When the natural-law foundation of enforcing promises crumbled, the

metaphysical jurists sought to provide a new one. Kant said that it

was impossible to prove that one ought to keep his promise, considered

merely as a promise, and deduced contract from property as a form of

conveyance or alienation of one's substance involved in the very idea

of individual rights. So far as consistent with abstract freedom of

will according to a universal law one might alienate his services as

well as his property, and an undertaking to perform something was an

alienation of that sort. This view was generally taken so that while

the seventeenth century sought to rest rights upon contract and the

eighteenth century rested contract on the inherent moral significance

of a promise, the nineteenth century, making the philosophy of

property the important thing, rested contract on property. Three of

these theories are worth a moment's notice.

Fichte says that the duty of performing an agreement arises when one

party thereto begins to act under it. Juristically this seems to be a

rationalization of the Roman innominate contract. There, in case a

pact was performed on one side, he who performed might claim

restitution _quasi ex contractu_ or claim the counter-performance _ex

contractu_. Philosophically the idea seems to be that of the

equivalent theory, in the form with which we are familiar in

Anglo-American discussion of this subject as the injurious-reliance

theory. According to the latter, unless the promisee has parted with

an equivalent or has begun to act in reliance upon the agreement, he

has no moral claim to fulfilment. This is not a theory of the law as

it is or as it ever has been. Formal contracts require nothing of the

sort. It is true, English equity, under the influence of the

equivalent theory, did lay down in the nineteenth century that a

contract under seal with no common-law consideration behind it would

not be enforced. But that proposition was subject to many exceptions

when it was announced, more have since developed and more are

developing. As things are, the exceptions are of more frequent

application than the rule itself. Nor is Fichte's theory a statement

of moral ideas of his day or of ours. Then and now the moral duty to

keep abstract promises was and is recognized. That a man's word should

be "as good as his bond" expresses the moral sentiment of civilized

society. But the philosopher saw that the law did not go so far and

was trying to frame a rational explanation of why it fell short. It

should be noticed that Fichte is really trying to show why a promise

may be regarded as a part of one's substance and why one's claim to

performance may be treated as his property.

Hegel also explains contract in terms of property, treating a promise

as a disposition of one's substance. Hence in his view the so-called

abstract promise is a mere subjective qualification of one's will

which he is at liberty to change. This theory and the foregoing assume

the Roman law or the older law of Continental Europe, and speak from

the reaction from natural law which in England at the same time was

overruling the liberal doctrines of Lord Mansfield.

Later metaphysical jurists rely upon the idea of personality. The

Romanist thinks of a legal transaction as a willing of some change in

a person's sphere of rights to which the law, carrying out his will,

gives the intended effect. If the transaction is executed, revocation

would involve aggression upon the substance of another. If it is

executory, however, why should the declared intent that the change

take place in the future be executed by law despite the altered will

of the promisor? Some say that this should be done where there is a

joint will from which only joint action may recede. Where the parties

have come to an agreement, where their wills have been at one, the law

is to give effect to this joint will as a sort of vindication of

personality. It is evident, however, that this explanation assumes the

will theory, the subjective theory of legal transactions. If we start

from the objective theory it breaks down. Take for instance the case

of an offer, which a reasonable man would understand in a given way,

accepted by the offeree in that understanding when the offerer really

meant something else. Or take the case of an offer wrongly transmitted

by telegraph and accepted in good faith as it is transmitted. Here

there is no community of will and yet the law may well hold, as we do

in America, in both cases, that there is a contract. No metaphysical

theory has prevailed to prevent the steady march of the law and of

juristic thought in the direction of an objective doctrine of legal

transactions. Nowhere, indeed, has the deductive method broken down

so completely as in the attempt to deduce principles upon which

contracts are to be enforced.

Later in the nineteenth century men came to think more about freedom

of contract than about enforcement of promises when made. To Spencer

and the mechanical positivists, conceiving of law negatively as a

system of hands off while men do things, rather than as a system of

ordering to prevent friction and waste so that they may do things, the

important institution was a right of free exchange and free contract,

deduced from the law of equal freedom as a sort of freedom of economic

motion and locomotion. Justice required that each individual be at

liberty to make free use of his natural powers in bargains and

exchanges and promises except as he interfered with like action on the

part of his fellow men, or with some other of their natural rights.

Whether all such transactions should be enforced against him or only

some, and if the latter, which, are questions belonging to an

affirmative rather than to a negative science of law.

Historical jurists accepted the will theory and have been its leading

advocates in modern times. They saw that the whole course of legal

history had been one of wider recognition and more effective

enforcement of promises. Those who accepted the ethical idealistic

interpretation of legal history could see freedom as an ethical idea

realizing itself in a larger freedom of self-assertion and

self-determination through promises and agreements and a wider giving

effect to the will so asserted and determined. For the most part they

wrote on the Continent where the field of legally enforceable promises

had ceased to be bounded by a narrow fence of Roman historical

categories. Thus they had no call to rationalize dogmas of not

enforcing promises made as business transactions. Those who accepted

the political interpretation saw freedom as a civil or political idea

realizing itself in a progress from _status_ to contract in which

men's duties and liabilities came more and more to flow from willed

action instead of from the accident of social position recognized by

law. The English historical jurists might well have asked how far

English rules as to consideration were consonant with the implications

of such a theory, and whether they must not be expected to give way as

the idea unfolded more completely in experience of popular action and

judicial decision. But the leader of this school was not a common-law

lawyer and the American historical jurists devoted their energies to

devising a historical-analytical theory of consideration rather than

to the wider question of what promises should be enforced and why.

Here as in other places the historical jurist and the utilitarian were

in agreement as to results although they differed widely as to the

mode of reaching them. The former saw in contract a realization of the

idea of liberty. The latter saw in it a means of promoting that

maximum of individual free self-assertion which he took to be human

happiness. Hence the former called for freedom of contract and should

have called for wide general enforcement of promises. The latter held

to a doctrine of unshackling men and allowing them to act as freely

as possible, which involved the complementary position of extending

the sphere and enforcing the obligation of contract. The difference

between these ways of thinking and those of the end of the eighteenth

century is brought out if we compare Blackstone (1765) with a dictum

of Sir George Jessel a century later (1875). The former says that the

public is "in nothing so essentially interested as in securing to

every individual his private rights." The latter, discussing a

question of what agreements are against public policy and therefore

unenforceable, says: "If there is one thing more than another which

public policy requires it is that men of full age and competent

understanding shall have the utmost liberty of contracting and that

such contracts shall be enforced by courts of justice." But the

utilitarians put the emphasis upon the first, the negative, rather

than upon the second, the affirmative, part of this twofold program.

This is true also of the historical jurists and of the positivists.

The English trader and entrepreneur was not seeking for legal

instruments. He could work passably with those which the law furnished

if the law would but let him. What he sought was to be free from legal

shackles which had come down from a society of a different nature

organized on a different basis and with other ends. Hence juristic

thought addressed itself to this for a season rather than to the

doctrine of consideration and the reason for non-enforcement of

deliberate promises where not put in the form of bargains.

No one of the four theories of enforcing promises which are current

today is adequate to cover the whole legal recognition and enforcement

of them as the law actually exists. Putting them in the order of their

currency, we may call them (1) the will theory, (2) the bargain

theory, (3) the equivalent theory, (4) the injurious-reliance theory.

That is, promises are enforced as a giving effect to the will of those

who agree, or to the extent that they are bargains or parts of

bargains, or where an equivalent for them has been rendered, or where

they have been relied on by the promisee to his injury, according to

the theory chosen. The first is the prevailing theory among

civilians. But it must give way before the onward march of the

objective theory of legal transactions and is already fighting a

rear-guard action. In our law it is impossible. We do not give effect

to promises on the basis of the will of the promisor, although our

courts of equity have shown some tendency to move in that direction.

The attempt in the nineteenth century to Romanize our theories of

liability involved a Romanized will-theory of contract. But no one who

looks beneath the surface of our law reports can doubt that the

attempt has failed wholly. We no longer seek solutions on every side

through a pedantic Romanized law of bailments and in the law of

bailments itself we are coming to talk in common-law terms of

negligence in view of the circumstances and not in Romanist terms of

the willed standard of diligence and corresponding degrees of

negligence. In America, at least, the objective theory of contract is

orthodox and the leader of English analytical jurists of the present

generation has expounded it zealously. Courts of equity, which

inherit modes of thought from the time when the chancellor searched

the conscience of a defendant by an examination under oath, and

believed he could reach subjective data that were beyond the

cognizance of a jury, are the last stronghold of the exotic subjective

theory in the common law.

Probably the bargain theory is the one most current in common-law

thinking. It is a development of the equivalent theory. It will not

cover formal contracts but under its influence the formal contracts

have been slowly giving way. The seal "imports" a consideration.

Legislation has abolished it in many jurisdictions and often it does

no more than establish a bargain _prima facie_, subject to proof that

there was in fact no consideration. Courts of equity require a

common-law consideration, at least on the face of their general rule,

before they will enforce a sealed contract. Also the formal contracts

of the law merchant are subject to defeat by showing there was no

consideration, except when in the hands of holders for value without

notice. Here, however, consideration is used in the sense of

equivalent, to the extent of admitting a "past consideration," and the

bargain theory, appropriate to simple contracts, is not of entire

application. On the other hand the extent to which courts today are

straining to get away from the bargain theory and enforce promises

which are not bargains and cannot be stated as such is significant.

Subscription contracts, gratuitous promises afterwards acted on,

promises based on moral obligations, new promises where a debt has

been barred by limitation or bankruptcy or the like, the torturing of

gifts into contracts by equity so as to enforce _pacta donationis_

specifically in spite of the rule that equity will not aid a

volunteer, the enforcement of gratuitous declarations of trust,

specific enforcement of options under seal without consideration,

specific performance by way of reformation in case of security to a

creditor or settlement on a wife or provision for a child, voluntary

relinquishment of a defense by a surety and other cases of "waiver,"

release by mere acknowledgment in some states, enforcement of gifts

by way of reformation against the heir of a donor, "mandates" where

there is no _res_, and stipulations of parties and their counsel as to

the conduct of and proceedings in litigation--all these make up a

formidable catalogue of exceptional or anomalous cases with which the

advocate of the bargain theory must struggle. When one adds

enforcement of promises at suit of third-party beneficiaries, which is

making headway the world over, and enforcement of promises where the

consideration moves from a third person, which has strong advocates in

America and is likely to be used to meet the exigencies of doing

business through letters of credit, one can but see that Lord

Mansfield's proposition that no promise made as a business transaction

can be _nudum pactum_ is nearer realization than we had supposed.

Yet the equivalent theory and the injurious-reliance theory are even

less adequate to explain the actual law. The equivalent theory must

wrestle at the outset with the doctrine that inadequacy of

consideration is immaterial so that the equivalency is often

Pickwickian. Hegel could argue for it on the basis of the Roman

_laesio enormis_. But when a court of equity is willing to uphold a

sale of property worth $20,000 for $200, even a dogmatic fiction is

strained. Moreover the catalogue of anomalies with which the bargain

theory must wrestle contains more than one difficulty for the adherent

of either theory. Stipulations in the course of litigation do not need

equivalents nor do they need to be acted on in order to be

enforceable. A release by mere acknowledgment, when good at all, needs

no equivalent and need not be acted on. Waiver by a surety of the

defense of release by giving time to the principal needs no element of

consideration nor of estoppel. Defectively executed securities,

settlements and advancements need no equivalent and need not be acted

on in order to be reformed. Options under seal are held open in equity

on the basis of the seal alone. A gratuitously declared trust creates

an obligation cognizable in equity without more. In truth the

situation in our law is becoming much the same as that in the

maturity of Roman law and for the same reason. We have three main

categories. First, there are formal contracts, including sealed

instruments, recognizances, and the formal contracts of the law

merchant, in which latter the form consists in the use of certain

words, requirements as to sum certain, payment at all events, and

certainty as to time. Second, there are the real contracts of debt and

bailment. Third, there are simple contracts, without form and upon

consideration. The latter is the growing category although the formal

contracts of the law merchant have shown some power of growth and the

business world has been trying to add thereto letters of credit using

the formal words "confirmed" or "irrevocable." But the category of

enforceable simple promises defies systematic treatment as obstinately

as the actionable pacts in Roman law. Successive additions at

different times in the endeavor of courts to hold men to their

undertakings, in view of the social interest in the security of

transactions and the jural postulates of the civilization of the day,

proceed on all manner of different theories and different analogies

and agree only in the result--that a man's word in the course of

business should be as good as his bond and that his fellow men must be

able to rely on the one equally with the other if our economic order

is to function efficiently. It is evident that many courts consciously

or subconsciously sympathize with Lord Dunedin's feeling that one can

have no liking for a doctrine which enables a promisor to snap his

fingers at a promise deliberately made, fair in itself, and in which

the person seeking to enforce it has a legitimate interest according

to the ordinary understanding of upright men in the community. It is

significant that although we have been theorizing about consideration

for four centuries, our texts have not agreed upon a formula of

consideration, much less our courts upon any consistent scheme of what

is consideration and what is not. It means one thing--we are not

agreed exactly what--in the law of simple contracts, another in the

law of negotiable instruments, another in conveyancing under the

Statute of Uses and still another thing--no one knows exactly what--in

many cases in equity.

Letters of credit afford a striking illustration of the ill-adaptation

of our American common law of contract to the needs of modern business

in an urban society of highly complex economic organization. Well

known abroad and worked out consistently on general theories in the

commercial law of Continental Europe, these instruments came into use

in this country on a large scale suddenly during the war. There was no

settled theory with respect to them in our books and the decisions

warranted four or five views leading to divergent results in

matters of vital moment to the business man who acted on them.

Characteristically the business world set out to make of them formal

contracts of the law merchant by the use of certain distinctive words

which gave the instruments character and made their nature clear to

those who inspected them anywhere in the world. But for a season our

category of mercantile specialties had ceased to admit of growth and

the doctrine of consideration with its uncertain lines stood in the

way of many things which the exigencies of business called for and

business men found themselves doing in reliance on each other's

business honor and the banker's jealousy of his business credit, with

or without assistance from the law. Certainly no one would say that

such a situation bears witness to wise social engineering in an

economically organized society resting on credit.

Two circumstances operate to keep the requirement of consideration

alive in our law of simple contract. One is the professional feeling

that the common law is the legal order of nature, that its doctrines

in an idealized form are natural law and that its actual rules are

declaratory of natural law. This mode of thinking is to be found in

all professions and is a result of habitual application of the rules

of an art until they are taken for granted. In law it is fortified by

the theory of natural law which has governed in our elementary books

since Blackstone, was taught to all lawyers until the present century,

and is assumed in much of our judicial decision. Later it was

strengthened by the theories of the historical school which ruled in

our law schools in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and

taught us to think that growth must inevitably follow lines which

might be discovered in the Year Books. These things co-operated with

the temper of the last century and the instinctive aversion of the

lawyer to change, lest in some unperceived way a door be opened to

magisterial caprice or to the personal equation of the judge. Thus

some thought of consideration, whatever it was, as inherent in the

very idea of enforceable promises. Others assumed that it was a

historically developed principle by which the future evolution of the

law of contracts must be governed. Many others simply thought that it

was dangerous to talk of change. And yet change has gone on rapidly,

if subconsciously, until the present confused mass of unsystematized

and unsystematizable rules has resulted. The second circumstance

operating to keep alive the requirement of consideration is a more

legitimate factor.

Nowhere could psychology render more service to jurisprudence than in

giving us a psychological theory of _nuda pacta_. For there is

something more than the fetish of a traditional Latin phrase with the

hallmark of Roman legal science behind our reluctance to enforce all

deliberate promises simply as such. It should be compared with the

reluctance of courts to apply the ordinary principle of negligence to

negligent speech, with the doctrine as to seller's talk, with the

limitations upon liability for oral defamation and with many things of

the sort throughout our law. All of these proceed partly from the

attitude of the strict law in which our legal institutions first took

shape. But they have persisted because of a feeling that "talk is

cheap," that much of what men say is not to be taken at face value and

that more will be sacrificed than gained if all oral speech is taken

seriously and the principles applied by the law to other forms of

conduct are applied rigorously thereto. This is what was meant when

the writers on natural law said that promises often proceeded more

from "ostentation" than from a real intention to assume a binding

relation. But this feeling may be carried too far. Undoubtedly it has

been carried too far in the analogous cases above mentioned. The rule

of _Derry_ v. _Peek_ goes much beyond what is needed to secure

reasonable limits for human garrulousness. The standard of negligence,

taking into account the fact of oral speech and the character and

circumstances of the speech in the particular case, would amply secure

individual free utterance. So also the doctrine that one might not

rely on another's oral representation in the course of a business

transaction if he could ascertain the facts by diligence went much too

far and has had to be restricted. Likewise we have had to extend

liability for oral defamation. Accordingly because men are prone to

overmuch talk it does not follow that promises made by business men in

business dealings or by others as business transactions are in any

wise likely to proceed from "ostentation" or that we should hesitate

to make them as binding in law as they are in business morals. Without

accepting the will theory, may we not take a suggestion from it and

enforce those promises which a reasonable man in the position of the

promisee would believe to have been made deliberately with intent to

assume a binding relation? The general security is more easily and

effectively guarded against fraud by requirements of proof after the

manner of the Statute of Frauds than by requirements of consideration

which is as easy to establish by doubtful evidence as the promise

itself. This has been demonstrated abundantly by experience of suits

in equity to enforce oral contracts taken out of the Statute of Frauds

by great hardship and part performance.

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