther’s representations, adding a large note of

exclamation on the margin opposite the latter.

Since the great “Orders day” these button-hole decorations and higher

felicities form almost the sole subject of conversation in the office.

“Second class,” “with the ribbon,” “on the ring,” “with the oak leaves”

and similar dainties have been discussed with more or less knowledge

and gusto--Abeken, with a play of gesture and a flow of eloquence that

are all his own, manifesting the finest discrimination, while Roland

and Alvensleben very nearly approached his level.

_January 25th._--The Clerical party has tried to refute the article

of the 18th, and the Chief wishes to have a reply prepared. For this

purpose Bucher brings me a sketch of the Prince’s ideas on the matter.

The article written on this information, which was again to be sent to

the _Kölnische Zeitung_, ran as follows: “My letter on the relations

of the Tuileries and Rome before the outbreak of the war would seem to

have hit the Ultramontanes in a tender place. They reply to-day through

their Bonn organ in a tone of great irritation, and somewhat in the

temper (here I used the Chief’s own words) of a man at the dentist’s

when the forceps closes on his bad tooth. Their anger leads them so

far astray that they sometimes lose both memory and judgment. In the

article in question we read, _inter alia_: ‘Ollivier was a declared

Gallican, therefore an opponent of the Pope and the Jesuits. His

colleagues were almost all liberal Catholics.... Accordingly, one of

the first steps taken by Count Daru was to send to Rome a menacing Note

with regard to the Council, such as no other Government had ventured

to despatch. He did everything in his power to promote a decision in

accordance with the views of the minority, threatening even that, in

the event of the Papal infallibility being proclaimed, France would be

compelled to withdraw the protection which she had hitherto accorded

to the Pope.’ The first thing to be said in reply to this is that

Ollivier was _not_ a declared Gallican, and indeed nothing whatever

except a vain place-hunter who could not resist the influences brought

to bear upon him by Eugénie. Furthermore, when the war broke out Daru

was no longer one of Ollivier’s colleagues, and his Note to the Curia

had been dropped by his successor, a striking proof in support of our

contention. The Ultramontane tendencies of the Empress had in the

meantime won the upper hand, and no one will be misled by the Bonn

newspaper’s attempt to represent the withdrawal of the French troops

from the States of the Church as the execution of Daru’s threat. That

measure was a military necessity to which Eugénie was forced much

against her will. The manner in which the Empress is treated in the

ultramontane _pseudo-démenti_ is both interesting and instructive. For

the writer Eugénie is now ‘pious’ only within quotation marks, and

she is said to have taken her nieces to anti-Christian and decidedly

immoral and irreligious lectures, &c. The good lady has really not

deserved such treatment, and it would have been much more becoming

for the Ultramontanes to place on her head the martyr’s crown, which

she has richly earned in their service through her bitter hatred of

Prussia. When, on the contrary, they now insult and disavow her, they

display not only ingratitude, but stupidity, a circumstance only to

be explained by the confusion of ideas to which men are so frequently

liable when unpleasant truths are sprung upon them. For after such

treatment of their former patroness by the Jesuits, will not others in

future think twice before entering into any understanding with them?

and besides, can any one say positively that a Napoleonic restoration

is out of the question? Furthermore, it is quite irrelevant for the

Bonn Jesuit organ to appeal to certain regulations against the Order

which it serves, to the difficulty which the Jesuits often had in

obtaining permission to preach in Paris, and to the prohibition of

new educational establishments controlled by them. In the first place

these regulations were for the most part issued by Archbishop Darboy,

who energetically opposed the intrigues of the Ultramontanes in the

Council. Then again, the Tuileries were obliged to reckon with the

unpopularity of the followers of Loyola and with the Voltairian section

of the French people. On the other hand, one must bear in mind the way

in which the great majority of the French bishoprics have been filled

since 1852, to the almost complete exclusion of Gallicanism. But it is

chiefly in Alsace, where we now have a clearer insight into affairs,

that we find the consequences of these mutual relations between the

former French Government and the Ultramontanes. When the advocate of

the ultramontane cause wishes to make us believe that the war with

Germany was mainly intended by Napoleon and Eugénie to curb the Pope’s

temporal and spiritual power one involuntarily rubs his eyes, reads

the absurdity over again, and asks: But in the name of common sense,

if Napoleon had any such designs against the Holy Father, had he not,

in the summer of 1870, more than sufficient power to carry them into

effect, and did he require for that purpose a victory over Germany? We

have reason to be thankful that the writer has given us an opportunity

of saying a good word for him in conclusion. Towards the close of his

article he says that the German victory in the last war had been of

immense service to the Catholic Church. ‘Immense service!’ Let us note

that. Up to the present we have heard these gentlemen almost always

maintain the contrary. Nevertheless we thankfully accept the present

declaration, and in return beg to offer a piece of good advice. If

the victory be of advantage to you, then, gentlemen, cease to declaim

against New Germany, which is the fruit of that victory, and show more

gratitude towards its founder than you have towards poor Eugénie.

It will then no longer be said of your _Deutsche Reichszeitung_,

that--like the old saw, _Lucus a non lucendo_--its name has been

selected because it is neither German nor Imperial.”

_January 26th._--A report from Lemberg, dated the 21st instant, on the

secret agitation of the Galician Poles, says: “The National Committee

here, of which Prince Sapieha is the President, has three political

news agencies--one for Hungary, one for Posen and Bohemia, and one

for the Kingdom of Poland. Prince Czartoryski is at the head of the

Hungarian agency and Dr. Smolka of the agency for Bohemia and Posen,

while in the Kingdom of Poland it is controlled by Ignatius Lemwitz,

who is giving the young Poles a military training.”

_February 2nd._--In connection with Arnim’s communication respecting

certain correspondents of the _Kreuzzeitung_ who had made themselves

obnoxious, the Chief reported to the Emperor through Abeken that the

newspaper in question would be warned to be more careful. It was,

however, hardly to be expected that this would lead to any improvement,

as the _Kreuzzeitung_ is in general not easily influenced by the

Government, while in this instance the person indicated by Count Arnim

as the writer of the objectionable article, has been closely connected

with the paper for nearly twenty years, and has considerable influence

on its Paris intelligence, although he is known to the Chief from

previous personal intercourse as of very moderate political ability.

_February 7th._--R. in St. Petersburg writes that he recently had a

conversation with M. de Strenavukoff, the Director of the Asiatic

Department, in the course of which the latter went so far as to

assert that the only way of dealing with Rumania would be--after a

preliminary understanding between the neighbouring Powers, such as was

usual in similar cases--for one of them to receive a mandate to occupy

the country. R. continues as follows: “On my pointing out to him that

he proposed to do exactly that which he had always so strongly urged us

to avoid, namely, to break the Treaty of Paris, he replied that such

a measure could only be adopted as a last resource. France no longer

existed, and if Germany, Russia and Austria were united, England would

raise no objections.” The letter describes this as a “gushing outburst

of the Director of the Asiatic Department.” The Emperor Alexander has

expressed his approval of the course taken by the Berlin Government in

the matter of the Inspection of Schools Bill, regretting, however, that

it should have fallen out with the Conservative party over this measure.

_February 9th._--Aegidi told me yesterday that the Chief desires to see

Mittnacht and Lutz praised in the newspapers for being, like himself,

defenders of the Empire. To-day I accordingly wrote the following

article for the _Kölnische Zeitung_, which was based upon a despatch

from our representative at Stuttgart: “... there is no doubt that the

latter (the tame variety of Particularism) is largely represented at

Court, but it is equally unquestionable that the present Ministry,

Mittnacht included, is thoroughly loyal to the Empire. The _Grenzboten_

was therefore not justified in recently opening its columns to an

attack upon Mittnacht, in which, in addition to other unfounded charges

such as nepotism, &c., his national sentiments were called in question,

it being asserted that in the summer of 1870 he and his colleagues

only supported the national idea because Gortschakoff had warned

Varnbüler to do so on the occasion of their interview at Wildbach, and

because the patriotic attitude of the Bavarian Government had brought

pressure to bear upon Würtemberg. I believe I am justified in giving a

positive assurance that both statements are untrue; that Bavaria was

about to make the performance of its obligations towards North Germany

dependent upon certain guarantees for its own sovereignty, to be given

in Berlin, and that thereupon the Ministers at Stuttgart decided in

favour of unconditional co-operation with the North, this being done

before Varnbüler had spoken to the Russian Imperial Chancellor. These

few facts for the sake of truth. They deserve to be emphasised all the

more, as successful attacks upon the present Cabinet would benefit, not

the supporters of the national cause, but the Court party, on whose

behalf Chief Burgomaster Sick is intriguing.”

_February 12th._--Wrote an article for the _Kölnische Zeitung_ from

the instructions of the Chief, which reached me through Aegidi. It

contains several of the Prince’s ideas almost in his own words as

communicated to me. The article runs as follows: “The Parliamentary

struggles of the past few weeks have been of the highest significance

for our Parliamentary life. Two factors which have been in course

of development for some time past have taken positive form. These

are: a homogeneous Ministry is supported on an important question

by a Parliamentary majority, which includes even the ‘resolute

Progressives’; and a new Opposition, formed by the fusion of all the

elements which are on the most various grounds hostile to New Prussia

and New Germany, together with the group of ‘resolute Reactionaries.’

The nucleus of this Opposition, which represents reaction in the

fullest sense of the word, is the Centre Party, quite incorrectly

designated the Catholic Party. We consider it to be rather a Theocratic

Party, and as such to be treated not as a denominational, but as a

political group. With these are associated the liegemen of the Guelphs,

whose able advocate--the Member for Meppen--as an Ultramontane,

has one foot in that party, and therefore serves as a suitable

intermediary, his efforts being also directed towards restoring the

old order of things at the expense of the new. A third contingent of

this reactionary coalition consists of the Poles, or rather the Polish

nobility, with their longing to revive the Jesuit and aristocratic

rule which existed before the partition, and their inexplicable hatred

of the German character. In this instance again the ultramontane

sentiments of most of the Polish representatives promotes fusion.

“Finally this alliance of different elements bound together only by

their apprehensions, their aversions, and their reactionary sentiments

and aspirations, are now joined by the residuum of the Conservative

party, represented in the press by the present _Kreuzzeitung_, the

hostile attitude of which has long foreshadowed the change that

has now taken place. The departure of this last body of troops to

join the mobilised Ultramontanes will not signify very much, as the

Conservatives have long since surrendered to the Government and to

the Free Conservative fraction whatever they possessed in the way of

talent, and can now only reinforce the Opposition with their votes.

Through them, however, the united Opposition has acquired no little

significance, for its relations now extend into very exalted circles,

where endeavours are made to inspire suspicion and dissatisfaction

in competent quarters, and the influences in question--_feminine

influences_ are spoken of in particular--are understood to be very

active, and to have already produced dangerous friction in other

matters. The statesman who stands above all parties, and who by his

genius and energy has hitherto overcome these difficulties, will, we

hope, in the public interest be able to continue his work unhampered by

such opposition. We must not, however, be blind to the fact that the

situation is serious and strained.”

_February 18th._--Bucher brings me instructions from the Chief for

a long article on the anti-German attitude of the King of Sweden,

together with material in the shape of despatches. This is to appear in

a non-official paper. I sent it to the _Grenzboten_, which published

it in No. 10 of the current year, under the title “Stockholmer

Velleïtäten.” After an introduction in which the great European Powers,

with the exception of France, were represented as tolerably satisfied

with the establishment of the German Empire, and therefore favourable

to us, or at least not exactly hostile, the article went on to say:

“On the other hand Prussia and New Germany have, in some of the

small States neighbours at whose Courts there prevails an obstinate

ill-humour, not to say a bitter and lasting hatred, which, of course,

is not openly manifested, but is for that reason none the less cordial.

Among these neighbours we may mention, for example, the Queen of

Holland and Prince Henry, who, as the representative of the Grand Duke,

governs Luxemburg in a sense as hostile to Germany as possible. We must

also include in this number his Majesty of Sweden and Norway, Charles

XV., with whose position as regards Germany and France we now propose

to deal, giving merely a few general indications, as it would not be

desirable to speak more plainly, our intention being not to cause

irritation, but only to give a useful hint.

“Considered from a political standpoint it is not easy to discover the

cause of that exalted gentleman’s aversion to Germany. The interests

of Sweden and Norway are in no way opposed to ours. On the contrary,

what benefits us Germans, is almost invariably of advantage to our two

neighbours in the North. A powerful Germany does not threaten the free

development of the Scandinavian peoples, nor for the matter of that,

any other of her neighbours. The German Empire is the great universal

preserver of peace, the protector of international independence,

armed only for defence; and whether, remembering old, half-forgotten

quarrels, they like to hear it or not, it is, and remains connected

with them by ties of close racial kinship. Nor can public opinion in

Sweden be held responsible for royal prejudices, which would even go

to the length of making military preparations against us in view of

possible contingencies. The Schleswig-Holstein question at one time

caused a great deal of anti-Prussian feeling, but to our knowledge that

agitation was not so deep-seated as might have been inferred from a

section of the Swedish press, and anyhow it has long since subsided,

except in a few newspaper offices. It broke out once more in Stockholm

and other large towns during our war with France, but in the newspapers

rather than among the public, of whom the more thoughtful section soon

realised which side was in the right and by whose victory those not

immediately concerned would be the gainers. It may be safely asserted

that only a small minority in Sweden now regrets the triumph of Germany.

“From this it would seem to follow that sentiment can alone explain

the hostile sentiments of King Charles. His aversion to New Germany

may probably be chiefly the corollary of his sympathies for France,

which again may doubtless be traced to the recollection that the

Bernadotte dynasty sprung from a French lawyer, a recollection which

would however assume a questionable complexion if it were to lead the

King to forget that his first duty is to consider the interests of the

countries over which he now rules. But perhaps there may have been

also another recollection, namely that there was once in Sweden, years

ago, a Charles XII. But it would be a pity for such memories to cause

forgetfulness of the changes produced by time.

“We can find no other explanation, and that which we have ventured to

give is the more probable, as it is stated that his Swedish Majesty

has up to a short time ago been addicted to habits better calculated

at times to stimulate feelings, for instance, of vain glory than to

sharpen the judgment, and that under such influences he has sometimes

made statements which it would have been better to have left unmade.

Be that as it may, the unfriendly sentiments of the King towards

Germany are a fact, and if Sweden were still the dreaded power that

enforced the Peace of Altranstädt, if she were still in a position to

compel obedience to the pair of top-boots that Charles XII. once set

up in the Prime Minister’s chair, it would be possible to conceive

situations in which one would have good ground for regarding the North

with anxiety, while the main front faced towards the West. As things

have turned out, however, this is happily not the case. The top-boots

of the last century have given way to a constitutional _régime_, and

the Swedes have become peaceful agriculturists, sailors, and trades

people, who would not plunge into a ruinous conflict for the sake of

anybody’s French sympathies or longings for military glory, and who

would know how to protect themselves by constitutional methods, if any

attempt were made to translate such dangerous sympathies and longings

into action. Let us consider the present Swedish Minister for Foreign

Affairs, whose appointment to that post might be quoted in refutation

of our complaint if it had not been mainly a necessary satisfaction

given to the peaceful disposition of the Swedish people, the majority

of whom are friendly to Germany. Count Platen, who has been in office

since last autumn, was born at Stralsund, where his father was Governor

in the time of the Swedes, and has been many years at sea. He is a man

of frank and straightforward character, very popular in the country,

in which he is one of the largest landed proprietors. He entertains no

hostile feelings whatever towards Germany, but is, on the contrary,

very well disposed towards us.

“The King, on the other hand, holds different views, and has

frequently felt impelled to give expression to them. This is done

in the first place by displaying so marked a partiality for the

representatives of France accredited to the Court at Stockholm over all

other diplomatists, that it has not even escaped public notice. The

intercourse of these gentlemen--Count Montholon, the Chargé d’Affaires,

and the Attachés Benedetti and Hauterive--with the King is like that of

intimate friends. At balls and soirées they are distinguished by him in

every possible way. The monarch converses with them almost exclusively

at every opportunity, withdrawing with them from the remainder of the

company. A few weeks ago, at a ball given by Prince Oscar, one of the

Attachés appeared in the uniform of a Parisian _garde mobile_, and it

is presumed, doubtless not without reason, that this was done with the

approval, if not at the express desire, of his Majesty.