§ 178. The preterit of the reduplicating verbs is formd by
reduplication only, the radical vowel remaining unchanged. The
reduplication consists of the initial consonant together with the
constant reduplication vowel =aí= (short e; s. § 20); e. g., =haita=,
_I am calld_, prt. =haíhait=; =ƕôpa=, _I boast_, prt. =ƕaíƕôp=. When
the word begins with two consonants, only the first is repeated; e. g.,
=fraisa=, _I tempt_, prt. =faífrais=. The initial combinations =st=,
=sk=, [=sp=], however, ar repeated together; e. g., =(ga-)stalda=, _I
possess_, prt. =staístald=; =skaida=, _I separate_, prt. =skaískaiþ=.
When the word begins with a vowel, only the reduplication vowel is
prefixt; e. g., =auka=, _I increase_, prt. =aíauk=.
The pp. is formd without reduplication: =haitans=, =fraisans=, etc.
§ 179. The reduplicating verbs may be divided into five classes
according to their radical vowels: (1) =a= (=â=). (2) =ê=. (3) =ai=.
(4) =ô=. (5) =au=. Sinse the vowel remains unchanged in the hole verb,
it causes no change of inflection. Therefore the paradim =haitan= (givn
in § 170) is sufficient for all classes.
The preterits of the following reduplicating verbs ar extant:
(1) =haldan=, _to hold_; =falþan=, _to fold_; =staldan=, _to possess_;
--=fâhan=, _to cach_ (prt. =faífâh=, pl. =faífâhum=, pp. =fâhans=),
=hâhan=, _to hang_ (§ 62, n. 2).
(2) =slêpan=, _to sleep_ (concerning the prt., cp. § 78, n. 3).
(3) =af-aikan=, _to deny_; =fraisan=, _to tempt_; =haitan=, _to be
calld_; =laikan=, _to leap_; =maitan=, _to cut off_; =skaidan=, _to
separate_.
(4) =ƕôpan=, _to boast_; =flôkan=, _to lament_.--The inf. belonging to
the prt. =laílôun= (Jo. IX, 28) is probably (according to § 26, n.)
=*lauan=, _to revile_. Cp. § 22, n. 2.
(5) =aukan=, _to increase_.
NOTE 1. It is tolerably certain that several verbs of which the
preterit does not occur belong here too: (1) =us-alþan=, _to grow
old_; =blandan=, _to blend_; =saltan=, _to salt_; =waldan=, _to
wield, rule_; =ana-praggan=, _to oppress, harass_. (2) =blêsan=,
_to blow_. (3) =ga-þláihan=, _to cumfurt, caress_. (4) =blôtan=,
_to wurship_. (5) =stautan=, _to thrust, smite_; =hlaupan=, _to
run_.
NOTE 2. =bauan=, _to dwel_, which formerly belongd here according
to the testimony of other Germanic dialects, has the weak prt.
=bauaida= and is referd to the third weak conjugation (§ 193)
also because of the f. =bauains= (§ 103, n. 1). But the 3d pers.
sg. is =bauiþ= which is stil a form of the strong conjugation.
The inflection of the Goth. =bnauan=, _to rub_, which occurs only
onse (=bnauandans=; Lu. VI, 1) can not be determind; its ON.
correspondence, *bnúa, (g)núa (altisl. gr., § 433; cp. Zs. fdph.,
17, 250), like the OHG. nûan, niuwan (ahd. gr., § 334, n. 5)
belongs to the strong inflection; =trauan=, however, follows the
weak inflection thruout.--Cp. § 26, b.
NOTE 3. =gaggan=, _to go_, pp. =gaggans=, has lost its prt.
=*gaígagg=, which is replaced by other forms. Cp. § 207.
NOTE 4. Insted of =flôkan= the form =flêkan= was formerly uzed on
account of the isolated prt. =faíflôkun= (according to § 181). That
this is wrong was shown by Bezzenberger, 'Ueber die =a=-reihe der
got. spr.', p. 56⁴. Cp. also Gallée, 'Noord en Zuid', 4, 54 et seq.
NOTE 5. =arjandan= (in Lu. XVII, 7) seems to refer to a red. v.
=arjan= (_to plow_), w. a =j=-present (206ᵃ); cp. OHG. erien, iar,
giaran (ahd. gr., § 350, n. 5).