{Indian Compass.}

Besides, they have Names for eight of the thirty two Points,

and call the Winds by their several Names, as we do; but indeed more properly,

for the North-West Wind is called the cold Wind; the North-East the wet Wind;

the South the warm Wind; and so agreeably of the rest. Sometimes it happens,

that they have a large River or Lake to pass over, and the Weather

is very foggy, as it often happens in the Spring and Fall of the Leaf;

so that they cannot see which Course to steer: In such a Case,

they being on one side of the River, or Lake, they know well enough

what Course such a Place (which they intend for) bears from them.

Therefore, they get a great many Sticks and Chunks of Wood in their Canoe,

and then set off directly for their Port, and now and then throw over

a Piece of Wood, which directs them, by seeing how the Stick bears

from the Canoes Stern, which they always observe to keep right aft;

and this is the Indian Compass by which they will go over

a broad Water of ten or twenty Leagues wide. They will find

the Head of any River, though it is five, six or seven hundred miles off,

and they never were there, in their Lives before; as is often prov'd,

by their appointing to meet on the Head of such a River, where perhaps,

none of them ever was before, but where they shall rendezvous exactly

at the prefixt time; and if they meet with any Obstruction,

they leave certain Marks in the Way, where they that come after

will understand how many have pass'd by already, and which way they are gone.

Besides, in their War Expeditions, they have very certain Hieroglyphicks,

whereby each Party informs the other of the Success or Losses

they have met withal; all which is so exactly perform'd

by their Sylvian Marks and Characters, that they are never at a Loss

to understand one another. Yet there was never found any Letters

amongst the Savages of Carolina; nor, I believe, among any other Natives

in America, that were possess'd with any manner of Writing or Learning

throughout all the Discoveries of the New-World. {Indians make Maps.}

They will draw Maps, very exactly, of all the Rivers, Towns, Mountains,

and Roads, or what you shall enquire of them, which you may draw

by their Directions, and come to a small matter of Latitude,

reckoning by their Days Journeys. These Maps they will draw

in the Ashes of the Fire, and sometimes upon a Mat or Piece of Bark.

I have put a Pen and Ink into a Savage's Hand, and he has drawn me

the Rivers, Bays, and other Parts of a Country, which afterwards

I have found to agree with a great deal of Nicety: But you must be very much

in their Favour, otherwise they will never make these Discoveries to you;

especially, if it be in their own Quarters. {No Discovery of Mines.}

And as for Mines of Silver and other Metals, we are satisfied we have enow,

and those very rich, in Carolina and its adjacent Parts; some of which

the Indians are acquainted withal, although no Enquirers thereafter,

but what came, and were discover'd, by Chance; yet they say, it is this Metal

that the English covet, as they do their Peak and Ronoak;

and that we have gain'd Ground of them wherever we have come.

Now, say they, if we should discover these Minerals to the English,

they would settle at or near these Mountains, and bereave us

of the best Hunting-Quarters we have, as they have already done

wherever they have inhabited; so by that means, we shall be driven

to some unknown Country, to live, hunt, and get our Bread in.

These are the Reasons that the Savages give, for not making known

what they are acquainted withal, of that Nature. And indeed,

all Men that have ever gone upon those Discoveries, allow them to be good;

{Mr. Mitchell.} more especially, my ingenious Friend

Mr. Francis-Louis Mitchell, of Bern in Switzerland, who has been,

for several Years, very indefatigable and strict in his Discoveries

amongst those vast Ledges of Mountains, and spacious Tracts of Land,

lying towards the Heads of the great Bays and Rivers of Virginia, Maryland,

and Pensylvania, where he has discover'd a spacious Country

inhabited by none but the Savages, and not many of them;

who yet are of a very friendly Nature to the Christians. This Gentleman

has been employ'd by the Canton of Bern, to find out a Tract of Land

in the English America, where that Republick might settle

some of their People; which Proposal, I believe, is now in a fair way

towards a Conclusion, between her Majesty of Great-Britain and that Canton.

{Switzers Settlement in America.} Which must needs be of great Advantage

to both; and as for ourselves, I believe, no Man that is in his Wits,

and understands the Situation and Affairs of America,

but will allow, nothing can be of more Security and Advantage

to the Crown and Subjects of Great-Britain, than to have our Frontiers

secured by a warlike People, and our Friends, as the Switzers are;

especially when we have more Indians than we can civilize,

and so many Christian Enemies lying on the back of us, that we do not know

how long or short a time it may be, before they visit us. Add to these,

the Effects and Product that may be expected from those Mountains;

which may hereafter prove of great Advantage to the British Monarchy,

and none more fit than an industrious People, bred in a mountainous Country,

and inur'd to all the Fatigues of War and Travel, to improve a Country.

Thus we have no room to doubt, but as soon as any of those Parts

are seated by the Switzers, a great many Britains will strive

to live amongst them, for the Benefit of the sweet Air and healthful Climate,

which that Country affords, were it only for the Cultivating of Hemp,

Flax, Wine, and other valuable Staples, which those People

are fully acquainted withal: Not to mention the Advantages

already discover'd by that worthy Gentleman I just now spoke of,

who is highly deserving of the Conduct and Management of such an Affair,

as that wise Canton has entrusted him withal.

{Hunting of the Savages.}

When these Savages go a hunting, they commonly go out in great Numbers,

and oftentimes a great many Days Journey from home, beginning at

the coming in of the Winter; that is, when the Leaves are fallen

from the Trees, and are become dry. 'Tis then they burn the Woods,

by setting Fire to the Leaves, and wither'd Bent and Grass,

{Moss Match.} which they do with a Match made of the black Moss

that hangs on the Trees in Carolina, and is sometimes above six Foot long.

This, when dead, becomes black, (tho' of an Ash-Colour before)

and will then hold Fire as well as the best Match we have in Europe.

In Places, where this Moss is not found, (as towards the Mountains)

they make Lintels of the Bark of Cypress beaten, which serve as well.

Thus they go and fire the Woods for many Miles, and drive

the Deer and other Game into small Necks of Land and Isthmus's,

where they kill and destroy what they please. In these Hunting-Quarters,

they have their Wives and Ladies of the Camp, where they eat

all the Fruits and Dainties of that Country, and live in all

the Mirth and Jollity, which it is possible for such People

to entertain themselves withal. Here it is, that they get

their Complement of Deer-Skins and Furs to trade with the English,

(the Deer-Skins being in Season in Winter, which is contrary to England.)

All small Game, as Turkeys, Ducks, and small Vermine, they commonly kill

with Bow and Arrow, thinking it not worth throwing Powder and Shot after them.

Of Turkeys they have abundance; especially, in Oak-Land,

as most of it is, that lies any distance backwards. I have been often

in their Hunting-Quarters, where a roasted or barbakued Turkey,

eaten with Bears Fat, is held a good Dish; and indeed, I approve of it

very well; for the Bears Grease is the sweetest and least offensive

to the Stomach (as I said before) of any Fat of Animals I ever tasted.

{Beating of Corn.} The Savage Men never beat their Corn to make Bread;

but that is the Womens Work, especially the Girls, of whom you shall see

four beating with long great Pestils in a narrow wooden Mortar;

and every one keeps her Stroke so exactly, that 'tis worthy of Admiration.

Their Cookery continues from Morning till Night. The Hunting

makes them hungry; and the Indians are a People that always

eat very often, not seldom getting up at Midnight, to eat.

They plant a great many sorts of Pulse, Part of which they eat green

in the Summer, keeping great Quantities for their Winter-Store,

which they carry along with them into the Hunting-Quarters, and eat them.

The small red Pease is very common with them, and they eat

a great deal of that and other sorts boil'd with their Meat,

or eaten with Bears Fat, which Food makes them break Wind backwards,

which the Men frequently do, and laugh heartily at it, it being accounted

no ill Manners amongst the Indians: Yet the Women are more modest,

than to follow that ill Custom. At their setting out, they have Indians

to attend their Hunting-Camp, that are not good and expert Hunters;

{Servile Indians.} therefore are employ'd to carry Burdens,

to get Bark for the Cabins, and other Servile Work; also to go

backward and forward, to their Towns, to carry News to the old People,

whom they leave behind them. The Women are forced to carry

their Loads of Grain and other Provisions, and get Fire-Wood;

for a good Hunter, or Warriour in these Expeditions, is employ'd

in no other Business, than the Affairs of Game and Battle.

{Dry'd Fruits.} The wild Fruits which are dry'd in the Summer, over Fires,

on Hurdles and in the Sun, are now brought into the Field; as are likewise

the Cakes and Quiddonies of Peaches, and that Fruit and Bilberries dry'd,

of which they stew and make Fruit-Bread and Cakes. {Pigeons Fat.}

In some parts, where Pigeons are plentiful, they get of their Fat

enough to supply their Winter Stores. Thus they abide in these Quarters,

all the Winter long, till the Time approach for planting

their Maiz and other Fruits. {Bowls and Tobacco-Pipes to make. Dress Skins.}

In these quarters, at Spare-hours, the Women make Baskets and Mats

to lie upon, and those that are not extraordinary Hunters,

make Bowls, Dishes, and Spoons, of Gum-wood, and the Tulip-Tree;

others (where they find a Vein of white Clay, fit for their purpose)

make Tobacco-pipes, all which are often transported to other Indians,

that perhaps have greater Plenty of Deer and other Game;

so they buy (with these Manufactures) their raw Skins, with the Hair on,

which our neighbouring Indians bring to their Towns,

and, in the Summer-time, make the Slaves and sorry Hunters dress them,

the Winter-Sun being not strong enough to dry them; and those

that are dry'd in the Cabins are black and nasty with the Lightwood Smoke,

which they commonly burn. Their Way of dressing their Skins

is by soaking them in Water, so they get the Hair off, with an Instrument

made of the Bone of a Deer's Foot; yet some use a sort of Iron Drawing-Knife,

which they purchase of the English, and after the Hair is off,

they dissolve Deers Brains, (which beforehand are made in a Cake

and baked in the Embers) in a Bowl of Water, so soak the Skins therein,

till the Brains have suck'd up the Water; then they dry it gently,

and keep working it with an Oyster-Shell, or some such thing,

to scrape withal, till it is dry; whereby it becomes soft and pliable.

Yet these so dress'd will not endure wet, but become hard thereby;

which to prevent, they either cure them in the Smoke,

or tan them with Bark, as before observ'd; not but that young Indian Corn,

beaten to a Pulp, will effect the same as the Brains. They are not only

good Hunters of the wild Beasts and Game of the Forest, but very expert

in taking the Fish of the Rivers and Waters near which they inhabit,

and are acquainted withal. {Fish to strike.} Thus they that live

a great way up the Rivers practise Striking Sturgeon and Rock-fish, or Bass,

when they come up the Rivers to spawn; besides the vast Shoals of Sturgeon

which they kill and take with Snares, as we do Pike in Europe. The Herrings

in March and April run a great way up the Rivers and fresh Streams

to spawn, where the Savages make great Wares, with Hedges

that hinder their Passage only in the Middle, where an artificial Pound

is made to take them in; so that they cannot return. This Method is in use

all over the fresh Streams, to catch Trout and the other Species of Fish

which those Parts afford. {Craw-fish to take.} Their taking of Craw-fish

is so pleasant, that I cannot pass it by without mention;

When they have a mind to get these Shell-fish, they take a Piece of Venison,

and half-barbakue or roast it; then they cut it into thin Slices,

which Slices they stick through with Reeds about six Inches asunder,

betwixt Piece and Piece; then the Reeds are made sharp at one end;

and so they stick a great many of them down in the bottom of the Water

(thus baited) in the small Brooks and Runs, which the Craw-fish frequent.

Thus the Indians sit by, and tend those baited Sticks,

every now and then taking them up, to see how many are at the Bait;

where they generally find abundance; so take them off,

and put them in a Basket for the purpose, and stick the Reeds down again.

By this Method, they will, in a little time, catch several Bushels,

which are as good, as any I ever eat. {Hatteras Indians.}

Those Indians that frequent the Salt-Waters, take abundance of Fish,

some very large, and of several sorts, which to preserve,

they first barbakue, then pull the Fish to Pieces, so dry it in the Sun,

whereby it keeps for Transportation; as for Scate, Oysters, Cockles,

and several sorts of Shell-fish, they open and dry them upon Hurdles,

having a constant Fire under them. The Hurdles are made of Reeds or Canes

in the shape of a Gridiron. Thus they dry several Bushels of these Fish,

and keep them for their Necessities. At the time when they are on the Salts,

and Sea Coasts, they have another Fishery, that is for a little Shell-fish,

{Blackmoor Teeth.} which those in England call Blackmoors Teeth.

These they catch by tying Bits of Oysters to a long String,

which they lay in such places, as, they know, those Shell-Fish haunt.

These Fish get hold of the Oysters, and suck them in, so that they pull up

those long Strings, and take great Quantities of them, which they carry

a great way into the main Land, to trade with the remote Indians,

where they are of great Value; but never near the Sea, by reason

they are common, therefore not esteem'd. Besides, the Youth and Indian Boys

go in the Night, and one holding a Lightwood Torch, the other has

a Bow and Arrows, and the Fire directing him to see the Fish, he shoots them

with the Arrows; and thus they kill a great many of the smaller Fry,

and sometimes pretty large ones. {Indians not eat of the first he kills.}

It is an establish'd Custom amongst all these Natives,

that the young Hunter never eats of that Buck, Bear, Fish, or any other Game,

which happens to be the first they kill of that sort; because they believe,

if he should eat thereof, he would never after be fortunate in Hunting.

{Big bellied Woman never eat of the first Fish caught in a Ware.}

The like foolish Ceremony they hold, when they have made a Ware

to take Fish withal; if a big-belly'd Woman eat of the first Dish

that is caught in it, they say, that Ware will never take much Fish;

{Indians not kill Snakes why.} and as for killing of Snakes,

they avoid it, if they lie in their way, because their Opinion is,

that some of the Serpents Kindred would kill some of the Savages Relations,

that should destroy him: They have thousands of these foolish

Ceremonies and Beliefs, which they are strict Observers of.

Moreover, several Customs are found in some Families, which others keep not;

{Circumcision.} as for Example, two Families of the Machapunga Indians,

use the Jewish Custom of Circumcision, and the rest do not;

neither did I ever know any others amongst the Indians,

that practis'd any such thing; and perhaps, if you ask them,

what is the Reason they do so, they will make you no Manner of Answer;

which is as much as to say, I will not tell you. Many other Customs

they have, for which they will render no Reason or Account;

and to pretend to give a true Description of their Religion, it is impossible;

for there are a great many of their Absurdities, which, for some Reason,

they reserve as a Secret amongst themselves; or otherwise,

they are jealous of their Weakness in the practising them;

so that they never acquaint any Christian with the Knowledge thereof,

let Writers pretend what they will; {Indian Idols give an account of.}

for I have known them amongst their Idols and dead Kings

in their Quiogozon for several Days, where I could never get Admittance,

to see what they were doing, though I was at great Friendship

with the King and great Men; but all my Persuasions avail'd me nothing.

Neither were any but the King, with the Conjurer, and some few old Men,

in that House; as for the young Men, and chiefest Numbers of the Indians,

they were kept as ignorant of what the Elders were doing, as myself.

{The World is round.}

They all believe, that this World is round, and that there are two Spirits;

the one good, the other bad: {What they believe of God.

Their offering Idols.} The good one they reckon to be

the Author and Maker of every thing, and say, that it is he,

that gives them the Fruits of the Earth, and has taught them to hunt, fish,

and be wise enough to overpower the Beasts of the Wilderness,

and all other Creatures, that they may be assistant, and beneficial to Man;

to which they add, that the Quera, or good Spirit, has been very kind

to the English Men, to teach them to make Guns, and Ammunition,

besides a great many other Necessaries, that are helpful to Man,

all which, they say, will be deliver'd to them, when that good Spirit

sees fit. They do not believe, that God punishes any Man

either in this Life, or that to come; but that he delights in doing good,

and in giving the Fruits of the Earth, and instructing us in making

several useful and ornamental things. {Devil what.} They say,

it is a bad Spirit (who lives separate from the good one)

that torments us with Sicknesses, Disappointments, Losses, Hunger, Travel,

and all the Misfortunes, that Humane Life is incident to.

How they are treated in the next World, I have already mention'd,

and, as I said before, they are very resolute in dying,

when in the Hands of Savage Enemies; yet I saw one of their young Men,

a very likely Person, condemn'd, on a Sunday, for Killing a Negro,

and burning the House. {Indian condemn'd.} I took good Notice

of his Behaviour, when he was brought out of the House to die,

which was the next Morning after Sentence, but he chang'd his Countenance

with Trembling, and was in the greatest Fear and Agony. I never saw

any Person under his Circumstances, which, perhaps, might be occasion'd

by his being deliver'd up by his own Nation (which was the Tuskeruro's)

and executed by us, that are not their common Enemies, though he met

with more Favour than he would have receiv'd at the Hands of Savages;

for he was only hang'd on a Tree, near the Place where the Murder

was committed; and the three Kings, that but the day before

shew'd such a Reluctancy to deliver him up, (but would have given another

in his Room) when he was hang'd, pull'd him by the Hand, and said,

`Thou wilt never play any more Rogues Tricks in this World;

whither art thou gone to shew thy Tricks now?' Which shews these Savages

to be what they really are, (viz) a People that will save their own Men

if they can, but if the Safety of all the People lies at Stake, they will

deliver up the most innocent Person living, and be so far from Concern,

when they have made themselves easy thereby, that they will laugh

at their Misfortunes, and never pity or think of them more.

{Indian Conjurers.}

Their Priests are the Conjurers and Doctors of the Nation.

I shall mention some of their Methods, and Practices; and so leave them

to the Judgment of the Reader. As I told you before, the Priests make

their Orations at every Feast, or other great Meeting of the Indians.

{Indian Lightning, at Chattooka, at a Feast for rebuilding

a King's House burnt.} I happen'd to be at one of these great Meetings,

which was at the Funeral of a Tuskeruro Indian, that was slain

with Lightning at a Feast, the day before, where I was amongst the rest;

it was in July, and a very fair day, where, in the Afternoon,

about six or seven a Clock, as they were dealing out their Victuals,

there appear'd a little black Cloud to the North West,

which spread and brought with it Rain, Wind and Lightning;

so we went out from the Place where we were all at Victuals,

and went down to the Cabins where I left the Indians, and went to lie

in my Canoe, which was convenient enough to keep me dry.

The Lightning came so terrible, and down in long Streams,

that I was afraid it would have taken hold of a Barrel of Powder

I had in my Vessel, and so blown me up; but it pleas'd God,

that it did me no Harm; yet the Violence of the Wind had blown

all the Water away, where I rid at Anchor, so that my Canoe lay dry,

and some Indian Women came with Torches in their Hands

to the side of the Canoe, and told me, an Indian was kill'd with Lightning.

The next day, (I think) he was buried, and I stay'd to see the Ceremony,

and was very tractable to help the Indians to trim their Reeds,

and make the Coffin, which pleased them very much, because I had a mind

to see the Interment. Before he was Interr'd according to their Custom,

they dealt every one some hot Victuals, which he took and did

what he would with: Then the Doctor began to talk, and told the People

what Lightning was, and that it kill'd every thing that dwelt upon the Earth;

nay, the very Fishes did not escape; for it often reach'd

the Porpoises and other Fish, and destroy'd them; that every thing

strove to shun it, except the Mice, who, he said, were the busiest

in eating their Corn in the Fields, when it lightned the most.

He added, that no Wood or Tree could withstand it, except the black Gum,

and that it would run round that Tree a great many times, to enter therein,

but could not effect it. Now you must understand, that sort of Gum will not

split or rive; therefore, I suppose, the Story might arise from thence.

At last, he began to tell the most ridiculous absurd Parcel of Lyes

about Lightning, that could be; as that an Indian of that Nation

had once got Lightning in the Likeness of a Partridge;

That no other Lightning could harm him, whilst he had that about him;

and that after he had kept it for several Years, it got away from him;

so that he then became as liable to be struck with Lightning,

as any other Person. There was present at the same time,

an Indian that had liv'd from his Youth, chiefly in an English House;

so I call'd to him, and told him, what a Parcel of Lyes the Conjurer told,

not doubting but he thought so, as well as I, but I found to the contrary;

for he reply'd, that I was much mistaken, for that old Man

(who, I believe was upwards of an hundred Years old) did never tell Lyes;

and as for what he said, it was very true; for he knew it himself to be so.

{How hard it is to bring the Indians from their Superstition.}

Thereupon, seeing the Fellow's Ignorance, I talk'd no more about it.

{Rattle-Snake kill Indians in Canoes. Eagles kill it.}

Then the Doctor proceeded to tell a long Tale of a great Rattle-Snake,

which, a great while ago, liv'd by a Creek in that River

(which was Neus) and that it kill'd abundance of Indians;

but at last, a bald Eagle kill'd it, and they were rid of a Serpent,

that us'd to devour whole Canoes full of Indians, at a time.

I have been something tedious upon this Subject, on purpose to shew

what strange ridiculous Stories these Wretches are inclinable to believe.

I suppose, these Doctors understand a little better themselves,

than to give Credit to any such Fooleries; for I reckon them

the cunningest Knaves in all the Pack. I will therefore begin with

their Physick and Surgery, which is next: {Indian Physick and Surgery.}

You must know, that the Doctors or Conjurers, to gain a greater Credit

amongst these People, tell them, that all Distempers are

the Effects of evil Spirits, or the bad Spirit, which has struck them

with this or that Malady; therefore, none of these Physicians

undertakes any Distemper, but that he comes to an Exorcism,

to effect the Cure, and acquaints the sick Party's Friends,

that he must converse with the good Spirit, to know whether the Patient

will recover or not; if so, then he will drive out the bad Spirit,

and the Patient will become well. Now, the general way of their Behaviour

in curing the Sick, (a great deal of which I have seen,

and shall give some Account thereof, in as brief a manner as possible) is,

when an Indian is sick, if they think there is much Danger of Life,

and that he is a great Man or hath good Friends, the Doctor is sent for.

As soon as the Doctor comes into the Cabin, the sick Person is sat

on a Mat or Skin, stark-naked, lying on his Back, and all uncover'd,

except some small Trifle that covers their Nakedness when ripe,

otherwise in very young Children, there is nothing about them.

{Conjuring over the Sick.} In this manner, the Patient lies,

when the Conjurer appears; and the King of that Nation comes to attend him

with a Rattle made of a Gourd with Pease in it. This the King delivers

into the Doctor's Hand, whilst another brings a Bowl of Water,

and sets it down: Then the Doctor begins, and utters some few Words

very softly; afterwards he smells of the Patient's Navel and Belly,

and sometimes scarifies him a little with a Flint, or an Instrument

made of Rattle-Snakes Teeth for that purpose; then he sucks the Patient,

and gets out a Mouthful of Blood and Serum, but Serum chiefly;

which, perhaps, may be a better Method in many Cases, than to take away

great Quantities of Blood, as is commonly practis'd; which he spits

in the Bowl of Water. Then he begins to mutter, and talk apace,

and, at last, to cut Capers, and clap his Hands on his Breech and Sides,

till he gets into a Sweat, so that a Stranger would think he was running mad;

now and then sucking the Patient, and so, at times, keeps sucking,

till he has got a great Quantity of very ill-coloured Matter out of the Belly,

Arms, Breast, Forehead, Temples, Neck, and most Parts, still continuing

his Grimaces, and antick Postures, which are not to be match'd in Bedlam:

At last, you will see the Doctor all over of a dropping Sweat,

and scarce able to utter one Word, having quite spent himself;

then he will cease for a while, and so begin again, till he comes

in the same Pitch of Raving and seeming Madness, as before,

(all this time the sick Body never so much as moves, although, doubtless,

the Lancing and Sucking must be a great Punishment to them;

but they, certainly, are the patientest and most steady People

under any Burden, that I ever saw in my Life.) {Whether live or die.}

At last, the Conjurer makes an end, and tells the Patient's Friends,

whether the Person will live or die; {Bury the Serum.}

and then one that waits at this Ceremony, takes the Blood away,

(which remains in a Lump, in the middle of the Water) and buries it

in the Ground, in a Place unknown to any one, but he that inters it.

Now, I believe a great deal of Imposture in these Fellows;

yet I never knew their Judgment fail, though I have seen them

give their Opinion after this Manner, several times: Some affirm,

that there is a smell of Brimstone in the Cabins, when they are Conjuring,

which I cannot contradict. Which way it may come, I will not argue,

but proceed to a Relation or two, which I have from a great many Persons,

and some of them worthy of Credit.

{Indian Robbery.}

The first is, of a certain Indian, that one rainy Night, undermin'd a House

made of Logs, (such as the Swedes in America very often make,

and are very strong) which belong'd to Seth Southwell, Esq;

Governor of North-Carolina, and one of the Proprietors.

There was but one place the Indian could get in at, which was very narrow;

the rest was secur'd, by having Barrels of Pork and other Provisions

set against the side of the House, so that if this Indian

had not exactly hit the very Place he undermin'd, it had been impossible

for him to have got therein, because of the full Barrels that stood

round the House, and barricadoed it within. The Indian stole

sixty or eighty dress'd Deer-Skins, besides Blankets, Powder, Shot and Rum,

(this being the Indian Store-House, where the Trading Goods were kept.)

Now, the Indian had made his Escape, but dropt some of the Skins by the way,

and they track'd his Foot-steps, and found him to be an Indian;

then they guess'd who it was, because none but that Indian

had lately been near the House. Thereupon, the Governor sent

to the Indian Town that he belong'd to, which was the Tuskeruro's,

and acquainted them that if they did not deliver up the Indian,

who had committed the Robbery, he would take a Course with them,

that would not be very agreeable. Upon this, the Indians of the Town

he belong'd to, brought him in bound, and deliver'd him up to the Governor,

who laid him in Irons. At the same time, it happen'd,

that a Robbery was committed amongst themselves, at the Indian Town,

and this Prisoner was one of their Conjurers; so the Indians came down

to the Governor's House, and acquainted him with what had happen'd

amongst them, and that a great Quantity of Peak, was stoln away

out of one of their Cabins, and no one could find out the Thief,

unless he would let the Prisoner conjure for it, who was the only Man they had

at making such Discoveries. The Governor was content he should try

his Skill for them, but not to have the Prisoners Irons taken off,

which was very well approved of. The Indian was brought out in his Fetters,

where were the Governor's Family, and several others of the Neighbourhood,

now living, to see this Experiment; which he perform'd thus:

{Conjuring for stoln Goods.}

The Conjurer order'd three Fires to be made in a triangular Form,

which was accordingly done; then he was hoodwink'd very securely,

with a dress'd Deer-Skin, two or three doubles, over his Face.

After he had made some Motions, as they always do, he went directly

out of one of the three Gaps, as exactly as if he had not been blindfolded,

and kept muttering to himself, having a Stick in his Hand,

with which, after some time, he struck two Strokes very hard upon the Ground,

and made thereon a Cross, after which he told the Indian's Name

that had stoln the Goods, and said, that he would have a Cross on his Back;

which prov'd true; for when they took and search'd him, there appear'd

two great Wheals on his Back, one cross the other; for the Thief

was at Governor Southwell's House, and was under no Apprehension

of being discover'd. The Indians proffer'd to sell him as a Slave

to the Governor, but he refused to buy him; so they took him bound away.

Another Instance, of the like Nature, happen'd at the same House.

One of the Tuskeruro Kings had brought in a Slave to the same Governor,

to whom he had sold him; and before he return'd, fell sick

at the Governor's House; upon which, the Doctor that belong'd

to this King's Nation, was sent for, being a Man that was held to be

the greatest Conjurer amongst them. It was three Days,

before he could arrive, and he appear'd (when he came) to be

a very little Man, and so old, that his Hair was as white as ever was seen.

When he approach'd the sick King, he order'd a Bowl of Water

to be brought him, and three Chunks of Wood, which was immediately done.

Then he took the Water, and set it by him, and spurted a little on him,

and with the three Pieces of Wood, he made a Place to stand on,

whereby he was rais'd higher; (he being a very low statur'd Man) then he took

a String of Ronoak, which is the same as a String of small Beads;

this he held by one End, between his Fingers; the other End touch'd

the King's Stomach, as he stood on the Logs. Then he began to talk,

and at length, the By-standers thought really, that they heard somebody

talk to him, but saw no more than what first came in. At last,

this String of Beads, which hung thus perpendicular, turn'd up

as an Eel would do, and without any Motion of his, they came all up

(in a lump) under his Hand, and hung so for a considerable time,

he never closing his Hand, and at length return'd to their pristine

Length and Shape, at which the Spectators were much frightned.

Then he told the Company, that he would recover, and that his Distemper

would remove into his Leg, all which happen'd to be exactly

as the Indian Doctor had told. These are Matters of Fact, and I can,

at this day, prove the Truth thereof by several substantial Evidences,

that are Men of Reputation, there being more than a dozen People present,

when this was perform'd; most of whom are now alive.

{Salmon-Creek.}

There are a great many other Stories, of this Nature,

which are seemingly true, being told by Persons that affirm

they were Eye-Witnesses thereof; as, that they have seen one Roncommock

(a Chuwou Indian, and a great Conjurer) take a Reed about two Foot long

in his Mouth, and stand by a Creek-side, where he call'd twice or thrice

with the Reed in his Mouth; and, at last, has open'd his Arms,

and fled over the Creek, which might be near a quarter of a Mile wide or more;

but I shall urge no Man's Belief, but tell my own; which is, that I believe

the two first Accounts, which were acted at Mr. Southwell's Plantation,

as firmly as any Man can believe any thing of that which is told him

by honest Men, and he has not seen; not at all doubting

the Credit of my Authors.

The Cures I have seen perform'd by the Indians, are too many

to repeat here; so I shall only mention some few, and their Method.

{Scald Head cured.} They cure Scald-heads infallibly, and never miss.

Their chief Remedy as I have seen them make use of, is, the Oil of Acorns,

but from which sort of Oak I am not certain. They cure Burns beyond Credit.

I have seen a Man burnt in such a manner, (when drunk) by falling into a Fire,

that I did not think he could recover; yet they cur'd him in ten Days,

so that he went about. I knew another blown up with Powder,

that was cured to Admiration. {No ulcerated Wounds.} I never saw an Indian

have an Ulcer, or foul Wound in my Life; neither is there any such thing

to be found amongst them. {Pox to cure.} They cure the Pox, by a Berry

that salivates, as Mercury does; yet they use Sweating and Decoctions

very much with it; as they do, almost on every Occasion;

and when they are thoroughly heated, they leap into the River.

The Pox is frequent in some of these Nations; amongst which

I knew one Woman die of it; and they could not, or would not, cure her.

Before she died, she was worn away to a Skeleton, yet walk'd up and down

to the last. We had a Planter in Carolina, who had got an Ulcer in his Leg,

which had troubled him a great many Years; at last, he apply'd himself

to one of these Indian Conjurers, who was a Pampticough Indian,

and was not to give the Value of fifteen Shillings for the Cure.

{Indian cure an Ulcer.} Now, I am not positive, whether he wash'd the Ulcer

with any thing, before he used what I am now going to speak of,

which was nothing but the rotten doated Grains of Indian Corn,

beaten to Powder, and the soft Down growing on a Turkey's Rump.

This dry'd the Ulcer up immediately, and no other Fontanel was made

to discharge the Matter, he remaining a healthful Man,

till the time he had the Misfortune to be drown'd, which was many Years after.

{Cure in Maryland.} Another Instance (not of my own Knowledge,

but I had it confirm'd by several Dwellers in Maryland,

where it was done) was, of an honest Planter that had been possess'd

with a strange Lingring Distemper, not usual amongst them,

under which he emaciated, and grew every Month worse than another,

it having held him several Years, in which time he had made Tryal

of several Doctors, as they call them, which, I suppose, were Ship-Surgeons.

In the beginning of this Distemper, the Patient was very well to pass,

and was possess'd of several Slaves, which the Doctors purged all away,

and the poor Man was so far from mending, that he grew worse and worse

every day. But it happen'd, that, one day, as his Wife and he

were commiserating his miserable Condition, and that he could not expect

to recover, but look'd for Death very speedily, and condoling the Misery

he should leave his Wife and Family in, since all his Negro's were gone.

At that time, I say, it happen'd, that an Indian was in the same Room,

who had frequented the House for many Years, and so was become

as one of the Family, and would sometimes be at this Planter's House,

and at other times amongst the Indians.

This Savage, hearing what they talk'd of, and having a great Love

for the Sick Man, made this Reply to what he had heard.

`Brother, you have been a long time Sick; and, I know, you have

given away your Slaves to your English Doctors: What made you do so,

and now become poor? They do not know how to cure you;

for it is an Indian Distemper, which your People know not the Nature of.

If it had been an English Disease, probably they could have cured you;

and had you come to me at first, I would have cured you for a small matter,

without taking away your Servants that made Corn for you and your Family

to eat; and yet, if you will give me a Blanket to keep me warm,

and some Powder and Shot to kill Deer withal, I will do my best

to make you well still.' The Man was low in Courage and Pocket too,

and made the Indian this Reply. `Jack, my Distemper is past Cure,

and if our English Doctors cannot cure it, I am sure, the Indians cannot.'

But his Wife accosted her Husband in very mild terms, and told him,

he did not know, but God might be pleased to give a Blessing

to that Indian's Undertaking more than he had done to the English;

and farther added; `if you die, I cannot be much more miserable,

by giving this small matter to the Indian; so I pray you, my Dear,

take my Advice, and try him;' to which, by her Persuasions, he consented.

After the Bargain was concluded, the Indian went into the Woods,

and brought in both Herbs and Roots, of which he made a Decoction,

and gave it the Man to drink, and bad him go to bed, saying,

it should not be long, before he came again, which the Patient perform'd

as he had ordered; and the Potion he had administred made him sweat

after the most violent manner that could be, whereby he smell'd

very offensively both to himself, and they that were about him;

but in the Evening, towards Night, Jack came, with a great Rattle-Snake

in his Hand alive, which frightned the People almost out of their Senses;

{Cure by a Snake.} and he told his Patient, that he must take that

to Bed to him; at which the Man was in a great Consternation,

and told the Indian, he was resolv'd, to let no Snake come into his Bed,

for he might as well die of the Distemper he had, as be kill'd

with the Bite of that Serpent. To which the Indian reply'd,

he could not bite him now, nor do him any Harm; for he had taken out

his Poison-teeth, and shew'd him, that they were gone. At last,

with much Persuasion, he admitted the Snake's Company, which the Indian

put about his Middle, and order'd nobody to take him away upon any account,

which was strictly observ'd, although the Snake girded him as hard

for a great while, as if he had been drawn in by a Belt, which one pull'd at,

with all his strength. At last, the Snake's Twitches grew weaker and weaker,

till, by degrees, he felt him not; and opening the Bed, he was found dead,

and the Man thought himself better. The Indian came in the Morning,

and seeing the Snake dead, told the Man, that his Distemper was dead

along with that Snake, which prov'd so as he said; for the Man

speedily recover'd his Health, and became perfectly well.

{Spleen how cure.}

They cure the Spleen (which they are much addicted to) by burning with a Reed.

They lay the Patient on his Back, so put a hollow Cane into the Fire,

where they burn the End thereof, till it is very hot, and on Fire at the end.

Then they lay a Piece of thin Leather on the Patient's Belly,

between the Pit of the Stomach and the Navel, so press the hot Reed

on the Leather, which burns the Patient so that you may ever after see

the Impression of the Reed where it was laid on, which Mark never goes off

so long as he lives. This is used for the Belly-Ach sometimes.

{Colouring of the Hair.} They can colour their Hair black,

though sometimes it is reddish, which they do with the Seed of a Flower

that grows commonly in their Plantations. I believe this would change

the reddest Hair into perfect black. {Not many Tears, Rozins.}

They make use of no Minerals in their Physick, and not much of Animals;

but chiefly rely on Vegetables. They have several Remedies for the Tooth-ach,

which often drive away the Pain; but if they fail, they have Recourse

to punching out the Tooth, with a small Cane set against the same,

on a Bit of Leather. Then they strike the Reed, and so drive out the Tooth;

and howsoever it may seem to the Europeans, I prefer it before

the common way of drawing Teeth by those Instruments than endanger the Jaw,

and a Flux of Blood often follows, which this Method of a Punch

never is attended withal; neither is it half the Pain.

The Spontaneous Plants of America the Savages are well acquainted withal;

and a Flux of Blood never follows any of their Operations.

They are wholly Strangers to Amputation, and for what natural Issues of Blood

happen immoderately, they are not to seek for a certain and speedy Cure.

Tears, Rozins, and Gums, I have not discover'd that they make much use of;

And as for Purging and Emeticks, so much in fashion with us,

they never apply themselves to, {Yaupon.} unless in drinking

vast Quantities of their Yaupon or Tea, and vomiting it up again,

as clear as they drink it. This is a Custom amongst all those

that can procure that Plant, in which manner they take it every other Morning,

or oftner; by which Method they keep their Stomachs clean,

without pricking the Coats, and straining Nature, as every Purge

is an Enemy to. Besides, the great Diuretick Quality of their Tea

carries off a great deal, that perhaps might prejudice their Health,

by Agues, and Fevers, which all watry Countries are addicted to;

for which reason, I believe, it is, that the Indians are not so much

addicted to that Distemper, as we are, they preventing its seizing upon them,

by this Plant alone. Moreover, I have remark'd, that it is only those Places

bordering on the Ocean and great Rivers, that this Distemper is frequent in,

and only on and near the same Places this Evergreen is to be found;

and none up towards the Mountains, where these Agues seldom or never appear;

Nature having provided suitable Remedies, in all Countries,

proper for the Maladies that are common thereto. The Savages of Carolina

have this Tea in Veneration, above all the Plants they are acquainted withal,

and tell you, the Discovery thereof was by an infirm Indian,

that labour'd under the Burden of many rugged Distempers,

and could not be cured by all their Doctors; so, one day,

he fell asleep, and dreamt, that if he took a Decoction of the Tree

that grew at his Head, he would certainly be cured; upon which he awoke,

and saw the Yaupon or Cassena-Tree, which was not there

when he fell asleep. He follow'd the Direction of his Dream,

and became perfectly well in a short time. Now, I suppose,

no Man has so little Sense as to believe this Fable; yet it lets us see

what they intend thereby, and that it has, doubtless, work'd Feats enough,

to gain it such an Esteem amongst these Savages, who are too well versed

in Vegetables, to be brought to a continual use of any one of them,

upon a meer Conceit or Fancy, without some apparent Benefit

they found thereby; especially, when we are sensible,

they drink the Juices of Plants, to free Nature of her Burdens,

and not out of Foppery and Fashion, as other Nations are oftentimes

found to do. Amongst all the Discoveries of America,

by the Missionaries of the French and Spaniards, I wonder none of them

was so kind to the World, as to have kept a Catalogue of the Distempers

they found the Savages capable of curing, and their Method of Cure;

which might have been of some Advantage to our Materia Medica at home,

when deliver'd by Men of Learning, and other Qualifications,

as most of them are. Authors generally tell us, that the Savages

are well enough acquainted with those Plants which their Climate affords,

and that some of them effect great Cures, but by what Means,

and in what Form, we are left in the dark. {Sassafras.}

The Bark of the Root of the Sassafras-Tree, I have observ'd,

is much used by them. They generally torrefy it in the Embers,

so strip off the Bark from the Root, beating it to a Consistence

fit to spread, so lay it on the griev'd Part; which both cleanses

a fowl Ulcer; and after Scarrification, being apply'd to a Contusion,

or Swelling, draws forth the Pain, and reduces the Part to its pristine

State of Health, as I have often seen effected. Fats and Unguents

never appear in their Chirurgery, when the Skin is once broke.

The Fats of Animals are used by them, to render their Limbs pliable,

and when wearied, to relieve the Joints, and this not often,

because they approve of the Sweating-House (in such cases) above all things.

{Make Bread, how. Alkali Salts.} The Salts they mix

with their Bread and Soupe, to give them a Relish, are Alkalis,

(viz.) Ashes, and calcined Bones of Deer, and other Animals.

{No Sallads, Pepper, or Mustard.} Sallads, they never eat any;

as for Pepper and Mustard, they reckon us little better than Madmen,

to make use of it amongst our Victuals. They are never troubled

with the Scurvy, Dropsy, nor Stone. The Phthisick, Asthma, and Diabetes,

they are wholly Strangers to; neither do I remember I ever saw

one Paralytick amongst them. The Gout, I cannot be certain

whether they know what it is, or not. Indeed, I never saw

any Nodes or Swellings, which attend the Gout in Europe;

{Rhumatick Pains.} yet they have a sort of Rhumatism or Burning of the Limbs,

which tortures them grievously, at which time their Legs are so hot,

that they employ the young People continually to pour Water down them.

I never saw but one or two thus afflicted. The Struma is not uncommon

amongst these Savages, and another Distemper, which is, in some respects,

like the Pox, but is attended with no Gonorrhoea. This not seldom

bereaves them of their Nose. I have seen three or four of them

render'd most miserable Spectacles by this Distemper.

Yet, when they have been so negligent, as to let it run on so far

without curbing of it; at last, they make shift to patch themselves up,

and live for many years after; and such Men commonly turn Doctors.

I have known two or three of these no-nose Doctors in great Esteem

amongst these Savages. The Juice of the Tulip-Tree is used

as a proper Remedy for this Distemper. What Knowledge they have in Anatomy,

I cannot tell, neither did I ever see them employ themselves therein,

unless, as I told you before, when they make the Skeletons

of their Kings and great Mens Bones.

The Indians are very careless and negligent of their Health;

as, by Drunkenness, Wading in the Water, irregular Diet and Lodging,

and a thousand other Disorders, (that would kill an European)

which they daily use. They boil and roast their Meat extraordinary much,

and eat abundance of Broth, {Naked Indians.} except the Savages

whom we call the naked Indians, who never eat any Soupe.

They travel from the Banks of the Messiasippi, to war against

the Sinnagars or Iroquois, and are (if equal Numbers)

commonly too hard for them. They will lie and sleep in the Woods

without Fire, being inur'd thereto. They are the hardiest of all Indians,

and run so fast, that they are never taken, neither do any Indians

outrun them, if they are pursu'd. Their Savage Enemies say,

their Nimbleness and Wind proceeds from their never eating any Broth.

{Small-Pox.} The Small-Pox has been fatal to them; they do not often escape,

when they are seiz'd with that Distemper, which is a contrary Fever

to what they ever knew. Most certain, it had never visited America,

before the Discovery thereof by the Christians. Their running into the Water,

in the Extremity of this Disease, strikes it in, and kills all that use it.

Now they are become a little wiser; but formerly it destroy'd whole Towns,

without leaving one Indian alive in the Village. The Plague was never known

amongst them, that I could learn by what Enquiry I have made:

These Savages use Scarrification almost in all Distempers.

Their chief Instruments for that Operation is the Teeth of Rattle-Snakes,

which they poison withal. They take them out of the Snake's Head,

and suck out the Poison with their Mouths, (and so keep them for use)

and spit out the Venom, which is green, and are never damag'd thereby.

The Small-Pox and Rum have made such a Destruction amongst them,

that, on good grounds, I do believe, there is not the sixth Savage living

within two hundred Miles of all our Settlements, as there were

fifty Years ago. These poor Creatures have so many Enemies to destroy them,

that it's a wonder one of them is left alive near us. The Small-pox

I have acquainted you withal above, and so I have of Rum, and shall only add,

that they have got a way to carry it back to the Westward Indians,

who never knew what it was, till within very few Years. Now they have it

brought them by the Tuskeruro's, and other Neighbour-Indians,

but the Tuskeruro's chiefly, who carry it in Rundlets several hundred Miles,

amongst other Indians. Sometimes they cannot forbear breaking their Cargo,

but sit down in the Woods, and drink it all up, and then hollow and shout

like so many Bedlamites. I accidentally once met with one of these

drunken Crews, and was amaz'd to see a Parcel of drunken Savages

so far from any Englishman's House; but the Indians I had in Company

inform'd me, that they were Merchants, and had drunk all their Stock,

as is very common for them to do. But when they happen to carry it safe,

(which is seldom, without drinking some part of it, and filling it up

with Water) and come to an Indian Town, those that buy Rum of them

have so many Mouthfuls for a Buck-Skin, they never using any other Measure;

and for this purpose, the Buyer always makes Choice of his Man,

which is one that has the greatest Mouth, whom he brings to the Market

with a Bowl to put it in. The Seller looks narrowly to the Man's Mouth

that measures it, and if he happens to swallow any down,

either through Wilfulness or otherwise, the Merchant or some of his Party,

does not scruple to knock the Fellow down, exclaiming against him

for false Measure. Thereupon, the Buyer finds another Mouthpiece

to measure the Rum by; so that this Trading is very agreeable

to the Spectators, to see such a deal of Quarrelling and Controversy,

as often happens, about it, and is very diverting.

{Poisoning of Taylor.}

Another Destroyer of them, is, the Art they have, and often practise,

of poisoning one another; which is done by a large, white, spungy Root,

that grows in the Fresh-Marshes, which is one of their Poisons;

not but that they have many other Drugs, which they poison one another withal.

{How the Indians war.}

Lastly, the continual Wars these Savages maintain, one Nation against another,

which sometimes hold for some Ages, killing and making Captives,

till they become so weak thereby, that they are forced to make Peace

for want of Recruits, to supply their Wars; and the Difference of Languages,

that is found amongst these Heathens, seems altogether strange.

For it often appears, that every dozen Miles, you meet with an Indian Town,

that is quite different from the others you last parted withal;

and what a little supplies this Defect is, that the most powerful

Nation of these Savages scorns to treat or trade with any others

(of fewer Numbers and less Power) in any other Tongue but their own,

which serves for the Lingua of the Country, with which we travel and deal;

as for Example, we see that the Tuskeruro's are most numerous

in North-Carolina, therefore their Tongue is understood by some

in every Town of all the Indians near us. And here I shall insert

a small Dictionary of every Tongue, though not Alphabetically digested.

English. Tuskeruro. Pampticough. Woccon.

One Unche Weembot Tonne

Two Necte Neshinnauh Num-perra (rra?)

Three Ohs-sah Nish-wonner Nam-mee

Four Untoc Yau-Ooner Punnum-punne (e?)

Five Ouch-who Umperren Webtau

Six Houeyoc Who-yeoc Is-sto (st?)

Seven Chauh-noc Top-po-osh Nommis-sau

Eight Nec-kara Nau-haush-shoo Nupsau

Nine Wearah Pach-ic-conk Weihere

Ten Wartsauh Cosh Soone noponne

Eleven Unche scauwhau Tonne hauk pea

Twelve Nectec scaukhau Soone nomme

Twenty Wartsau scauhau Winnop

Thirty Ossa te wartsau

Hundred Youch se

Thousand Ki you se

Rum Oonaquod Weesaccon Yup-se

Blankets Oorewa Mattosh Roo-iune

White Ware-occa Wop-poshaumosh Waurraupa

Red Cotcoo-rea Mish-cock (ck?) Yauta

Black or Caw-hunshe Mow-cottowosh Yah-testea

Blue, idem

Gunpowder Ou-ku Pungue Rooeyam

Shot Cauna Ar-rounser Week

Axe Au-nuka Tomma-hick Tau-unta winnik

Knife Oosocke nauh Rig-cosq Wee

Tobacco Charho Hooh-pau Uu-coone

Shirt Ough-tre's Tacca pitteneer

Shoes Oo-ross-soo Wee-kessoo

Hat Trossa Mottau-quahan Intome-posswa

Fire Utchar Tinda Yau

Water Awoo Umpe Ejau

Coat Ouswox Taus-won Rummissau

Kawhitchra

Awl or Oose-waure Moc-cose Wonsh-shee

Needle

A Hoe Wauche-wocnoc Rosh-shocquon Rooe-pau

Salt Cheek-ha

Paint Quaunt Chuwon Whooyeonne

Ronoak Nauh-houreot Mis-kis-'su Rummaer

Peak Chu-teche Ronoak Erroco

Gun Auk-noc Gau hooptop Wittape

Gun-Lock Oo-teste Gun tock Seike Noonkosso

Flints Ou-negh-ra Hinds Matt-teer

A Flap Oukhaure Rappatoc Rhooeyau

Belt Oona-teste Maachone Wee-kau

Scissors and Cheh-ra Toc-koor

Tobacco-Tongues

A Kettle Oowaiana Tooseawau

A Pot Ocnock

Acorns Kooawa Roosomme

A Pine-Tree Heigta Oonossa Hooheh

Englishman Nickreruroh Tosh shonte Wintsohore

Indians Unqua Nuppin Yauh-he

English. Tuskeruro. Woccon.

A Horse A hots Yenwetoa

Swine Watsquerre Nommewarraupau

Moss Auoona hau Itto

Raw skin undrest Ootahawa Teep

Buckskin Ocques Rookau

Fawn-skin Ottea Wisto

Bear-skin Oochehara Ourka

Fox-skin Che-chou Hannatockore

Raccoon-skin Roo-sotto Auher

Squirrel-skin Sost Yehau

Wildcat-skin Cauhauweana

Panther-skin Caunerex Wattau

Wolf Squarrena Tire kiro

Minx Chac-kauene Soccon

Otter Chaunoc Wetkes

A Mat Ooyethne Soppepepor

Basket Ooyaura Rookeppa

Feathers Oosnooqua Soppe

Drest-skin Cotcoo Rauhau

A Turkey Coona Yauta

A Duck Sooeau Welka

A King Teethha Roamore

Fat Ootsaure Yendare

Soft Utsauwanne Roosomme

Hard or heavy Waucots ne Itte teraugh

A Rope Utsera Trauhe

A Possum Che-ra

Day Ootauh-ne

A Pestel Tic-caugh-ne Miyau

A Mortar Ootic caugh-ne Yossoo

Stockings Way haushe

A Creek Wackena

A River Ahunt wackena

A Man Entequos

Old Man Occooahawa

Young Man Quottis

Woman Con-noowa

Old Woman Cusquerre Yicau

Wife Kateocca Yecauau

A Child Woccanookne

A Boy Wariaugh

Infant Utserosta

Ears Ooethnat

Fishgig Ootosne Weetipsa

A Comb Oonaquitchra Sacketoome posswa

A Cake bak't Ooneck

A Head Ootaure Poppe

Hair Oowaara Tumme

Brother Caunotka Yenrauhe

I Ee

Thou Eets

There Ka

Homine Cotquerre Roocauwa

Bread Ootocnare Ikettau

Broath Ook-hoo

Corn Oonaha Cose

Oonave

Oosare

Oosha

Pease Saugh-he Coosauk

A Bag Uttaqua Ekoocromon

Fish Cunshe Yacunne

A Louse Cheecq; Eppesyau

A Flea Nauocq;

Potato's Untone Wauk

A Stick Chinqua

Wood Ouyunkgue Yonne

House Ounouse (Oin?) Ouke

A Cow Ous-sarunt Nappinjure

A Snake Us-quauh-ne Yau-hauk

A Rat Rusquiane Wittau

A Goose Au-hoohaha Auhaun

A Swan Oorhast Atter

Allegator Utsererauh Monwittetau

A Crab Rouare cou Wunneau

A Canoe Ooshunnawa Watt

A Box Ooanoo Yopoonitsa

A Bowl Ortse Cotsoe

A Spoon Oughquere Cotsau

A Path Wauh-hauhne Yauh

Sun or Moon Heita Wittapare

Wind Hoonoch Yuncor

A Star Uttewiraratse Wattapi untakeer

Rain Untuch Yawowa

Auhuntwood

Night Oosottoo Yantoha

A Rundlet Oohunawa Ynpyupseunne (Yup?)

An Eel Cuhn-na

A T---d Utquera Pulawa

A F---t Uttena Pautyau

A Cable Utquichra

Small Ropes Utsera utquichra

A Button Tic-hah Rummissauwoune

Breeches Wahunshe Rooeyaukitte

Stockings Oowissera Rooesoo possoo

Day Wauwoc-hook Waukhaway

Mad Cosserunte Rockcumne

Angry Cotcheroore Roocheha

Afraid Werricauna Reheshiwau

Smoak Oo-teighne Too-she

A Thief or Rogue Katichhei

A Dog Cheeth Tauh-he

A Reed Cauna Weekwonne

Lightwood Kakoo Sek

To morrow Jureha Kittape

Now Kahunk

To day Kawa

A little while ago Kakoowa Yauka

English. Tuskeruro. Woccon.

Yesterday Oousotto Yottoha

How many Ut-tewots Tontarinte

How far Untateawa

Will you go along with me Unta hah Quauke

Go you Its warko Yuppa me

Give it me Cotshau Mothei

That's all Ut chat Cuttaune

A Cubit length Kihoosocca Ishewounaup

Dead Whaharia Caure

A Gourd or Bottle Utchaawa Wattape

A lazy Fellow Wattattoo watse Tontaunete

Englishman is thirsty Oukwockaninniwock

I will sell you Goods very cheap Wausthanocha Nau hou hoore-ene

All the Indians are drunk Connaugh jost twane Nonnupper

Have you got any thing to eat Utta-ana-wox Noccoo Eraute

I am sick Connauwox Waurepa

A Fish-Hook Oos-skinna

Don't lose it Oon est nonne it quost

A Tobacco-pipe Oosquaana Intom

I remember it Oonutsauka Aucummato

Let it alone Tnotsaurauweek (Tout?) Sauhau

Peaches Roo-ooe Yonne

Walnuts Rootau-ooe

Hickery Nuts Rootau Nimmia

A Jew's-Harp Ooratsa Wottiyau

I forget it Merrauka

Northwest-Wind Hothooka

Snow. Acaunque. Wawawa.

{Indian Speech.}

To repeat more of this Indian Jargon, would be to trouble the Reader;

and as an Account how imperfect they are in their Moods and Tenses,

has been given by several already, I shall only add, that their

Languages or Tongues are so deficient, that you cannot suppose

the Indians ever could express themselves in such a Flight of Stile,

as Authors would have you believe. They are so far from it,

that they are but just able to make one another understand readily

what they talk about. As for the two Consonants `L' and `F',

I never knew them in any Indian Speech I have met withal;

yet I must tell you, that they have such a Way of abbreviating their Speech,

when in their great Councils and Debates, that the young Men do not understand

what they treat about, when they hear them argue. It is wonderful,

what has occasion'd so many different Speeches as the Savages have.

{Tartarian Hurds.} The three Nations I now mention'd,

do not live above ten Leagues distant, and two of them,

viz. the Tuskeruro's and the Woccon, are not two Leagues asunder;

yet their Speech differs in every Word thereof, except one,

which is Tsaure, Cockles, which is in both Tongues the same,

and nothing else. Now this Difference of Speech causes

Jealousies and Fears amongst them, which bring Wars, wherein they destroy

one another; otherwise the Christians had not (in all Probability)

settled America so easily, as they have done, had these Tribes of Savages

united themselves into one People or general Interest, or were they so

but every hundred Miles. In short, they are an odd sort of People

under the Circumstances they are at present, and have some such uncouth Ways

in their Management and Course of Living, that it seems a Miracle to us,

how they bring about their Designs, as they do, when their Ways

are commonly quite contrary to ours. I believe, they are (as to this Life)

a very happy People; and were it not for the Feuds amongst themselves,

they would enjoy the happiest State (in this World) of all Mankind.

They met with Enemies when we came amongst them; for they are

no nearer Christianity now, than they were at the first Discovery,

to all Appearance. {Indians learn of the Europeans.}

They have learnt several Vices of the Europeans, but not one Vertue,

as I know of. Drunkenness was a Stranger, when we found them out,

and Swearing their Speech cannot express; yet those that speak English,

learn to swear the first thing they talk of. It's true,

they have some Vertues and some Vices; but how the Christians

can bring these People into the Bosom of the Church, is a Proposal

that ought to be form'd and follow'd by the wisest Heads and best Christians.

After I have given one Remark or two farther, of some of their

strange Practices and Notions, I will give my Opinion, how I think,

in probability, it may be (if possible) effected, and so shall conclude

this Treatise of Carolina.

They are a very craving People, and if a Man give them any thing of a Present,

they think it obliges him to give them another; and so on,

till he has given them all he has; for they have no Bounds of Satisfaction

in that way; and if they give you any thing, it is to receive

twice the Value of it. They have no Consideration that you will want

what you give them; for their way of Living is so contrary to ours,

that neither we nor they can fathom one anothers Designs and Methods.

They call Rum and Physick by one Name, which implies that Rum

make People sick, as when they have taken any poisonous Plant;

yet they cannot forbear Rum. They make Offerings of their First-Fruits,

and the more serious sort of them throw into the Ashes, near the Fire,

the first Bit or Spoonful of every Meal they sit down to, which, they say,

is the same to them, as the pulling off our Hats, and talking,

when we go to Victuals, is to us. They name the Months very agreeably,

as one is the Herring-Month, another the Strawberry-Month,

another the Mulberry-Month. Others name them by the Trees that blossom;

especially, the Dogwood-Tree; or they say, we will return

when Turkey-Cocks gobble, that is in March and April. The Age of the Moon

they understand, but know no different Name for Sun and Moon.

They can guess well at the time of the Day, by the Sun's Height.

Their Age they number by Winters, and say, such a Man or Woman

is so many Winters old. They have no Sabbath, or Day of Rest.

Their Slaves are not over-burden'd with Work, and so not driven by Severity

to seek for that Relief. Those that are acquainted with the English,

and speak the Tongue, know when Sunday comes; besides, the Indians have

a distinct Name for Christmas which they call Winnick Keshuse,

or the Englishmans Gods Moon. There is one most abominable Custom

amongst them, which they call Husquenawing their young Men;

which I have not made any Mention of as yet, so will give you

an Account of it here. You must know, that most commonly, once a Year,

or, at farthest, once in two Years, these People take up

so many of their young Men, as they think are able to undergo it,

and husquenaugh them, which is to make them obedient and respective

to their Superiors, and (as they say) is the same to them,

as it is to us to send our Children to School, to be taught

good Breeding and Letters. This House of Correction is a large strong Cabin,

made on purpose for the Reception of the young Men and Boys,

that have not passed this Graduation already; and it is always at Christmas

that they husquenaugh their Youth, which is by bringing them

into this House, and keeping them dark all the time, where they

more than half-starve them. Besides, they give them Pellitory-Bark,

and several intoxicating Plants, that make them go raving mad

as ever were any People in the World; and you may hear them make

the most dismal and hellish Cries, and Howlings, that ever

humane Creatures express'd; all which continues about five or six Weeks,

and the little Meat they eat, is the nastiest, loathsome stuff,

and mixt with all manner of Filth it's possible to get.

After the Time is expired, they are brought out of the Cabin,

which never is in the Town, but always a distance off, and guarded by

a Jaylor or two, who watch by Turns. Now, when they first come out,

they are as poor as ever any Creatures were; for you must know several die

under this diabolical Purgation. Moreover, they either really are,

or pretend to be dumb, and do not speak for several Days;

I think, twenty or thirty; and look so gastly, and are so chang'd,

that it's next to an Impossibility to know them again,

although you was never so well acquainted with them before.

I would fain have gone into the mad House, and have seen them

in their time of Purgatory, but the King would not suffer it,

because, he told me, they would do me, or any other white Man, an Injury,

that ventured in amongst them; so I desisted. They play this Prank

with Girls as well as Boys, and I believe it a miserable Life they endure,

because I have known several of them run away, at that time, to avoid it.

Now, the Savages say, if it was not for this, they could never keep

their Youth in Subjection, besides that it hardens them ever after

to the Fatigues of War, Hunting, and all manner of Hardship,

which their way of living exposes them to. Besides, they add,

that it carries off those infirm weak Bodies, that would have been only

a Burden and Disgrace to their Nation, and saves the Victuals and Cloathing

for better People, that would have been expended on such useless Creatures.

These Savages are described in their proper Colours, but by a very few;

for those that generally write Histories of this new World,

are such as Interest, Preferment, and Merchandize, drew thither,

and know no more of that People than I do of the Laplanders,

which is only by Hear-say. And if we will make just Remarks,

how near such Relations generally approach Truth and Nicety,

we shall find very few of them worthy of Entertainment; and as for

the other part of the Volume, it is generally stufft with Invectives

against the Government they lived under, on which Stage is commonly acted

greater Barbarities, in Murdering worthy Mens Reputations,

than all the Savages in the new World are capable of equalizing,

or so much as imitating.

And since I hinted at a Regulation of the Savages, and to propose a way

to convert them to Christianity, I will first particularize

the several Nations of Indians that are our Neighbours,

and then proceed to what I promis'd.

Tuskeruro Indians are fifteen Towns, viz. Haruta, Waqui, Contah-nah,

Anna Ooka, Conauh-Kare Harooka, Una Nauhan, Kentanuska, Chunaneets,

Kenta, Eno, Naur-hegh-ne, Oonossoora, Tosneoc, Nonawharitse, Nursoorooka;

Fighting Men 1200. Waccon, Towns 2, Yupwauremau, Tooptatmeer,

Fighting Men 120. Machapunga, Town 1, Maramiskeet, Fighting Men 30.

Bear River, Town 1, Raudauqua-quank, Fighting Men 50.

Maherring Indians, Town 1, Maherring River, Fighting Men 50.

Chuwon Indians, Town 1, Bennets Creek, Fighting Men 15.

Paspatank Indians, Town 1, Paspatank River, Fighting Men 10.

Poteskeit, Town 1, North River, Fighting Men 30. Nottaway Indians,

Town 1, Winoack Creek, Fighting Men 30. Hatteras Town 1, Sand Banks,

Fighting Men 16. Connamox Indians, Towns 2, Coranine, Raruta,

Fighting Men 25. Neus Indians, Towns 2, Chattooka, Rouconk,

Fighting Men 15. Pampticough Indians, Town 1, Island, Fighting Men 15.

Jaupim Indians, 6 People. These five Nations of the Totero's, Sapona's,

Keiauwee's, Aconechos, and Schoccories, are lately come amongst us,

and may contain, in all, about 750 Men, Women and Children. Total 4780.

Now, there appears to be one thousand six hundred and twelve

Fighting Men, of our Neighbouring Indians; and probably,

there are three Fifths of Women and Children, not including Old Men,

which amounts to four thousand and thirty Savages, besides the five Nations

lately come. Now, as I before hinted, we will see what grounds there are

to make these People serviceable to us, and better themselves thereby.

On a fair Scheme, we must first allow these Savages what really

belongs to them, that is, what good Qualities, and natural Endowments,

they possess, whereby they being in their proper Colours,

the Event may be better guess'd at, and fathom'd.

First, they are as apt to learn any Handicraft, as any People

that the World affords; I will except none; as is seen

by their Canoes and Stauking Heads, which they make of themselves;

but to my purpose, the Indian Slaves in South Carolina, and elsewhere,

make my Argument good.

Secondly, we have no disciplin'd Men in Europe, but what have,

at one time or other, been branded with Mutining, and Murmuring against

their Chiefs. These Savages are never found guilty of that great Crime

in a Soldier; I challenge all Mankind to tell me of one Instance of it;

besides, they never prove Traitors to their Native Country,

but rather chuse Death than partake and side with the Enemy.

They naturally possess the Righteous Man's Gift; they are Patient

under all Afflictions, and have a great many other Natural Vertues,

which I have slightly touch'd throughout the Account of these Savages.

They are really better to us, than we are to them; they always give us

Victuals at their Quarters, and take care we are arm'd against

Hunger and Thirst: We do not so by them (generally speaking)

but let them walk by our Doors Hungry, and do not often relieve them.

We look upon them with Scorn and Disdain, and think them little better

than Beasts in Humane Shape, though if well examined, we shall find that,

for all our Religion and Education, we possess more Moral Deformities,

and Evils than these Savages do, or are acquainted withal.

We reckon them Slaves in Comparison to us, and Intruders,

as oft as they enter our Houses, or hunt near our Dwellings.

But if we will admit Reason to be our Guide, she will inform us,

that these Indians are the freest People in the World,

and so far from being Intruders upon us, that we have abandon'd

our own Native Soil, to drive them out, and possess theirs;

neither have we any true Balance, in Judging of these poor Heathens,

because we neither give Allowance for their Natural Disposition,

nor the Sylvian Education, and strange Customs, (uncouth to us)

they lie under and have ever been train'd up to; these are false Measures

for Christians to take, and indeed no Man can be reckon'd a Moralist only,

who will not make choice and use, of better Rules to walk and act by:

We trade with them, it's true, but to what End? Not to shew them

the Steps of Vertue, and the Golden Rule, to do as we would be done by.

No, we have furnished them with the Vice of Drunkenness,

which is the open Road to all others, and daily cheat them

in every thing we sell, and esteem it a Gift of Christianity,

not to sell to them so cheap as we do to the Christians,

as we call our selves. Pray let me know where is there to be found

one Sacred Command or Precept of our Master, that counsels us

to such Behaviour? Besides, I believe it will not appear,

but that all the Wars, which we have had with the Savages,

were occasion'd by the unjust Dealings of the Christians towards them.

I can name more than a few, which my own Enquiry has given me

a right Understanding of, and I am afraid the remainder

(if they come to the test) will prove themselves Birds of the same Feather.

{Indians Aversion to Christianity.}

As we are in Christian Duty bound, so we must act and behave ourselves

to these Savages, if we either intend to be serviceable in converting them

to the Knowledge of the Gospel, or discharge the Duty which every Man,

within the Pale of the Christian Church, is bound to do.

Upon this Score, we ought to shew a Tenderness for these Heathens

under the weight of Infidelity; let us cherish their good Deeds,

and, with Mildness and Clemency, make them sensible and forwarn them

of their ill ones; let our Dealings be just to them in every Respect,

and shew no ill Example, whereby they may think we advise them

to practise that which we will not be conformable to ourselves:

Let them have cheap Penniworths (without Guile in our Trading with them)

and learn them the Mysteries of our Handicrafts, as well as our Religion,

otherwise we deal unjustly by them. But it is highly necessary

to be brought in Practice, which is, to give Encouragement

to the ordinary People, and those of a lower Rank, that they might marry

with these Indians, and come into Plantations, and Houses,

where so many Acres of Land and some Gratuity of Money,

(out of a publick Stock) are given to the new-married Couple;

and that the Indians might have Encouragement to send their Children

Apprentices to proper Masters, that would be kind to them, and make them

Masters of a Trade, whereby they would be drawn to live amongst us,

and become Members of the same Ecclesiastical and Civil Government

we are under; then we should have great Advantages to make daily Conversions

amongst them, when they saw that we were kind and just to them

in all our Dealings. Moreover, by the Indians Marrying with the Christians,

and coming into Plantations with their English Husbands, or Wives,

they would become Christians, and their Idolatry would be quite forgotten,

and, in all probability, a better Worship come in its Stead;

for were the Jews engrafted thus, and alienated from

the Worship and Conversation of Jews, their Abominations would vanish,

and be no more.

Thus we should be let into a better Understanding of the Indian Tongue,

by our new Converts; and the whole Body of these People

would arrive to the Knowledge of our Religion and Customs,

and become as one People with us. By this Method also, we should have

a true Knowledge of all the Indians Skill in Medicine and Surgery;

they would inform us of the Situation of our Rivers, Lakes,

and Tracts of Land in the Lords Dominions, where by their Assistance,

greater Discoveries may be made than has been hitherto found out,

and by their Accompanying us in our Expeditions, we might civilize

a great many other Nations of the Savages, and daily add to our Strength

in Trade, and Interest; so that we might be sufficiently enabled to conquer,

or maintain our Ground, against all the Enemies to the Crown of England

in America, both Christian and Savage.

What Children we have of theirs, to learn Trades, &c. ought to be put

into those Hands that are Men of the best Lives and Characters,

and that are not only strict Observers of their Religion,

but also of a mild, winning and sweet Disposition, that these Indian Parents

may often go and see how well their Children are dealt with,

which would much win them to our Ways of Living, Mildness being a Vertue

the Indians are in love withal, for they do not practise

beating and correcting their Children, as we do. A general Complaint is,

that it seems impossible to convert these People to Christianity,

as, at first sight, it does; and as for those in New Spain, they have

the Prayer of that Church in Latin by Rote, and know the external Behaviour at

Mass and Sermons; yet scarce any of them are steady and abide with constancy

in good Works, and the Duties of the Christian Church. We find that

the Fuentes and several other of the noted Indian Families about Mexico,

and in other parts of New Spain, had given several large Gifts

to the Altar, and outwardly seem'd fond of their new Religion;

yet those that were the greatest Zealots outwards, on a strict Enquiry,

were found guilty of Idolatry and Witchcraft; and this seems to proceed from

their Cohabiting, which, as I have noted before, gives Opportunities of Cabals

to recal their ancient pristine Infidelity and Superstitions. They never

argue against our Religion, but with all imaginable Indifference own,

that it is most proper for us that have been brought up in it.

In my opinion, it's better for Christians of a mean Fortune

to marry with the Civiliz'd Indians, than to suffer

the Hardships of four or five years Servitude, in which they meet

with Sickness and Seasonings amidst a Crowd of other Afflictions,

which the Tyranny of a bad Master lays upon such poor Souls, all which

those acquainted with our Tobacco Plantations are not Strangers to.

This seems to be a more reasonable Method of converting the Indians,

than to set up our Christian Banner in a Field of Blood, as the Spaniards

have done in New Spain, and baptize one hundred with the Sword

for one at the Font. Whilst we make way for a Christian Colony

through a Field of Blood, and defraud, and make away with those

that one day may be wanted in this World, and in the next appear against us,

we make way for a more potent Christian Enemy to invade us hereafter,

of which we may repent, when too late.

The Second

CHARTER

Granted by

King CHARLES II.

to the

PROPRIETORS

of

CAROLINA

Charles II. by the Grace of God, &c. Whereas by Our Letters Patents,

bearing Date the Four and Twentieth Day of March, in the Fifteenth Year

of Our Reign, We were Graciously Pleas'd to Grant unto Our right Trusty,

and right Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor Edward Earl of Clarendon,

our High Chancellor of England, Our right Trusty, and right entirely Beloved

Cousin and Counsellor, George Duke of Albemarle, Master of our Horse,

Our right Trusty and Well Beloved William, now Earl of Craven,

our right Trusty and well-beloved Counsellor, John Lord Berkeley,

our right Trusty, and well-beloved Counsellor, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Chancellor of our Exchequer, our right Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellor

Sir George Carterett Knight and Baronet, Vice-Chamberlain of our Houshold,

Our right Trusty and well-beloved, Sir John Colleton Knight and Baronet,

and Sir William Berkeley Knight, all that Province, Territory,

or Tract of Ground, called Carolina, situate, lying and being within

our Dominions of America, Extending from the North End of the Island,

called Luke Island, which lyeth in the Southern Virginia Seas,

and within six and thirty Degrees of the Northern Latitude;

and to the West, as far as the South Seas; and so respectively

as far as the River of Mathias, which bordereth upon the Coast of Florida,

and within One and Thirty Degrees of the Northern Latitude, and so West

in a direct Line, as far as the South Seas aforesaid.

Now, know Ye, that We, at the Humble Request of the said Grandees

in the aforesaid Letters Patents named, and as a farther Mark

of Our especial Favour towards them, We are Graciously Pleased

to Enlarge Our said Grant unto them, according to the Bounds and Limits

hereafter Specifyed, and in Favour to the Pious and Noble Purpose

of the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, all that Province, Territory, or Tract of Ground,

situate, lying, and being within Our Dominions of America aforesaid,

extending North and Westward, as far as the North End

of Carahtuke River, or Gulet, upon a streight Westerly Line,

to Wyonoake Creek, which lies within, or about the Degrees of Thirty Six,

and Thirty Minutes Northern Latitude, and so West, in a direct Line,

as far as the South Seas; and South and Westward, as far as

the Degrees of Twenty Nine Inclusive Northern Latitude,

and so West in a direct Line, as far as the South Seas;

together with all and singular Ports, Harbours, Bays, Rivers and Islets,

belonging unto the Province or Territory, aforesaid. And also,

all the Soil, Lands, Fields, Woods, Mountains, Ferms, Lakes, Rivers,

Bays and Islets, situate, or being within the Bounds, or Limits,

last before mentioned; with the Fishing of all sorts of Fish,

Whales, Sturgeons, and all other Royal Fishes in the Sea, Bays,

Islets and Rivers, within the Premises, and the Fish therein taken;

together with the Royalty of the Sea, upon the Coast within

the Limits aforesaid. And moreover, all Veins, Mines and Quarries,

as well discovered as not discover'd, of Gold, Silver,

Gems and Precious Stones, and all other whatsoever; be it of Stones, Metal,

or any other thing found, or to be found within the Province, Territory,

Islets and Limits aforesaid.

And furthermore, the Patronage and Advowsons of all the Churches and Chappels,

which as the Christian Religion shall encrease within the Province, Territory,

Isles and Limits aforesaid, shall happen hereafter to be erected;

together with Licence and Power to build and found Churches,

Chappels and Oratories in convenient and fit places, within the said

Bounds and Limits; and to cause them to be Dedicated and Consecrated,

according to the Ecclesiastical Laws of Our Kingdom of England;

together with all and singular, the like, and as ample Rights, Jurisdictions,

Privileges, Prerogatives, Royalties, Liberties, Immunities and Franchises,

of what Kind soever, within the Territory, Isles, Islets and Limits aforesaid.

To have, hold, use, exercise and enjoy the same, as amply, fully,

and in as ample Manner, as any Bishop of Durham in Our Kingdom of England,

ever heretofore had, held, used, or enjoyed, or of right ought, or could have,

use, or enjoy; and them the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns;

We do by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors,

make, create and constitute the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors

of the said Province, or Territory, and of all other the Premises,

saving always the Faith, Allegiance and Sovereign Dominion due to Us,

our Heirs and Successors, for the same; to have, hold, possess and enjoy

the said Province, Territory, Islets, and all and singular,

other the Premises, to them the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

for Ever, to be holden of Us, Our Heirs and Successors,

as of Our Mannor of East Greenwich, in Kent, in free and common Soccage,

and not in Capite, or by Knights Service, yielding and paying yearly

to Us, Our Heirs and Successors, for the same, the fourth Part

of all Goods and Silver Oar, which within the Limits hereby Granted,

shall from Time to Time, happen to be found, over and besides the Yearly Rent

of Twenty Marks and the fourth part of the Gold and Silver Oar,

in and by the said recited Letters Patents reserved and payable.

And that the Province, or Territory hereby granted and described,

may be dignifyed with as large Titles and Privileges, as any other Parts

of our Dominions and Territories in that Region; Know ye, That We,

of our farther Grace, certain Knowledge and meer Motion,

have thought fit to annex the same Tract of Ground and Territory,

unto the same Province of Carolina; and out of the Fulness

of our Royal Power and Prerogative, We do for Us, our Heirs and Successors,

annex and unite the same to the said Province of Carolina. And forasmuch

as We have made and ordained the aforesaid Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

the true Lords and Proprietors of all the Province or Territory aforesaid;

Know ye therefore moreover, that We reposing especial Trust and Confidence

in their Fidelity, Wisdom, Justice and provident Circumspection for Us,

our Heirs and Successors, do grant full and absolute Power,

by virtue of these Presents, to them the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Catterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, and their Heirs and Assigns,

for the good and happy Government of the said whole Province or Territory,

full Power and Authority to erect, constitute, and make several Counties,

Baronies, and Colonies, of and within the said Provinces, Territories,

Lands and Hereditaments, in and by the said recited Letters Patents,

and these Presents, granted, or mentioned to be granted, as aforesaid,

with several and distinct Jurisdictions, Powers, Liberties and Privileges.

And also, to ordain, make and enact, and under their Seals,

to publish any Laws and Constitutions whatsoever, either appertaining to

the publick State of the said whole Province or Territory,

or of any distinct or particular County, Barony or Colony,

of or within the same, or to the private Utility of particular Persons,

according to their best Discretion, by and with the Advice,

Assent and Approbation of the Freemen of the said Province or Territory,

or of the Freemen of the County, Barony or Colony, for which

such Law or Constitution shall be made, or the greatest Part of them,

or of their Delegates or Deputies, whom for enacting of the said Laws,

when, and as often as need shall require, We will that the said

Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton and Sir William Berkeley,

and their Heirs or Assigns, shall from Time to Time, assemble in

such Manner and Form as to them shall seem best: And the same Laws

duly to execute upon all People within the said Province or Territory,

County, Barony or Colony, and the Limits thereof, for the Time being,

which shall be constituted under the Power and Government of them,

or any of them, either sailing towards the said Province or Territory

of Carolina, or returning from thence towards England,

or any other of our, or foreign Dominions, by Imposition of Penalties,

Imprisonment, or any other Punishment: Yea, if it shall be needful,

and the Quality of the Offence require it, by taking away

Member and Life, either by them, the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, and their Heirs,

or by them or their Deputies, Lieutenants, Judges, Justices, Magistrates,

or Officers whatsoever, as well within the said Province, as at Sea,

in such Manner and Form, as unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, and their Heirs,

shall seem most convenient: Also, to remit, release, pardon and abolish,

whether before Judgment or after, all Crimes and Offences whatsoever,

against the said Laws; and to do all and every other Thing and Things,

which unto the compleat Establishment of Justice, unto Courts,

Sessions and Forms of Judicature, and Manners of proceedings therein,

do belong, altho' in these Presents, express Mention is not made thereof;

and by Judges, to him or them delegated to award, process, hold Please,

and determine in all the said Courts and Places of Judicature,

all Actions, Suits and Causes whatsoever, as well criminal as civil,

real, mixt, personal, or of any other Kind or Nature whatsoever:

Which Laws so as aforesaid, to be published, Our Pleasure is,

and We do enjoyn, require and command, shall be absolutely firm and available

in Law; and that all the Leige People of Us, our Heirs and Successors,

within the said Province or Territory, do observe and keep the same inviolably

in those Parts, so far as they concern them, under the Pains and Penalties

therein expressed; or to be expressed; provided nevertheless,

that the said Laws be consonant to Reason, and as near as may be conveniently,

agreeable to the Laws and Customs of this our Realm of England.

And because such Assemblies of Free-holders cannot be so suddenly called,

as there may be Occasion to require the same; We do therefore

by these Presents, give and grant unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

by themselves or their Magistrates in that Behalf, lawfully authorized,

full Power and Authority from Time to Time, to make and ordain

fit and wholsome Orders and Ordinances, within the Province

or Territory aforesaid, or any County, Barony or Province, of or within

the same, to be kept and observed, as well for the keeping of the Peace,

as for the better Government of the People there abiding, and to publish

the same to all to whom it may concern: Which Ordinances we do,

by these Presents, streightly charge and command to be inviolably observed

within the same Province, Counties, Territories, Baronies, and Provinces,

under the Penalties therein expressed; so as such Ordinances

be reasonable and not repugnant or contrary, but as near as may be agreeable

to the Laws and Statutes of this our Kingdom of England;

and so as the same Ordinances do not extend to the binding,

charging or taking away of the Right or Interest of any Person or Persons,

in their freehold Goods, or Chattels, whatsoever.

And to the end the said Province or Territory, may be the more happily

encreased by the Multitude of People resorting thither, and may likewise be

the more strongly defended from the Incursions of Savages and other Enemies,

Pirates, and Robbers.

Therefore, We for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, do give and grant

by these Presents, Power, License and Liberty unto all the Leige People of Us,

our Heirs and Successors in our Kingdom of England, or elsewhere,

within any other our Dominions, Islands, Colonies or Plantations;

(excepting those who shall be especially forbidden) to transport

themselves and Families into the said Province or Territory,

with convenient Shipping, and fitting Provisions; and there

to settle themselves, dwell and inhabit, any Law, Act, Statute, Ordinance,

or other Thing to the contrary in any wise, notwithstanding.

And we will also, and of Our especial Grace, for Us, our Heirs and Successors,

do streightly enjoyn, ordain, constitute and demand, That the said

Province or Territory, shall be of our Allegiance; and that all and singular,

the Subjects and Leige People of Us, our Heirs and Successors, transported,

or to be transported into the said Province, and the Children of them,

and such as shall descend from them, there born, or hereafter to be born,

be, and shall be Denizens and Lieges of Us, our Heirs and Successors of this

our Kingdom of England, and be in all Things, held, treated and reputed

as the Liege faithful People of Us, our Heirs and Successors,

born within this our said Kingdom, or any other of our Dominions;

and may inherit, or otherwise purchase and receive, take, hold,

buy and possess any Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, within the said Places,

and them may occupy, and enjoy, sell, alien and bequeath; as likewise,

all Liberties, Franchises and Privileges of this our Kingdom,

and of other our Dominions aforesaid, may freely and quietly have,

possess and enjoy, as our Liege People born within the same,

without the Molestation, Vexation, Trouble or Grievance of Us,

Our Heirs and Successors, any Act, Statute, Ordinance, or Provision

to the contrary, notwithstanding.

And furthermore, That Our Subjects of this Our said Kingdom of England,

and other our Dominions, may be the rather encouraged to undertake

this Expedition, with ready and chearful Minds; Know Ye, That We,

of Our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and meer Motion, do give and grant,

by virtue of these Presents, as well to the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, and their Heirs,

as unto all others as shall, from time to time, repair unto

the said Province or Territory, with a Purpose to inhabit there,

or to trade with the Natives thereof; Full Liberty and License

to lade and freight in every Port whatsoever, of Us, our Heirs and Successors;

and into the said Province of Carolina, by them, their Servants and Assigns,

to transport all and singular, their Goods, Wares and Merchandizes;

as likewise, all sort of Grain whatsoever, and any other Thing whatsoever,

necessary for their Food and Cloathing, not prohibited

by the Laws and Statutes of our Kingdom and Dominions, to be carried out

of the same, without any Lett or Molestation of Us, our Heirs and Successors,

or of any other our Officers or Ministers whatsoever; saving also to Us,

our Heirs and Successors, the Customs, and other Duties and Payments due for

the said Wares and Merchandizes, according to the several Rates of the Place

from whence the same shall be transported.

We will also, and by these Presents, for Us, our Heirs and Successors,

do give and grant License by this our Charter, unto the said

Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, and to all the Inhabitants and Dwellers

in the Province or Territory aforesaid, both present and to come,

full Power and Authority to import or unlade by themselves,

or their Servants, Factors or Assigns, all Merchandizes and Goods whatsoever,

that shall arise of the Fruits and Commodities of the said

Province or Territory, either by Land or Sea, into any the Ports of Us,

our Heirs and Successors, in our Kingdom of Engl. Scotl. or Ireland,

or otherwise, to dispose of the said Goods, in the said Ports.

And if need be, within one year next after the unlading,

to lade the said Merchandizes and Goods again in the same,

or other Ships; and to export the same into any other Countries,

either of our Dominions or foreign, being in Amity with Us,

our Heirs and Successors, so as they pay such Customs,

Subsidies and other Duties for the same to Us, our Heirs and Successors,

as the rest of our Subjects of this our Kingdom, for the Time being,

shall be bound to pay. Beyond which We will not that the Inhabitants

of the said Province or Territory, shall be any ways charged.

Provided, nevertheless, and our Will and Pleasure is, and we have further,

for the Considerations aforesaid, of our special Grace,

certain Knowledge and meer Motion, given and granted, and by these Presents,

for Us, our Heirs and Successors, do give and grant unto

the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, full and free License, Liberty, Power and Authority,

at any Time or Times, from and after the Feast of St. Michael

the Arch-Angel, which shall be in the Year of our Lord Christ,

One Thousand, Six Hundred, Sixty and Seven; as well to import and bring into

any our Dominions from the said Province of Carolina, or any Part thereof,

the several Goods and Commodities herein after mentioned; That is to say,

Silks, Wines, Currants, Raisons, Capers, Wax, Almonds, Oil and Olives,

without paying or answering to Us, our Heirs and Successors,

any Custom, Impost, or other Duty, for, or in respect thereof,

for and during the Time and Space of Seven Years to commence and be accompted

from and after the first Importation of Four Tons of any the said Goods,

in any one Bottom Ship or Vessel, from the said Province or Territory,

into any of our Dominions; as also, to export and carry out of

any of our Dominions into the said Province or Territory, Custom-free,

all sorts of Tools, which shall be useful or necessary for the Planters there,

in the Accommodation and Improvement of the Premises, any thing

before in these Presents contained, or any Law, Act, Statute,

Prohibition, or other Matter or Thing, heretofore had, made,

enacted or provided, or hereafter to be had, made, enacted or provided,

in any wise notwithstanding.

And furthermore, of our more ample and especial Grace,

certain Knowledge and meer Motion, We do for Us, our Heirs and Successors,

grant unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, full and absolute Power and Authority to make,

erect and constitute within the said Province or Territory,

and the Isles and Islets aforesaid, such and so many Sea-Ports, Harbours,

Creeks and other Places for discharge and unlading of Goods and Merchandizes

out of Ships, Boats, and other Vessels, and for lading of them

in such and so many Places, as with such Jurisdictions,

Privileges and Franchises, unto the said Ports belonging,

as to them shall seem most expedient; And that all and singular,

the Ships, Boats and other Vessels, which shall come for Merchandizes,

and trade into the said Province or Territory, or shall depart

out of the same, shall be laden and unladen at such Ports only,

as shall be erected and constituted by the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

and not elsewhere, any Use, Custom, or any thing to the contrary

in any wise notwithstanding.

And we do furthermore will, appoint and ordain, and by these Presents,

for Us, our Heirs and Successors, do grant unto the said

Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, That they the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

may from Time to Time, for ever, have and enjoy the Customs and Subsidies in

the Ports, Harbours, Creeks and other Places, within the Province aforesaid,

payable for the Goods, Merchandizes and Wares there laded,

or to be laded or unladed, the said Customs to be reasonably assessed

upon any Occasion by themselves, and by and with the Consent

of the free People, or the greater Part of them, as aforesaid;

to whom We give Power by these Presents, for Us, our Heirs and Successors,

upon just Cause and in a due Proportion to assess and impose the same.

And further, of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and meer Motion,

we have given, granted and confirmed, and by these Presents,

for Us, our Heirs and Successors, do give, grant and confirm

unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, full and absolute Power, License and Authority,

that they the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, from Time to Time, hereafter for ever,

at his and their Will and Pleasure, may assign, alien, grant,

demise or enfeoff the Premises or any Part or Parcel thereof to him or them,

that shall be willing to purchase the same; and to such Person and Persons,

as they shall think fit, to have, and to hold to them the said

Person or Persons, their Heirs and Assigns, in Fee simple or in Fee Tayle,

or for the Term of Life or Lives, or Years to be held of them,

the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, by such Rents, Services and Customs,

as shall seem fit to them the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

and not of Us, our Heirs and Successors: And to the same Person and Persons,

and to all and every of them, We do give and grant by these Presents,

for Us, our Heirs and Successors, License, Authority and Power,

that such Person or Persons, may have and take the Premises,

or any Parcel thereof, of the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

and the same to hold to themselves, their Heirs or Assigns,

in what Estate of Inheritance soever, in Fee simple, or in Fee Tayle,

or otherwise, as to them the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

shall seem expedient; The Statute in the Parliament of Edward,

Son of King Henry, heretofore King of England, our Predecessor,

commonly called, The Statute of Quia Emptores Terrar; or any other Statute,

Act, Ordinance, Use, Law, Custom, any other Matter, Cause or Thing

heretofore published or provided to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding.

And because many Persons born and inhabiting in the said Province

for their Deserts and Services may expect, and be capable of

Marks of Honour and Favour, which, in respect of the great Distance

cannot conveniently be conferred by Us; our Will and Pleasure therefore is,

and We do by these Presents, give and grant unto the said

Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Lord Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, full Power and Authority to give and confer unto,

and upon such of the Inhabitants of the said Province, or Territory,

as they shall think, do, or shall merit the same, such Marks of Favour,

and Titles of Honour, as they shall think fit, so as their Titles of Honours

be not the same as are enjoyed by, or conferred upon any of the Subjects

of this Our Kingdom of England.

And further also, We do by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors,

give and Grant, License to them the Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

full Power, Liberty and License, to Erect, Raise and Build

within the said Province and Places aforesaid, or any Part or Parts thereof,

such and so many Forts, Fortresses, Castles, Cities, Boroughs,

Towns, Villages and other Fortifications whatsoever;

and the same or any of them to Fortify and Furnish with Ordnance,

Powder, Shot, Armour and all other Weapons, Ammunition and Habiliments of War,

both Defensive and Offensive, as shall be thought fit and convenient for

the Safety and Welfare of the said Province, and Places, or any Part thereof;

and the same, or any of them, from Time to Time, as Occasion shall require,

to Dismantle, Disfurnish, Demolish and Pull down; And also to Place,

Constitute and Appoint in, or over all, or any of the said Castles,

Forts, Fortifications, Cities, Towns and Places aforesaid,

Governours, Deputy Governours, Magistrates, Sheriffs and other Officers,

Civil and Military, as to them shall seem meet; and to the said Cities,

Boroughs, Towns, Villages, or any other Place or Places, within the said

Province or Territory, to Grant Letters or Charters of Incorporation,

with all Liberties, Franchises and Privileges requisite, or usual,

to, or within this our Kingdom of England granted, or belonging;

And in the same Cities, Boroughs, Towns and other Places, to Constitute,

Erect and Appoint such, and so many Markets, Marts and Fairs

as shall in that Behalf be thought fit and necessary; And further also,

to Erect and Make in the Province or Territory aforesaid, or any Part thereof,

so many Mannors with such Signories as to them shall seem meet and convenient,

and in every of the same Mannors to have and to hold a Court-Baron,

with all Things whatsoever, which to a Court-Baron do belong,

and to have and to hold Views of Frank Pledge, and Court-Leet,

for the Conservation of the Peace, and better Government of those Parts,

with such Limits, Jurisdiction and Precincts, as by the said

Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

or their Heirs, shall be appointed for that purpose, with all

things whatsoever, which to a Court-Leet, or view of Franck Pledge, do belong;

the same Courts to be holden by Stewards, to be Deputed and Authorized

by the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

or their Heirs, by the Lords of the Mannors and Leets, for the Time being,

when the same shall be Erected.

And because that in so remote a Country, and Situate among

so many Barbarous Nations, the Invasions as well of Savages as other Enemies,

Pirates, and Robbers may probably be feared; Therefore We have Given,

and for Us, Our Heirs and Successors do give Power by these Presents,

unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs or Assigns by themselves, or their Captains, or their Officers

to Levy, Muster and Train up all sorts of Men, of what Condition soever,

or wheresoever Born, whether in the said Province, or elsewhere,

for the Time being; and to make War and pursue the Enemies aforesaid,

as well by Sea, as by Land; yea, even without the Limits of the said Province,

and by God's Assistance, to Vanquish and Take them, and being Taken,

to put them to Death by the Law of War, and to save them at their Pleasure;

And to do all and every other thing, which to the Charge and Office

of a Captain General of an Army belongeth, or hath accustomed to belong,

as fully and freely as any Captain General of an Army hath had the same.

Also, Our Will and Pleasure is, and by this Our Charter,

We do give and grant unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Lord Craven, John Lord Berkeley,

Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton,

and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns, full Power,

Liberty and Authority, in Case of Rebellion, Tumult, or Sedition

(if any should happen, which God forbid) either upon the Land within

the Province aforesaid, or upon the main Sea, in making a Voyage thither,

or returning from thence, by him and themselves, their Captains,

Deputies or Officers, to be authorized under his or their Seals,

for that purpose: To whom also for Us, our Heirs and Successors,

We do give and grant by these Presents, full Power and Authority

to exercise Martial Law against mutinous and seditious Persons of those Parts;

such as shall refuse to submit themselves to their Government,

or shall refuse to serve in the Wars, or shall fly to the Enemy,

or forsake their Colours or Ensigns, or be Loiterers or Stragglers,

or otherwise howsoever offending against Law, Custom, or Military Discipline,

as freely, and in as ample Manner and Form as any Captain General of an Army,

by virtue of his Office, might, or hath accustomed to use the same.

And Our further Pleasure is, and by these Presents, for Us, our Heirs

and Successors, We do grant unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

and to the Tenants and Inhabitants of the said Province, or Territory,

both present and to come, and to every of them, that the said Province,

or Territory, and the Tenants and Inhabitants thereof,

shall not from henceforth, be held or reputed any Member,

or Part of any Colony whatsoever, in America or elsewhere,

now transported or made, or hereafter to be transported or made;

nor shall be depending on, or subject to their Government in any Thing,

but be absolutely separated and divided from the same: And our Pleasure is,

by these Presents, That they may be separated, and that they be subject

immediately to our Crown of England, as depending thereof for ever.

And that the Inhabitants of the said Province or Territory, or any of them,

shall at any Time hereafter, be compelled or compellible,

or be any ways subject, or liable to appear or answer to any Matter, Suit,

Cause, or Plaint whatsoever, out of the Province or Territory aforesaid,

in any other of our Islands, Colonies or Dominions in America, or elsewhere,

other than in our Realm of England and Dominion of Wales.

And because it may happen, That some of the People and Inhabitants

of the said Province, cannot in their private Opinions conform

to the Publick Exercise of Religion according to the Liturgy,

Forms and Ceremonies of the Church of England, or take or subscribe

the Oaths and Articles made and established in that Behalf:

And for that the same, by reason of the remote Distances of those Places,

will, as we hope, be no Breach of the Unity, and Conformity,

Established in this Nation; Our Will and Pleasure therefore is,

and We do by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors,

Give and Grant unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs and Assigns,

full and free Licence, Liberty and Authority, by such Ways and Means

as they shall think fit, To Give and Grant unto such Person and Persons,

Inhabiting, and being within the said Province or Territory,

hereby or by the said recited Letters Patents, mentioned to be granted

as aforesaid, or any Part thereof, such Indulgencies and Dispensations,

in that Behalf, for, and during such Time and Times, and with such

Limitations and Restrictions, as they the said Edward Earl of Clarendon,

George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven,

John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carterett,

Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their Heirs,

or Assigns, shall in their Discretion think fit and reasonable.

And that no Person or Persons, unto whom such Liberty shall be given,

shall be any way molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question for

any Differences in Opinion or Practice, in Matters of Religious Concernment,

who do not actually disturb the civil Peace of the Province, County or Colony,

that they shall make their abode in. But all and every such

Person and Persons, may from Time to Time, and at all Times,

freely and quietly have and enjoy his and their Judgment and Consciences,

in Matters of Religion, throughout all the said Province, or Colony,

they behaving themselves peaceably, and not using this Liberty

to Licentiousness, nor to the Civil Injury or outward Disturbance of others.

Any Law, Statute or Clause contained, or to be contained,

Usage or Customs of our Realm of England to the contrary hereof

in any wise, notwithstanding.

And in Case it shall happen, that any Doubts or Questions should arise

concerning the True Sense and Understanding of any Word, Clause, or Sentence,

contained in this Our present Charter, We Will, Ordain, and Command,

that at all Times, and in all Things, such Interpretations be made thereof,

and allow'd in all and every of Our Courts whatsoever,

as Lawfully may be Adjudged most Advantageous and Favourable

to the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle,

William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley,

Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley,

their Heirs and Assigns, although Express Mention, &c.

Witness our Self at Westminster, the Thirtieth Day of June,

in the Seventeenth Year of our Reign.

Per Ipsum Regem.

An

ABSTRACT

of the

CONSTITUTION

of

CAROLINA.

As to the Government of Carolina, the Laws of England are there in Force;

yet the Lords-Proprietors, by their Deputies, have Power,

with the Consent of the Inhabitants, to make By-Laws for the better Government

of the said Province; so that no Law can be made, or Money rais'd,

unless the Inhabitants, or their Representatives, consent thereto:

One Law which they have in South-Carolina deserves particular Mention,

which is, their Method of chusing Juries, it being done by making

a considerable Number of Paper-Billets, on which are written

the Names of as many of the most substantial Freeholders.

These Billets are put into a Hat, out of which Twenty-four are chosen

by the next Child that appears. Then, out of those Twenty-four,

Twelve are chosen at the next Court, after the same manner;

which is an infallible way to prevent all Manner of Fraud.

North and South-Carolina Settlements are distant from one another

some hundreds of Miles; so that Necessity compels each Colony

to keep to themselves, a Governour, Council and Assembly.

The Governor represents the Lord-Palatine; the rest of the Counsellors

are the Lord-Deputies; who, of themselves, make a Palatines Court,

and a Court of Chancery; wherein they pass several Orders of Council,

much of the Nature of the Prince's Proclamation; which continues

no longer in Force, than the next Assembly. Likewise, they grant

several sorts of Commissions, Warrants, &c. yet Military Commissions

lie wholly in the Governor's Power; but Making of War or Peace, in all,

or the Majority of the Lords-Deputies; by whom (the Governor being one)

it is determin'd, and by whose Commissions all other Magistrates act.

On these Heads they have settled, and maintain an admirable

Constitution of Government, for the lasting Peace, Security, and Well-being

of all the Inhabitants. The way of any ones taking up his Land in Carolina,

due to him either by Purchasing it of the Lords Proprietors here in England,

who keep their Board at Craven-House in Drury-Lane, London,

the first Thursday in every Month; or if purchas'd in Carolina,

is after this manner: He first looks out for a Place to his Mind,

that is not already possess'd by any other; then applies himself

to the Governor and Lords Proprietors Deputies, and shews what Right he hath

to such a Tract of Land, either by Purchase of the Lords in England,

or by an Entry in the Surveyor-General's Office, in order

to purchase of the Governor and Lords Deputies there in Carolina,

who thereupon issue out their Warrant-Land as is due to him.

Who making Certificate, that he had measured out so much Land and the Bounds,

a Deed is prepared of Course, by the Secretary, which is sign'd

by the Governor and the Lords Proprietors Deputies, and the Proprietors Seal

affix'd to it, and register'd in the Secretaries Office,

which is a good Coveyance in Law of the Land therein mention'd,

to the Party and his Heirs for ever.

Thus have I given you as large and exact an Account of Carolina,

as the Discovery of so few Years (in this great and extensive Land)

would permit. Which flourishing Country will, doubtless, in time,

increase the Number of its Productions, and afford us plentifully

those Necessaries and rich Commodities, which the Streights,

Turky and other Countries supply us withal at present,

and not seldom in their own Shipping; whereas, were those Merchandizes

the Produce of an English Plantation, and brought us home

by our own Hands and Bottoms, of what Advantage such an Improvement would be

to the Crown of Great-Britain, and the People in general,

I leave to Men of Reason and Experience to judge. I do intend (if God permit)

by future Voyages (after my Arrival in Carolina) to pierce into

the Body of the Continent, and what Discoveries and Observations

I shall, at any time hereafter, make, will be communicated

to my Correspondents in England, to be publish'd, having furnish'd myself

with Instruments and other Necessaries for such Voyages.

For the better Understanding of this Country, I have already drawn

a very large and exact Map thereof, as far as any Discoveries

have been yet made, either by others or my self, and have spared

neither Cost nor Pains, to procure the most correct Maps and Journals thereof,

that are extant in Print, or in Manuscript. This Map containing

nine Sheets of Imperial Paper, and now fit for engraving,

begins at Cape Henry in Virginia, 37 deg. N. Lat. and contains

all the Coasts of Carolina, or Florida, with the Bahama Islands,

great Part of the Bay of Mexico, and the Island of Cuba, to the Southward,

and several Degrees to the Westward of the Messiasippi River,

with all the Indian Nations and Villages, and their Numbers,

which of them are subject to Carolina, and trade with their People,

what Places are convenient Factories and Forts, to increase and secure

our Trade on the Messiasippi, and what Forts and Factories

the French and Spaniards have gain'd in those Latitudes,

especially on the great River and the Neighbouring Streams; all which

they illegally possess, since the very Mouth of the River Messiasippi

is in the King of England's Grant to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina,

it falling something to the Northward of 29 Degr. North Lat.

whose Claim and Right I question not, but a Peace will adjust, and restore,

which every Englishman is bound in Duty and Interest, to wish for;

if we consider how advantageously they have seated themselves,

whereby to disturb the Peace and Interest of all the English Plantations

on the Continent of America.

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