CHAPTER V.

RETURN OF THE MISSION.

PRESENTS FROM THE MOSLEMS — DIPLOMATIC ADVICE — FAREWELL VISITS — FORT

GEORGE — PROPOSED EMBASSY FROM THE KING OF ASHANTEE — EXAMINATION OF

PLATE OF VARIOUS EUROPEAN MANUFACTURES — MERCHANDIZE SUITABLE FOR

AFRICAN MARKETS — VISIT FROM THE KING TO THE QUARTERS OF THE MISSION —

JEALOUSY OF THE ASHANTEE CHIEFS — DISCUSSIONS ON THE CAPE COAST PRICES —

ON THE SLAVE TRADE — THE KING’S WARS — BARDIC RECITATIONS — EXPOSURE AND

HARSH TREATMENT OF A CAPTIVE PRINCE — SIGNATURE OF A TREATY — THE KING’S

COMMERCIAL AND FINANCIAL PLANS — PECULIARITIES OF AFRICAN COMMERCE —

AUDIENCE OF LEAVE — TROOPS OF SLAVES INTENDED FOR THE KING OF ENGLAND —

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE ASHANTEE AMBASSADORS — PRESENTS TO THE KING OF

ENGLAND — TO THE ENVOY — CEREMONIES OF NAMING THE ASHANTEE FORT —

EXTRAORDINARY CONDESCENSION OF HIS MAJESTY ON TAKING LEAVE —

MORTIFICATION OF THE MOSLEMS AT THE AUTHOR’S REJECTION OF THE KORAN —

DEPARTURE — HEAVY RAINS — LIBERATION OF A SLAVE — JOURNEY TO CAPE COAST

— DISAVOWAL OF THE TREATY BY THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL — PREPARATIONS FOR

WAR — FANTEE CONSPIRACY — PROTEST — SIR GEORGE COLLIER REFUSES TO CONVEY

THE AMBASSADORS TO ENGLAND — CORRESPONDENCE — OBSERVATIONS — RETURN OF

THE AUTHOR TO EUROPE.

March 19th. The king, as usual, sent me the morning salutation.

The Moslems again visited me in their robes of ceremony; each, according

to his rank, bringing with him a present of vegetables, bread, fowls,

honey, &c. The hospitable gifts of the chiefs were more considerable.

From the Bashaw I received a sheep, a large cotton cloth, &c. Kantoma

gave a sheep and a small collection of national weapons. Abou Becr,

Soumah, and many more, made presents in proportion. They felicitated me

on the settled disposition of the court for peace. The king, they

observed, had expressed his sentiments that morning, declaring in the

most decided terms, that he would leave his interest in the negotiation

to his nephew and myself. The governor of Cape Coast was to have a voice

also. “Allah is my witness,” said the Bashaw, “I have served you as I

would my own son; and I thank him the king’s heart was open to my

advice. We shall all be sorry to lose you; but come up again as soon as

the palaver is settled, for the king loves you much, and you may do

great good for whites, blacks, and Moslems. But if you could settle it

here, that is what I should like. Can you not give the king 400 ounces?”

“No,” I replied, “I am not authorized to do so.” Abou Becr joined in the

conversation: “Give,” said he, “300 to the king, ten to Amon Koitea, the

same to Adusai, and six to Apoko, and I am sure you will settle it at

once.” “It was impossible,” I said.

March 20th. This day I received several deputations from chieftains who

govern the surrounding country, and others; Ado Matta and Apoko were of

the number, and each was attended by a select band of armed men,

preceded by musical instruments. In the course of the day the arrival of

some of the king’s sword-bearers announced the approach of some members

of the royal family. These were the king’s sons, named Ouso Kro Ahen,

Ouso Akoteah, Ouso Gamadouah, Ouso Yaou, and Ouso Quantabisa. These

young men were between the ages of twelve and twenty-five. They had

received instructions from their father, they said, to pay their

compliments to me; and each came attended by a number of slaves, bearing

loads of provisions.

The Bashaw and a party of Moslems called upon me again this forenoon.

They had seen Adusai, they said, in private, and that minister was

disposed to negotiate with me, provided I would pass my word to the king

for three hundred ounces, and about thirty more to be divided among the

disaffected chiefs at the capital, and the little army at Cape Coast.

“Do this,” said the good Bashaw, “and you will immediately have a party

that shall carry all before them in the cabinet; for the king is

disposed to do all he can for you, but he must not oppose his great

captains, because they say it is for his good. The king does not want

gold, and if you were to give him a thousand ounces, he would distribute

it all among his captains, to make them friends to the whites. Do so, do

so, my son,” added the chief, “give him three hundred, it will gladden

all our hearts, and we will then go boldly to the king, with Adusai, and

those of his party, and I promise you, by the assistance of our holy

prophet, we will not leave the court until every thing be adjusted to

your satisfaction, and the king’s. If you have not gold enough, never

mind that, for we will lend it you to any amount, if you will only stay

with us. The king himself will lend you gold, if you prefer it.” Abou

Becr and Kantoma united their entreaties, but all was in vain; the

decided tone of the letter from Cape Coast was imperative. I had long

esteemed these friends, but now they were possessed of my whole heart.

Indeed the Moslems, in many unrecorded instances, evinced a genuine

solicitude for the welfare of the Mission, and anxiety for my personal

good.

The king sent for me towards the close of this conversation. I found him

on foot, taking a circuit round the palace walls. “Ah!” he ejaculated,

as I approached him, “thank the gods I see you again with a good face;

you are not angry with me.” I assured him that so far from having been

moved by real anger, I had done violence to my feelings, in urging a

demand, which was exacted from me by a sense of duty only. But, I added,

I never should forget his hospitality. A smile of great good-nature was

the only reply. The king shewed me the progress he had made in building

the fort. Then turning abruptly, he said, “You must write me a book to

my master, and tell him, if he wants to make war upon the blacks, to let

me know, for they shall serve him as myself. But tell him the Ashantees

love him very much, because he has done me honour.”

Again I demanded to know, if he had any thing to say about the native

palaver. “True,” replied the king, “I shall tell you more before you go.

I see _Smitty_ does not wish to serve the people, so he takes their

gold, and says he will talk the palaver with the king. Then he tells

them too, you must build a wall and fight Ashantee. By and by he sees

that is a strong palaver, and he tells the people that the king is very

angry, and says he must kill them; but never mind that, says he, bring

me more gold, and then I will send a proper book to the king of white

men, and tell him that it is his palaver, and he must send plenty of

ships and soldiers. But this is all cheating; the Fantees cannot fight,

and being much frightened, they ask the white men what they are to do.

Then Smitty says, have you any more gold? but they say no, because they

think he does not care for them. Well, says he, I shall see what to do;

the white king will send soldiers by and by. But they say that will not

do. Then he tells Aggry, and De Graaf and Biney, now I shall make a good

palaver for the town, and the people must pay an hundred ounces to the

king. This is all the talk among black men. My great master does not

hear this; he does not know the governor keeps all the gold himself. So

you must put down in the book what is true, then white men will not say

I have a bad heart, and want to kill people to take their gold. I only

kill my enemies and bad men. This is strong talk, captain, but never

mind now, for I have no more disputes with white men, they are my

friends, and I do not ask them for any thing; but black men must pay

me.”

On a former occasion, the king had proclaimed his intention of sending

some of his people ambassadors to England with presents; I requested now

to be informed if he still persisted in that resolution. “Yes,” he

replied, “I shall do so, and you must get a good linguist to tell the

great king what I say.” I neither opposed nor made any objections to

these arrangements, which, according to my thinking, afforded a rational

hope that great advantages might ultimately accrue from it, to the

renown of the British government over the wide spreading plains of

Africa, and the benefit of the mercantile interests. According to the

reception given to the ambassadors of this monarch, I conceived that

other kings might feel inclined to tread in the steps of the sovereign

of Ashantee, whereby a preponderating influence would be given to

British councils either at home or on the Gold Coast, (in African

affairs), and the negro potentate, with more probable hopes of success,

might then be persuaded, on the return of his caboceers, to listen with

attention to those humane overtures which the compassion of the age so

earnestly desires to convey to the hearts of the kings and princes, who

rule our sable brethren.[52]

On the 21st, several caboceers of rank visited me, and each deposited a

small package of gold, varying from four to twelve ackeys. It was

impossible to refuse acceptance without giving offence. Ouso Bannahen

and Yaho Korakoo,[53] entered into a long detail of the Gaman war: then

shifting the conversation, they said, “The king knows you are a friend

to all the people; but if he thought you came up to look at the country,

and then go back and send for white soldiers to join the Fantees and

fight him, he must certainly kill you.” Bogiabi Adoom, the king’s

canopy-bearer, and Ouin Bendah, a captain of the palace, paid their

compliments, about noon, by the sovereign’s express order. The day, as

usual, was spent in the society of the Moslems, and in visits to the

houses of the chieftains.

March 22d. Numerous caboceers, many of whom were from the country,

called at my quarters. These were followed, in succession, by a long

list of inferior captains, who were all authorized to swear attachment

to the king of England. They were desired to do so, they said, by the

king; but they were friends independently of that, for they liked _my_

palaver, and they liked me. “Now,” added they, “the great king is a

friend to Sai, it is all the same; he is our master too, and we will

serve him.”

March 23d. The preceding day, and part of this morning, had been devoted

to private councils in the palace, at which the king was again compelled

to exert his authority against a few ambitious chiefs of the opposing

faction, who were hardy enough to persist in demanding war. Towards the

afternoon, Adusai called to conduct me to the king’s presence. I found

his majesty seated amidst a confused heap of old battered silver

utensils. “I want you, captain,” said he, shewing me a tureen of that

metal, “to tell me in what country this was made.” I concluded it (from

the stamp) to be the workmanship of Holland. “You are right,” said the

king. He then shewed me a bowl, a coffee-pot, some cups, &c. Some of

them, I replied, were the manufacture of Spain and Portugal, others of

Holland; this was also satisfactory. Lastly, he pointed to a richly

chased urn, a kettle, ewer and basin. I had the good fortune again to

satisfy his enquiries.

It appeared to me that the king was practising an innocent device, to

put my veracity to the test. He desired next to know if they were all

silver, requiring me to select the base, if any, from the pure metal.

Having done as I was requested, the king said, with a smile, “I know,

captain, you speak true, and cannot tell me a lie. I get these things

from the whites, and I like them much, because there is no silver in

this country. Some of them came from Christiansborg, some from Fantee,

when I conquered the Braffoes; but most from Elmina, for the Dutch are

good to me. Governor Torrane gave me a few, and many more I took in

Gaman when I killed Dinkera. I spoke this to the other white men,[54]

and they said the good silver was English, and the bad Dutch; but I knew

that was a lie. Now I shall give much gold to my ambassadors, and you

must tell them how to buy plenty of good things, and plenty of silver

like this, for I must provide every thing suitable and live like a white

king.”

Some very rich brocades, of various coloured patterns, were shewn me,

together with pieces of crimson damask, and fine cotton cloths, which

the king had just received in part of a present from the governor of

Elmina. “I shall make a fine canopy of these, said the king, to carry

over my head. Tell the merchants to bring plenty of those goods, I will

buy them all; for what I dont want I send away to my caboceers, and I

give many to the kings who live in Dagomba and other countries, near the

great water (Niger.)”

In obedience to a signal from the king, some eunuchs entered the Harem,

and brought from thence an enormous bundle of silk and cotton goods. The

latter were prints, in furniture patterns, and British chintz: the

larger the pattern the more it was esteemed. The king, however, shewed

some predilection for roses upon a pale blue ground; green taffety silk

and Scotch plaids, in particular, were the greatest favourites of their

kind. I was desired to bear in mind his choice, that I might procure him

a quantity of the same patterns, for which he would pay gold, he said,

to any amount.

“All my captains like these things,” continued the king, “so if the

great king will make a proper trade, tell him to send goods like this,

and plenty of rum, and powder, and guns; and I will take care he shall

have plenty of gold: not brass pan gold like what the Fantees make, but

true gold. And if he likes ivory he shall have more than he wants;

because, now I have no war, the people must go into the bush and shoot

elephants.”

I promised his majesty to bear this strictly in mind, and at a late hour

returned to my quarters.

March 24th. Two of the king’s sword bearers called to announce his

majesty’s pleasure to honour me with a visit _at home_. To pay due

respect to kingly rank, I _marshalled my forces_, and accompanied by the

officers, soldiers, and Fantees, sallied forth to meet him. The

sovereign of Ashantee was borne upon the heads of some captains, in a

sort of litter, made of wicker, and covered with brocade. His chief

officers, with the king of Banna, and a multitude of soldiers, and armed

men, were on foot. As soon as the king was advised of our approach, he

desired Apoko to lead me to a gateway, attached to an adjoining ruin.

Here the king descended from his vehicle, and as he entered from the

opposite side took me by one hand, and gave me a sort of half embrace.

We then retired to one side as he motioned with his hand, that the

procession should move forward under the same gateway. They inclined

their bodies in passing, and the Moslems gave their _salam_. I

recognized my friends, the Bashaw, Abou Becr, Kantoma, and Soumoh, the

smile of self-approbation was stamped upon their countenances.

When the king entered my apartment, he instructed his linguist to inform

me that the palavers had been a source of vexation to him, inasmuch as

they had hitherto deprived him of sufficient leisure to visit me in a

familiar way. His majesty, in compliment, accepted of a small glass of

brandy. He then reclined upon my couch, telling me he had been

indisposed. His nephew, Ado Braddie, seated himself at the feet of his

uncle, with a large palm fan, which he waved to keep off the flies. On a

sudden (as was usual with him) he started up, and addressed me in the

following terms:—“White captain, I know you now, and I love you much,

for what you tell me I think is good, therefore, if I should be angry,

regard it not. I believe all you say is true, and I do not think you can

tell lies and cheat me. To-day, you see, I come to your house for

pleasure and amusement, by which the people will know you are my friend,

and that I am the friend of white men. Now I have one palaver in my head

which I must tell you. You say the great king sent you to my country to

make us good friends; he wants a good trade, and he does not like people

to make war and fight. Then, you know, you talk much about Cape Coast

and Fantee. But this palaver the great king does not hear, so he cannot

tell what is right, and what is wrong. All this my captains talk among

themselves, and then they say to me, take care, king, we are too much

frightened: perhaps this white man comes to Coomassy to look at the

country, and see if Ashantee has strong towns and people. We think he is

a friend to Smitty, and the Fantees, because the people were never so

insolent before he came to Cape Coast. He will go back to the water

side, and say—Now bring your strong men, and fight the king; and do not

pay any gold, for the great king will send plenty of men, and powder,

and guns. This is what my captains say, added the monarch, for they are

alarmed about me. I do not think so—I cannot see lies in your face; but

then I wish to please my captains; so I told them, come with me to the

white man’s house, and see him with your own eyes, and hear with your

own ears what he will say.

I replied with as much composure as I could assume, although with secret

indignation, that if the king doubted my sincerity, and the sacred

character of my mission, it would be in vain to negotiate; for unless

the confidence were mutual, all the arguments I might urge in

justification would be fruitlessly expended. In other countries, I

added, where diplomacy was conducted upon a different system, such

injurious insinuations would have been construed into a premeditated

insult to the sovereign, who was represented in the person of his

officer. At Ashantee, however, I knew the customs were different; yet as

I did not doubt the sincerity of the king, I did consider that his

majesty had been ill-advised, by calumniators, and a faction that had

secret interests in keeping alive the embers of discord. After

entertaining me so long, as the ambassador of a great king, who sent him

presents, after hearing the king of England’s book (the commission) read

over; and swearing his great oath before the people, how could the king

now say I was a deceitful character, and only wanted to fight him? It

was a scandal, I said, which I never expected to have heard from his

lips: but now all discussions ought to be suspended, and the king might

suffer me to return or not as he thought proper. I compelled the

linguists to do as much justice to the interpretation as they were

capable of; for the subject came home to my feelings.

“White man,” replied the king, “the great God has given you good sense.

I was sorry to talk so; but it is not my palaver, it is my captains;

they forced me to do it against my wish. Now they hear what you say,

that is enough, they cannot talk evil again: so you must not be angry,

and you shall do what you please, for black men are fools, and you know

best what is for my good.”

The king having concluded, Apoko rose from his seat, and in the name of

his compeers, said, “That is good, O king, and we are all the white

men’s friends, when they are yours, and do not join the Fantees to

dishonour you. This white captain, therefore, must not think we want to

do wrong, because we tell you to beware of the Fantees. He is a great

man for his king, and says what he thinks true, and we do the same. But

we are good friends for all that, and now we believe all he says is

true.”

The Bashaw rose, and said, “White men serve the great god, the same as

ourselves, and they cannot do wrong to the king, for their law is the

word of God and the great prophets.”

His majesty remained above an hour longer, discoursing upon various

topics; but he previously dismissed the greater part of his retinue.

“What is your custom,” said the king, “addressing himself to Kantoma and

Abou Becr, when great men make friends?” “They swear upon the sacred

book,” (the Koran) was the reply. “That is good,” said the king,

“because then, if they keep evil in their hearts, the book must kill

them.” “True,” added the Moslems, “the book contains holy words from the

great God himself. Our law is a is a great law; we say there is no God,

but one God, the merciful,” &c. “Ah!” said the king, “I like that, it is

strong sense; it is the fetische of your country. Ashantee has no

fetische like this; but the Ashantee custom is good also. I know that

book (the Koran) is strong, and I like it because it is the book of the

great God; it does good for me, and therefore I love all the people that

read it.” The Moslems instantly prostrated themselves, and prayed aloud:

the king too extended his arms, looking upwards as if to receive a

blessing.

In the afternoon I attended at the palace by appointment. The first

topic of conversation related to the notes. “Look again at these books,”

said the king, addressing himself to me; “do you think Smitty treats me

like a friend, when he charges so much for the goods I buy of him?” “I

cannot say more,” I replied, “on that subject.” “Are they not _gold_

books?” he asked. “Yes,” I said. “You tell true,” continued the king.

“Now I will not have any more goods at those prices; and if I cannot get

what is right, I will have gold. I dont say I will not take goods, for I

like goods best; but then I must have them at a fair rate, the same as I

can buy them.” I urged that those commodities were liable to fluctuate

in value, whence it would be impossible to establish prices of currency.

But this reply did not satisfy the monarch; it had the semblance of a

subterfuge; for he could not comprehend, he said, why Mr. Smith, for

instance, should sell him one gun for an ounce of gold, when he could

purchase two anywhere else for the same money, of equal or superior

workmanship. And again, that an anker of rum, or a keg of powder, should

be put down on the notes at an ounce, when he could buy three, or even

four of the former, and certainly two of the latter, separately, for

that amount. Taffeties and other manufactured goods underwent the like

scrutiny, and their prices were equally condemned.

Dismissing these arguments, without attaching to them that degree of

importance, by which they were distinguished at Ashantee, I shall

briefly state, that many hours were consumed in discussing this topic

alone; and that at last an amicable understanding was effected, by my

guaranteeing such conditional reductions in price as the state of the

market might afford, after the effectual re-establishment of

tranquillity and commerce. “That is what I shall look to then,” said the

king, “but I will not trust Smitty again. _You_ shall take my notes,

because my master sent you to be my captain, and to look after my

affairs: then I can lie down and go to sleep.” I passed my word to

transact his business in the character of an agent only, alleging that

my situation did not authorise me to trade like the governor, and other

white men in the castle.

“Now,” said the king, after a pause, “I have another palaver, and you

must help me to talk it. A long time ago the great king liked plenty of

trade, more than now; then many ships came, and they bought ivory, gold,

and slaves; but now he will not let the ships come as before, and the

people buy gold and ivory only. This is what I have in my head, so now

tell me truly, like a friend, why does the king do so?” “His majesty’s

question,” I replied, “was connected with a great palaver, which my

instructions did not authorise me to discuss. I had nothing to say

regarding the slave trade.” “I know that too,” retorted the king;

“because, if my master liked that trade, you would have told me so

before. I only want to hear what you think as a friend: this is not like

the other palavers.” I was confessedly at a loss for an argument that

might pass as a satisfactory reason, and the sequel proved that my

doubts were not groundless. The king did not deem it plausible, that

this obnoxious traffic should have been abolished from motives of

humanity alone; neither would he admit that it lessened the number

either of domestic or foreign wars.

Taking up one of my observations, he remarked, “the white men who go to

council with your master, and pray to the great God for him, do not

understand my country, or they would not say the slave trade was bad.

But if they think it bad now, why did they think it good before. Is not

your law an old law, the same as the Crammo[55] law? Do you not both

serve the same God, only you have different fashions and customs?

Crammos are strong people in fetische, and they say the law is good,

because the great God made the book; so they buy slaves, and teach them

good things, which they knew not before. This makes every body love the

Crammos, and they go every where up and down, and the people give them

food when they want it. Then these men come all the way from the great

water[56], and from Manding, and Dagomba, and Killinga; they stop and

trade for slaves, and then go home. If the great king would like to

restore this trade, it would be good for the white men and for me too,

because Ashantee is a country for war, and the people are strong; so if

you talk that palaver for me properly, in the white country, if you go

there, I will give you plenty of gold, and I will make you richer than

all the white men.”

I urged the impossibility of the king’s request, promising, however, to

record his sentiments faithfully. “Well then,” said the king, “you must

put down in my master’s book all I shall say, and then he will look to

it, now he is my friend. And when he sees what is true, he will surely

restore that trade. I cannot make war to catch slaves in the bush, like

a thief. My ancestors never did so. But if I fight a king, and kill him

when he is insolent, then certainly I must have his gold, and his

slaves, and the people are mine too. Do not the white kings act like

this? Because I hear the old men say, that before I conquered Fantee and

killed the Braffoes and the kings, that white men came in great ships,

and fought and killed many people; and then they took the gold and

slaves to the white country: and sometimes they fought together. That is

all the same as these black countries. The great God and the fetische

made war for strong men every where, because then they can pay plenty of

gold and proper sacrifice. When I fought Gaman, I did not make war for

slaves, but because Dinkera (the king) sent me an arrogant message and

killed my people, and refused to pay me gold as his father did. Then my

fetische made me strong like my ancestors, and I killed Dinkera, and

took his gold, and brought more than 20,000 slaves to Coomassy. Some of

these people being bad men, I washed my stool in their blood for the

fetische. But then some were good people, and these I sold or gave to my

captains: many, moreover, died, because this country does not grow too

much corn like Sarem, and what can I do? Unless I kill or sell them,

they will grow strong and kill my people. Now you must tell my master

that these slaves can work for him, and if he wants 10,000 he can have

them. And if he wants fine handsome girls and women to give his

captains, I can send him great numbers.”

The wars of the king were shortly after introduced as a topic of general

discussion. That of Gaman was the favourite subject, and the king

occasionally took up the thread of the narrative, or elucidated such

events as were perhaps not generally known. As he caused the linguists

to interpret to me the particular feats of himself, the king of Banna

and Apoko, his eyes sparkled with fiery animation, and at one period he

threw himself into a sort of theatrical attitude, which appeared to be

unpremeditated, and unaffected. He then seemed to be wrapped up within

himself in delightful cogitations, and at this crisis, some of the

auditors like the bards of “olden time,” rose to the hum of the war

song, and recited their parts in a pleasing mellifluous strain. The king

enjoyed the scene in extacy, and frequently motioned with his body and

feet in cadence with the metre of the verse. This reverie and the

recitation occupied many minutes, and were ultimately succeeded by irony

and satire cast upon the memory of his fallen enemy. “His scull was

broken,” said the king, “but I would not lose the trophy, and now I have

made a similar scull of gold. This is for my great customs, that all the

people may know I am the king.”

A slave was deputed to one of the apartments of the palace, and as he

returned he deposited a chair,[57] which his majesty said was the regal

seat of Dinkera. This piece of workmanship was studded all over with

gold and silver ornaments, and silver coin of different European states.

The slave again disappeared, and returned, bringing under his escort a

son of that unfortunate monarch, one of the few male survivors of the

race of Dinkera. A pallid hue, if so it may be termed, overspread the

jetty features of the youth, as he bowed trembling before the king. The

angry glance which marked his reception, excited the most painful

apprehensions, and the countenance of the young man spoke woeful agony,

as he endeavoured to scan the purport of the summons.

“Your father,” said the king, addressing himself to the prince, “was a

rebel; he was full of pride, and wanted to be a great king; he forgot

when he was my slave. Is not this true? Then he wanted Sarem to help

him, and sent gold to make friends. Is not that true, too? He forgot I

was his master; he killed my sword bearers, and sent me an insulting

message. Now I have his scull, and the jaw bones of his captains. His

wives, and you, and all the people are my slaves; and when I tell you to

die, you shall die as your brother did; but now you shall serve me.”

The king then desired him to strip off his robe and shew me the wounds

he had received in battle. The unhappy youth did as he was instructed,

pointing to five or six honourable scars upon his breast, arms, and

thighs, which had the appearance of gun-shot wounds. “Now,” said the

king to him, with a stern, sarcastic apathy, “you know your father was a

fool, and that I am the king; you did not know that before; and so now

go home until I send for you again.”[58]

It should have been recorded earlier, that the king, at intervals,

before the 23d, during public and private conferences, renewed his

application for the “Book,” (Treaty) which he desired I should leave

with him in token of “good friends,” &c. with the great king. The old

book, he repeatedly said, was a book of “lies and cheating,” and he

would by no means retain it in his possession. “Your book,” said he,

“will tell true, because my master sent you to me to do me good;

besides, he will read your book himself; and it will be the words of

friends, and of two kings. Then you must put down all he wants, and what

you think will give him pleasure; and I shall look to it; for I love him

much, and cannot do wrong to any of his white men; but I will fight for

them and for him, if you say so.”

Many more such conversations passed between us; and I framed a

preliminary sketch of a treaty, which having been read over, he

suggested certain amendments relative to Fantee, the town of Cape Coast,

&c. Finally, on the 23d, the definitive treaty itself, coupled with

certain supplementary articles, (at a later hour) received the king’s

signature, after a most laborious discussion, wherein every article

separately was criticised and scrutinized by a full court, at which

Apoko, Adusai Ado Matta, Kankam, Amon Koitea, Ado Braddie, Coffee

Adukon, (the Caboceer of Amoafo) Soabin, of Doompassie, Quaky Coffee, (a

captain to Amon Koitea) Eshamo Cudjo, (the head captain over Assin and

Fantee) Agampong, and a few others, were present. The king seemed

perfectly conscious that the treaty covenanted many articles which were

calculated for the benefit of his people. He was sensible, moreover,

that the commercial clauses were at least mutually advantageous. But he

wished to know, he said, how much he was likely to benefit individually,

by encouraging a free export and import trade with inland states, such

as I had on several occasions impressed upon his mind, by making his

capital the depôt of British manufactured goods and African produce. I

explained the usage of Europe in regard to commerce foreign and

domestic, shewing that every article in bulk, and in proportion to its

value, paid a relative custom to the great officers of trade, in support

of government. “That is very good,” said he, “for the great king; but I

cannot do so, because the Ashantee fashion is different. None but kings

and great men trade here, the same as myself. Sometimes I lend them

gold, if they are good people; and then I cannot say, give me the gold

back. If they come from another country to trade in Coomassy, they make

friends, and give me a present; then, to be sure, I cannot tell them to

give me gold, when they buy and sell the goods. Besides, some traders

are kings’ sons and brothers, and great captains: I must not say to

them, give me gold, but I must give them gold and provisions, and send

them home happy and rich, that it may be known in other countries that I

am a great king, and know what is right. Thus I please my Gods, and they

make me strong.”

I adopted various arguments to convince the king that the establishment

of a well-regulated intercourse with Salgha, Daboya, Houraboh, Yandi,

&c. could not fail to increase the wealth of his subjects, even though

he might not think proper to levy commercial dues, and by consequence he

must be a gainer in the sequel. That was true, he admitted, but Ashantee

was a nation of warriors, and the people did not understand these things

like the inhabitants who lived nigher the great water (Niger.) If I

would take the task upon myself, and regulate the trade of his country,

he said, according to what I thought right, he should be happy and

contented, and would make all the merchants obey me, and give presents,

the same as to himself. “I will hear,” added the monarch, “every thing

you have to say, and my captains shall be told to obey you.”

The king then introduced the officers he had selected as ambassadors to

the British government (“the great king.”) “This man,” said he, taking

the foremost by the arm, “is my _treasurer_; he takes care of my gold

and good things. When he gets to the white country, he will talk all the

palaver properly, and then my master will know that I have a good heart

for him and his people, and that only bad men tell lies about me. I am

preparing a present,” he continued, “fit for him, and this captain will

give it to him; but I shall give you a part to take care of, and when

you go down to the water-side, you must see every thing put in the ship.

I shall let him have five thousand ounces of gold besides, to buy me

good things in silver-plate, cloth, silks, &c. and money for his

subsistence.”

The associates of this officer were six in number, comprising a suite

whose powers were subordinate to the _treasurer_, although they owed

little or no responsibility to him. This the king explained to me in

their presence, as he introduced them according to their offices;

namely, two royal bearers of the gold-hilted swords; two counsellors or

advisers; one priest; one crier of the court.[59] They should all bear

witness, said the cautious monarch, that “his treasurer spoke the truth,

when he came back.” I was also desired to procure a faithful linguist,

who should likewise assist in buying the fine things he required for the

use of his palace. It scarcely deserves to be recorded, that I acceded

to all these requisitions. I do not scruple to admit, that I was

gratified to the full extent of that feeling, at the brilliant harvest

it promised to England,—the influence it gave her over a monarch so

tractable, and a country so rich and barbarous, where, notwithstanding,

a king of England reigned already in the hearts of hundreds—of

thousands—perhaps millions of untutored heathens or Moslems of all

ranks, but chiefly of that which claims the first consideration.

“If you go to the white country,” said the king, “I place these captains

under your protection; they have served you, and you must serve them,

for my sake; instruct them in the ceremonies to be observed before my

great master, and tell them how to give him pleasure. Then you must tell

him that I like the present he sent me very much. But I like it because

the great God of his fathers made his heart to be a good friend to me;

therefore if he should send me only a slave to say so, it is enough.

Tell him my great oath. I will fight for him and his white men; and

every thing he wants he shall have: for he has brought tears of pleasure

into my eyes; but, tell him he must not believe the Fantees: black men’s

hearts are not the same as white men’s; and he does hot know these

people like me, for there is no truth in them; they cheat him, they

cheat me, and make fools of his white people.”

As the day of departure drew nigh, the king invited me to a full

audience, which was attended by many thousands, including all the

principal officers and their retinues. The din of martial _discord_

rained heavily upon my ears by way of salutation, from a countless

number of bands, as I turned the angle of the court of audience. The

king, who was encompassed by a mixed assemblage of courtiers, of high

and low degree, motioned to Agampong to place my seat by his side, “that

the city might know,” he said, “that I was dear to him as a son.” “I am

going to lose you,” continued the king, “it is the season of rain, which

I hear is bad for white men; and I do not know if you must go to the

white country: but I shall make a strong fetische and pray all the gods

to keep you well and bring you back to me soon again; for I love you

much. This is not talk of the tongue, it is my heart says so, and that

must tell truth.” His fine countenance, indeed, corroborated his

assertion;—is it weakness to say I too was affected? I assured him I

felt gratitude for the treatment I had experienced, and that my

attachment personally proceeded equally from the heart. “My captains,”

added the king, after a momentary suspense, “love you, because they know

the king of the whites is my good friend, and they believe you have a

good heart for all the people, Fantees and Ashantees, Moslems, and those

who serve my Gods; so now you shall hear what they say.”

The appeal created a simultaneous movement in advance of the throne, and

where I was seated. Apoko stood up, and for himself and coadjutors said,

“Have we not sworn to be true to the great king? we will serve him the

same as _Sai_, for we have made fetische, and cannot break our words.”

The king of Banna had already returned to his dominions, little

satisfied with the fruits of his negotiation respecting the spoil of

Gaman. The sovereign of Coomassy was engaged in selecting presents from

his stores, for the tributary princes and allies. These articles, in

conformity to court policy, were displayed to the people with great

parade and ostentation. To the king of Banna he sent five kegs of rum,

two pieces of brocade, some damask and fine cotton goods, ten kegs of

powder, and, as I was informed, one hundred ounces of gold dust. A

present of much less magnitude was sent to the Caboceer of Coransah. To

the Caboceer of Ghofan (below the desert), he sent the same quantity of

rum, some gold and damask. To the king of Salgha, (Entaâ,) he sent ten

kegs of powder, four pieces of brocade, some fine cotton goods, guns,

and eight kegs of rum. The Moslems of Dagomba and Ghunja, headed by the

Bashaw, Abou Becr, Cantoma, and Shoumo, came in a body to return thanks,

in the name of their sovereign, the King of Yandi, (the capital of

Dagomba) for a present he had already despatched to that monarch. They

made an appropriate speech, in the dialect of Dagomba, thanking the king

for his liberality, in language which seemed courtly and grateful. These

Moslems, in common with other favourites, participated in the royal

bounty. Besides merchandize, the king distributed, it was said, upwards

of 2,000 ounces of gold. A deputation of the Moslems of Bouromy and the

Volta, headed by their Caboceer (an Arab by extraction), arrived at

court, exactly as the king was dismissing the Bashaw. Stop, said the

king to this officer, you must not leave until you make good friends

between the white man and the Caboceer: he does not know those

_Crammos_.[60] “I have sent,” said he, addressing me, “to the king of

Dagomba, for fifty beautiful girls, and fifty boys; these I shall dress

up in rich clothes and gold for the great king to serve him. Some of

them are now here, and more will soon come. The other presents are all

ready, and the ambassadors will go as soon as they have made good

provision for their wives.” I told the king I regretted he had not

communicated to me, at an earlier day, his intention regarding the boys

and girls, for that quality of present, I feared, would not be agreeable

to my master, neither could I promise to engage for their transportation

to England. “Do not fear,” said the king, taking up the after clause

only; “for I will send more provisions than the ship can carry, and

plenty of gold to pay for their subsistence: you shall have nothing to

pay.” I durst not undertake such a charge, was my reply, yet I was

satisfied of the purity of his intentions. The king was dejected—he

paused, and several of the courtiers renewed the pleading. It was

impossible, I said; but whatever _inanimate_ objects the king might have

to send, I would take every care of. “If that is not a proper present,”

said the king, “how can I please my master? and that I must do.”

The slave trade became a topic of conversation soon after, for the king

abruptly cut the clue of the former conversation. “I think,” said he,

“that the great king will do me much good, if he likes to make a proper

trade for slaves as before. You must not forget that palaver. But I do

not say he must do so, for he knows best what is good for him and me

too: and if he says it will not do, that is enough.”

The ambassador and his suite again came forward, richly habited, and

adorned with rock gold. They had been engaged, they said, in making a

strong Fetische, to give them a good face before the great king. Their

bodies were painted with white clay, fancifully arranged in flowers,

stars, and streaks.

“Now,” said the king, turning half round to these men, “you are to tell

my master this. He is my good friend, and I shall serve him faithfully.

My people love him, because he is good to black men; and he is the great

king here, as in the white land. Tell him I send my ambassador, that he

may hear what is true from my own mouth, and not believe what the

Fantees say, for they lie, and cheat his people. I am pleased with the

captain he sent me, with his book,[61] and his present. My ancestors

loved white people when they only knew the name, because they knew they

were strong, and prayed to the great God. But I loved them from the day

I fought at Annamaboe, and met Governor Torrane. Tell my master that was

a proper governor, and so was Governor White. I never had any palavers

with them, for they knew I was the king; they did me good, and I did

them good. I never had a palaver with any governor before _Smitty_,

except the palaver of Fantee, before Torrane knew me. I cannot fight

white men: I cannot take their gold and their goods, as the Fantees did.

If I make war upon the blacks, when they are stubborn, tell the king not

to mind that; for all this country is mine, and I shall do so to make

the people know me and him, and to make them serve us both. He has only

to tell me what will please him, and whatever he wants I shall send. If

he likes peace, that is good for the people, because then they can

trade; and if he says, make war upon this country or that, I shall rise

in the night to serve him. Tell him the Cape Coast people made me very

angry; and all my captains wanted war, because they said the governor

would bring white men to help the Fantees. But never mind that now, we

are good friends again, and I hold a true book. I shall therefore make

plenty of trade, and do every thing to give pleasure to his people. His

captain shall look to all that; and whatever he says is proper, that I

shall do. Tell him I am a great king here, and this is not talk like the

Fantee caboceers; for I can do him great good, and send him gold and

ivory as much as he likes. He is my master, and I have sworn the great

oath that I will be faithful to him like a king and a true friend, and I

shall take care of his captain, and of all the white men; and when he

comes back to Coomassy, I can lie down and go to sleep. Then,” added the

king, as he directed the conversation more particularly to the

treasurer, holding him at the time by the skirt of his vestment, “you

are to give to the great king the present I am going to shew you, and

tell him Sai sends you this, because your country is a long way off, and

he cannot come and see you himself; but for all that, he knows you, and

he loves you the same as a brother.”

The discourse was interrupted by the entrance of a troop of eunuchs,

bearing upon their heads various articles of the present, which were

passed in review before the gazing multitude. These were a number of

ornaments, in molten gold, such as small plates, circlets, twists, &c.

besides some large specimens of rock gold; two fine camel’s hair

carpets, such as those of Mecca, Smyrna, Aleppo, &c. said to have been

brought from Cassina; four more, of Yandy[62] fabric, coarse; nine large

pieces of silk, curiously but preposterously fretted with thick gold

wire and fetische ornaments; a sort of quilted cotton robe, partly

covered with cabalistical scraps and sentences of Arabic: it was in fact

a war garment, gifted, as the king said, with the virtue of resisting

the power of a musquet bullet, or the thrust of a steel weapon; a long

gold pipe,[63] neatly and tastefully decorated with gold wire, the bowl

being cast in the solid, and rudely sculptured; a massive breast plate

cast pure, of the same metal, divided upon the outer surface into

compartments, and coarsely moulded into a sort of filligrane work; a

gold elephant’s tail, composed of a thick bunch of wire:—a sort of fan

or fly flap, used by the king, or rather to him alone; besides a variety

of the finest cotton cloths, striped and ornamented with silk in the

fashions of the country.

When these _treasures_ had been sufficiently paraded before the

assembled throng, the king ordered me to take charge of the pipe, the

breast plate and the other trinkets; his people, he said, would

carefully pack up the rest. The small trinkets, however, he once more

gave back to the charge of his ambassador, telling him to pack them also

in the same box with the silks, and leave with me the pipe and breast

plate only.

At a given signal, a man brought forward a beautiful pair of young

leopards, secured in a bamboo cage. “You are to take care of these

yourself,” said the king to me; “they are for my master, and if he likes

he can have plenty of all sorts of beasts.”

“What you see,” said the king, “is not half what I intended to send. By

and by the kings of Banna, and Salgha, and Yandy, and Gaman, and all the

great caboceers will send in their presents, but then you will be gone.”

His majesty again entreated me to take charge, if not of the whole, of a

part, at least, of the girls and boys, of whom, he represented, he then

had forty in readiness, of the most beautiful he could select. “It could

not be so,” I replied, “and it was not essential, for he had already

shewn a kingly liberality, worthy the estimation in which the great

officers of my master held him.” “Then pick out as many as you like

only,” said the monarch, “it is always the fashion to send some young

and handsome people, because then my master will look at them and _love

me_.” Finding my reluctance was not to be overcome, he dropped the

subject.

“For yourself,” said the king, “I make you this present,” handing me at

the same time a massive chain, formed of curiously plaited gold wire in

twelve circular links, bound together at the extremities by a twisted

fastening of the same metal, having a large clasp shaped into a

tortoise.[64] “This is what I wear round my body,” said the king. “Here,

too, are some cotton cloths to keep you warm on the road.”[65] To sum up

the royal bounty, “he _dashed_” me, as the _elegant_ phraseology of the

Cape expresses it, a boy and girl, of Gaman, two boys of Salgha, and a

man, who, he said, would be serviceable in the care and treatment of the

leopards. “The children,” he added, “would learn the language of the

whites, and then make good servants.”

Various desultory conversations followed, in which the king and his

ministers alternately broke silence. England and her king were the

favourite themes of discussion. I related, in abstract, a narrative of

the most prominent among the political events which have agitated the

continent of Europe during the last twelve years, and the glorious

triumph of the British arms, under the sway of the hero of the Spanish

Peninsula and the Netherlands. The subject excited an universal

interest; many smiled, and some laughed outright, with pleasure; but no

one was more strongly affected than the king himself. He comprehended

every thing, he said, but the manner in which white men managed great

ships, travelled every where in them on the wide sea, and fought great

battles on the water. He believed, he said, that the art of navigation

was connected with the fetische of the great God, which, from the

creation of the world conferred supremacy upon the whites,[66] and the

people of the East.

My fort, said the king, changing the conversation, is not yet completed,

but you must make me the white fetische, the same that the great king

makes for his house. What was proper to be done, he enquired. I replied,

to slay cattle, and (wishing to give in to the religious feelings of the

Moslems, who were present) sprinkle the blood of the sacrifice, together

with flour and salt, upon the threshold of the door. The Bashaw rose to

embrace, and would have kissed me. That is not all, I added, the king

must solemnize the custom by giving food to the people, and cultivating

the friendship of those holy men, (pointing to the Moslems) who believe

in the same God as myself. “I am ignorant,” replied the king, spreading

out both his hands to heaven, in the form of supplication. The chief of

the Moslems, together with Cantoma and Abou Becr, imitated the adoration

of the king, and chaunted aloud the _Fatha_.

“I must give a name to the fort,” said the king, “what shall it be?” I

reminded him of the name of George (as familiar to his hearing on a

former day.) “Yes,” he replied, turning round to Apoko, “it shall be

_Shorshi_, and you must write me a book for it.”

When I returned home, I complied with the king’s wishes, by writing

certain religious sentences in Arabic, that they might be perused by the

Moslems, if the king desired it. It turned out accordingly, and I was

again summoned to the palace, where _the believers_ had already

assembled. The king was gratified, he said, at the translation he had

heard, for that was strong sense; but I had not written down the name of

the fort, that the Moslems might know it when they looked in the book. I

took the reed that was offered me and wrote جُورجْ which they pronounced

with tolerable accuracy; the king expressed his gratitude by a donation

of provisions, wine, &c. But his feelings were most sensibly affected by

an order which I gave clandestinely to mount the British flag upon the

top of the building. It was an elegant silk flag, which I had previously

designed to give his majesty as a private token of friendship. “White

man,” said he, “the great God has given you sense for my good. Do what

you will, you are the same as my son:—go to Cape Coast, satisfy my

nephew, and what you say is right let me have. But come back again, if

you can, and send one of your friends to the great king to take care of

my ambassadors. I will make you richer than all the other white men for

I do not tell a lie, when I say I love you.” He took me by the hand, in

the most friendly manner; calling again to the ambassador (treasurer,)

and desiring him to report faithfully what his sentiments were. “I am

now going to council,” said the king, “for the last time, but wait for

me, I shall not be long.” Upon this he retired, followed by Apoko,

Kankam, Adusai, the Treasurer, and a few others.

As I retired, the king followed me to the gate. “With to-morrow’s sun,”

said he, at parting, “I shall lose you; but if you love me I shall soon

see you again, then I shall make a very great custom, and if it will

give you pleasure to look at all these countries, I can send you safe

all the way to the great water, to Haoussa, Marrowa, every where; for

next time, you must go and see all my good friends, the kings of this

country” (Africa). At parting I promised a full compliance with his

wishes; which, (in order to disguise the pleasure I felt) I affirmed

tallied with the customs of Europe; for hitherto I had cautiously

avoided trespassing upon the scruples or jealousy of those whose

counsels swayed the royal mind.

“Stop,” said the king, as I held him with a parting grasp of the hand,

“you are going, and I must do you good; open your hand.” I did so, and

to my astonishment he spat in it, while I made an involuntary start to

rescue it from his hold. My aversion to the royal bounty excited the

most lively astonishment in all present, except Mr. Collins and Mr.

Salmon; the rest could not comprehend how I should feel disgust.[67] “It

is good! it is good!” they all exclaimed, “do not do so to the king: he

is your friend, and does you a great honor.” But I did not wish to

engross to myself exclusively so much of this kingly liberality; and

accordingly I introduced Messrs. Collins and Salmon to their share. The

king was equally condescending to each of them, and his countenance

reflected nothing but good nature.

When I returned to my quarters, I found the Bashaw, Abou Becr, and

Kantoma. They came to felicitate me, they said, upon the great interest

I held with the king: it gave them pleasure, because they knew I was a

friend to the Moslems, more than any other people, and now I might

benefit them, and all the traders. I promised I should never forget the

friendship they had conferred upon me, publicly and privately. The

esteem I had for them, I added, would last my life, nor should I forget

to report their characters in their true colouring. You are, I

concluded, worthy the king’s confidence, and my friendship for you is

from the heart. “Allah, and his holy apostle protect you, my son!”

exclaimed the Bashaw, embracing me fervently; the others did the same,

and they all joined in the most cordial wishes for my welfare. “May you

live secure from sickness and misfortune; may you return to us in health

and safety,” vibrated from every tongue: “we love you, and we love the

great sultan who sent you, for he is a good friend to the blacks of all

nations;[68] we know this from our brethren who go to the Koara (Niger)

and Egypt.” Here we were interrupted by the entrance of Apoko, Agampong,

and Adusai. They came to swear me upon the Koran, they said, that I had

no malice in my heart; that all I had done at Coomassy was done without

any sinister design to bring white men to the coast, and arm the Fantees

against their sovereign’s government. The king, they added, knew better,

nobody thought so except a few bad men; but it would please his people

to hear me swear it. I did not hesitate to comply with the king’s

wishes, I objected only to the form he required. It was in fact a trial

for which I was not prepared. Reasons, which I may be excused for not

giving, urged me to do so, painful as it was to me, in the presence of

Moslems, to whom I was much indebted, and for whom I had a sincere

regard. The Bashaw placed the Koran upon the table. “By laying your

right hand upon it,” said he, “you will give pleasure to your friend the

king: he is ashamed to ask you himself, but he wants you to oblige him,

for all that.” I sent a cane to the palace, to request the king would

dispense with that form of oath, and accept in its lieu, of a custom

familiar to Europe. It was agreed to, and I swore to the covenant of

good faith upon the Bible: Messrs. Salmon, Collins, and Graves, followed

my example; but a bitterness of feeling overpowered me, as I noticed the

desponding countenances of the Bashaw and his friends: the former

retired pensively to a corner of the apartment, hugged the Koran to his

breast with both arms, and preserved a melancholy silence, in which he

was imitated by the others, whose features exhibited an index of

mortification. I had some difficulty, after the Ashantees had retired,

to banish their perturbation. For some minutes, I soothed in vain; at

length, however, I was consoled by hearing Abou Becr exclaim, “God

willed it so, it was so decreed.” As the temporary reserve wore off,

they protested they lamented I had not complied with the ceremony, for

many reasons. “The Koran _I knew_ was a good book, for it was written

upon the everlasting table, under the throne of God:—The king, and all

his idolatrous subjects believed in it too. It would have satisfied

every scruple of the court, of my integrity, sincerity, &c.; and it

would have conferred a great honour upon them and all the Moslems, and

permanently have united their interests exclusively to those of white

men, which was what they wished above all things.”

These friendly people, and some others of their associates, delivered me

a collection of manuscripts, containing geographical information of the

central parts of the continent.

In the evening, the king sent me a horse and a cow.[69] Each of the

principal Moslems called again with a farewell present. That of the

Bashaw was a cotton cloth, made purposely by his wife: others brought

sheep, kids, fowls, honey, &c. The rain fell heavily, and the Moslems

staid till a late hour, explaining themselves upon the subject of former

geographical conversations which could not, with propriety, be inserted

here.

The following day I mounted my palanquin, to bid farewell to Coomassy.

Drums, horns, flutes, castanets, &c. resounded from all quarters of the

city; assembled thousands occupied the space between the quarters and

the palace, and numerous bodies of troops were stationed in groups at

various points. The captains of all ranks were drawn up adjoining the

palace, to greet me as I passed, with a parting shake of the hand; and

here I was suddenly enveloped in the smoke from a thousand

blunderbusses, fired, I might almost say, against my face, amidst

flourishing, capering, and a variety of grotesque antics. Agampong, who

commanded a detachment of men sent by the king to escort me to the

forest, came running up to shew one of the pieces which had burst, and

lacerated the hand of a soldier slightly. “The king is very fond of

these guns,” said he, “and he has not got too many.” I promised I would

endeavour to procure him one for that which had been spoiled. The

Moslems had taken a stand at the extreme end of the palace wall. “I am

an old man,” said the Bashaw, as he gravely took hold of my hand; “Allah

knows, if you go to the land of white men, whether or not I shall see

you again: but if you love me, and if you love the king, you cannot

forget us. I pray God and his Apostle to restore you to us.” Abou Becr,

Kantoma, L’Hadge Said, and Shouma, and many more with whom I was on

terms of intimacy, prayed aloud for my prosperity. The converts and

pupils shouted at a distance, perhaps all they knew of Arabic,—“God

bless you, white man.”

A messenger sent by the king overtook me during the stoppage:—“Sai,”

said the man, “wishes you a good journey. His heart is full, and he

cannot see you; but he is making a strong fetische for his Gods, to send

you back safe.” The Moslems kept pace with my palanquin for some

distance; and at parting, which they did with a renewal of their

protestations of attachment, they continued to follow me with their eyes

until the forest buried me from their sight.

We were deluged with torrents of rain[70] for five ensuing days; the

forest was a continued sheet of water in many districts, through which

we waded with the greatest difficulty and bodily exertion; for our feet

sunk at every pace into an adhesive soil, while the dripping from the

boughs, and the perspiration together, drenched our bodies so

thoroughly, that the water flowed rather than oozed from the lower

extremities of our persons and apparel. The march was indeed most

harassing, and many of the people fell sick; nor did either Messrs.

Salmon and Collins, or myself, escape indisposition and lameness.

At Amoafo we were greeted by the Caboceer Coffee Ado Koum with a most

hospitable welcome; and in general, our reception as we advanced

southward was of the most friendly complexion, associated too with every

ostentatious shew of respect.

At Ansah, my corporal by accident encountered his sister in the street,

who had been dragged into slavery, together with many other women,

during the wars of Ashantee upon the sea-coast. The man, overpowered

with joy, seized his sister by the arm, and she with great willingness

followed him to my quarters. The people assembled in crowds, and those

from whose protection she had been forced away, vociferously demanded

the liberation of the slave, alledging they had paid gold for her to the

amount of twenty-five ackeys, (about £6.) and she was besides indebted

to the towns-people half as much more. To satisfy all parties, I

suffered the woman to be carried before the Caboceer Coinin Akim, by her

brother and former protectors, and desired that chief would restore the

woman to her relation, upon terms of equity suitable to the

circumstances of the disputants. The palaver, as all African palavers

do, took up many hours discussing; but at last I received a message,

stating that the Caboceer had placed the woman under my protection,

until the brother, who had liberty to convey her back to the coast,

should pay eleven ackeys. This was agreed to, and I had the satisfaction

to witness her safe arrival among her friends.

The rivers Dah, Prakomy, Praa, and Okee, had swollen to a great degree,

and their torrents were rapid—seldom less than five knots.

Finally, on the 5th of April, I returned to the coast, in a state of

health by no means equal to what I enjoyed either at Coomassy or during

the journey through Assin and Fantee.

As yet, the rains had not commenced in that part of the forest of Fantee

which is to the southward of Mansue; but during a journey of one hundred

and fifty-eight British miles from the capital, there had comparatively

been no intermission between the showers. The swamps, such as have been

noticed on the journey up, were swollen into little lakes, through which

we waded with difficulty, and at uncertain depths; and the southern

rivers and rivulets, more or less, were converted to foaming torrents.

The prospect of the ocean, as we entered an avenue leading to the town

of Mouree, at 5 P.M. was inexpressibly delightful, as it presented a

view of Cape Coast.

The sequel may be related in few words:—The servants of the Committee

not only refused to accede to the terms of the treaty, which they chose

to represent as a deed whereby the _sovereignty of Fantee_ had been

_transferred_ to the king of Ashantee; but they also took upon

themselves to forbid the payment of any proportion of the accustomed

tribute to the king, or even of the 100 ounces[71] they had already

tendered as a peace-offering in behalf of the natives of the town.

Knowing, however, that their resistance alone would avail but little,

they had in the interval of my absence obtained a _public_ promise from

the late Sir George Collier, to give support to their opposition. Thus

encouraged, the governor and council made no secret of their intentions

to bid defiance to the king, even before Sir George, who was then on a

cruize, had returned to the Cape. The news which was thus publicly

proclaimed became the general topic of conversation, and the Fantees,

who now earnestly built their hopes on the assistance promised them from

the squadron under the orders of the Commodore, again breathed defiance

in their houses against the king, although still they were cautious in

their intercourse with the Ashantees, to whom they artfully represented

that they were willing to obey the king; but from the situation of their

town, under the guns of a British fort, they were necessitated to that

course of politics which the governor might prescribe, who, whenever he

pleased, could destroy their habitations, and drive them into the bush.

On the seventh Mr. Smith, attended by Aggry, Binie, De Graaf, and some

other town chiefs went to inspect an adjacent hill, which overlooks the

back of the town, and on their return it was given out that a martello

tower should be built there, without delay, to cover the approach of an

enemy. This was enough, and the natives, no longer doubting the

sincerity of the Company’s servants, and reposing an equal confidence in

the promise of “a white army being sent, if necessary, for their

protection,” disdained any longer to conceal what were termed their

patriotic effusions; but which the Ashantees described as their

insolence.

About eight o’clock the same evening, the horns and drums of the

Ashantees announced a movement among these people. As I opened the door

of my apartment to enquire into the cause of it, two captains headed by

Akassy, the Caboceer of Kikewhary, rushed hastily forward; and when the

attendants, who I perceived were armed, had closed the entrance, they

told me that Adoom (the ambassador) desired an interview, as he had

something particular to communicate. When it was explained to him that I

waited his coming, he mustered and marshalled the whole of his force,

amounting, at this time, to about five hundred men, whom he stationed in

the adjoining avenues (for I was now residing in town).

During our conference, which related to the settlement of the native

palaver, the prince told me, that although he was anxious to adjust that

affair agreeably to the instructions he had received from the king, yet

he had now called with another intent. He had learned, he said, from

good authority, not only what had been transacting in town to the

prejudice of the king, but also, that a plot was then in agitation

between Binie, Aggry, and some other chiefs of inferior note, to

assassinate both him and me, and then destroy his little army.[72] “I do

not understand the _palavers_ of white men,” added the prince; “but I am

not afraid of what the town can do; it is you I am afraid for: and as

your king placed you under the protection of my king, I have received

strict orders to look to your safety, as Sai himself did while you were

at Coomassy.” I replied, “It was impossible such atrocity could be

contemplated:” and he retorted, “Do you think so? Then you do not know

the Fantees; but you will see by and by.” “I know them well,” I said,

“and they dare not attempt it; however,” I continued, “I shall report

what you say to the Castle, for the honour of white men is implicated in

the charge.” “And I,” said the ambassador, “who am certain of the truth

of what I tell you, shall take care of my people, and station them at

the quarters. In the meantime, I leave ten men for your protection ’till

I see you again in the morning; farewell:” so saying he departed.

I wrote to the governor and council on the subject, and they, it seemed,

had heard nothing to corroborate the fears of Adoom, although

subsequently I had good reasons to know that such conversations had

taken place, at the houses both of Aggry and Binie; whether the parties

accessory to the plot were deserving the name of patriots or

conspirators. I therefore, seriously preserved a defensive posture, and

never retired to rest without the precaution of loaded pistols under my

pillow. The house itself was guarded by the Ashantees, who, faithful to

their trust, never for a moment deserted their charge.

The prince called upon me on the eighth, at an early hour, and expressed

some anxiety to know what was intended to be done in relation to the

native palaver. The king, he said, would accept of any sum we might

agree upon, provided he was not exasperated by new reports of the

insolence of his vassals, who would surely repent it if they carried

matters too far.

My anxiety, I replied, was as great as his, for I stood in some degree

pledged to the king to settle it; but, as nothing could be done without

the concurrence of the whites, I should visit the castle.

My inability to walk that distance[73] was provided against by the

Ashantees; who having placed me in the ambassador’s palanquin, (a sort

of basket lined and stuffed,) they trotted off with me upon their heads,

as far as the outer gate, where the officer of the guard met my retinue,

to whom he communicated that it was the governor’s orders they should

not enter the fort. I demanded permission only for the prince who, I

said, besides his quality of ambassador, was privileged to meet the

governor and council with me, as a party to whom authority had been

delegated, by the king, to assist in the settlement of the Cape Coast

claim; and I would be bound, if necessary, for all consequences. In

reply, his orders he said were peremptory, and he could not suffer a man

to enter, whatever his rank might be.[74] I enquired if the prohibition

extended to me, and being assured of the negative, I desired the

Ashantees to wait my coming while I went forward.

The hall was empty, the _governor and council_, (i.e. Mr. Smith and Mr.

Swanzy,) were closeted in the sleeping room of the former, and refused

to come forward. The secretary, Mr. Williams brought me that message;

and I, in reply, told him the object of my business was not to exchange

compliments, but to adjust the Cape Coast palaver with Mr. Smith and the

prince, upon terms of equity, agreeably to the king’s wishes; as I had

already stated to them. In reply to this, after a lapse of some minutes,

I was given to understand, that they should not abide by the treaty,

neither would they allow the natives to pay one farthing. And with this

answer I retreated from the castle, never more to set foot within its

walls; a resolution which I inflexibly adhered to.

Thus, between the Ashantees and Fantees, it may be conjectured my life

was in no very secure asylum. However that may be, I had no distrust of

the former, and my confidence was repaid with a devotion and sincerity

more than Christian like in these parts, and every way honourable to the

commission I bore.

Policy suggested that I should yet conceal from Adoom the sentiments of

the company’s servants. Accordingly I stated that nothing could be done

until the commodore returned to the coast: although I knew, in fact, his

predisposition to support the interests of my opponents.

On the 9th, I served a protest upon the authorities of the castle,

containing in substance the following sentiments:—“As soon as Sir George

Collier arrives, I shall lay a statement of the council’s conduct before

him, and as I find it impossible to proceed in the discharge of my

public duties as his majesty’s consul and agent in this country, I shall

request a passage to England in the Tartar, &c.

“As regards my negotiations with the king of Ashantee, I shall not say

more than that I now throw the whole responsibility upon the council, as

to any measures that have been or that may hereafter be adopted by them

since my return to Cape Coast. At the same time, I have to remind the

council, that, in consequence of their former impolitic conduct, the

armed force of Ashantees and Assins, under the command of Prince Adoom,

were to have been joined by a large body of people from El Mina in case

of need, who had orders to destroy the town and population, which

hitherto I have been the means of preventing. It now remains for the

council to do so in future.”

In a supplementary part I stated, “I lament to tell you, that the

consequences which will probably result from the perverse conduct of the

council, will, I fear, be most serious to the merchants and people of

this town, &c.”[75]

The ambassadors destined for England, were all this time living in town,

busied with preparations for the voyage they anticipated. Although I

might fail in my personal exertions to bring men to rational reflection,

who were pre-determined, from interests of their own, to thwart every

plan which did not originate with themselves, I derived infinite

consolation in the reflection that these ambassadors, on their arrival

in London, would be capable of relating their own tale. Accordingly I

rendered them every assistance in packing up their gold and presents. I

indulged, moreover, in the hope that, however disposed Sir George might

be to act, I could prevail in some way to leave matters in statu quo,

until a fair and impartial statement of facts could be submitted to

ministers, by whose instructions I might be guided on my return to the

Coast, if I should be compelled to the step of seeking them in London.

In this state of suspense, the 9th, 10th, and 11th elapsed. At last the

Tartar hove in sight. On her coming to anchor, I wrote to Sir George,

covering copies of the treaties, &c. On the 11th, my letter was answered

in terms of ambiguity, and I then demanded a passage for myself, and the

ambassadors and presents. As regarded myself, Sir George acquiesced, but

stated, that in the West Indies, he should take up Lord Combermere and

suite. As related to the ambassadors and presents in their charge, he

said he was unable to give them conveyance, and that he was expressly

interdicted from carrying away any of the _natives_ by a standing order

of the Lords of the Admiralty. Whatever I could urge in support of this

petition had no better effect. The following extracts from my

correspondence with Sir George will be sufficient to shew the extreme

anxiety I felt to seal the confidence I had so happily awakened in the

king, and worm out the only little canker that existed, by settling the

despicable native palaver.

“The king of Ashantee is so perfectly disposed to co-operate in all

things for the promotion of the mercantile interests of Great Britain,

that if the present opportunity is suffered to escape us, it may be the

means of crushing, at a single blow, all future advancement towards

commerce, or the cultivation and civilization of this part of Africa.

“Let it be remembered, that in proceeding to Coomassy, the whole party

were endangered, if not in their lives, at least in their liberties, and

it is notorious that the cause itself was almost universally pronounced

hopeless and desperate. Indeed, I have good reasons for thinking that

the general opinion would have proved correct, had I not politically

stood forward as mediator between the authorities of the castle and the

king.”

In reflecting upon the impolicy and injustice of the governor and

council, I predicted the consequences which would probably ensue as

disastrous to the mercantile interests and the natives. “The king’s

power,” I wrote, “has been moreover considerably augmented since the

conquest of Gaman, and when it is considered how long the commerce has

been interrupted, I should be almost warranted to say annihilated; that

the town of Cape Coast itself has been in the power of the Ashantees and

Assins upwards of three months (although they have hitherto conducted

themselves with moderation); that these men were empowered to proceed to

hostility if necessary, and were to have been supported by a body of

Wassaw and El Mina people; that the inhabitants are totally unable to

protect themselves, and that the town is not defended by a redoubt tower

or other outwork, that could effectually check the progress of an enemy,

such as the Ashantees are known to be, I am convinced, that you and

every reasonable man must do me that justice which party spirit refuses

in this country.”

My communications elicited nothing satisfactory. Sir George said, “he

regretted to see so much misunderstanding; and he had been told, that

the Cape Coast people would not recognize the sovereignty of the king of

Ashantee, even if the governor and council were to withdraw their

support.” He could not, he said, _prejudge_ the case. I enquired, “if

upon his honour he believed any such thing.” “I will give no opinion,”

he added, “one way or the other.” “But,” I continued, “you will at least

support my protest against the adoption of any rash and hostile

proceedings, until I am able to learn the sentiments of his Majesty’s

ministers in relation to the treaty and negotiations at Coomassy.” “I

cannot interfere,” replied Sir George, “in these matters; my commission

is afloat, and I have no authority to act on shore.” “Then,” I added, “I

have nothing more to urge in that particular, but in regard to the

ambassadors, whose mission you can know nothing of, as indeed I do not

know the precise object myself, and whose presence in England, (without

considering the offering of friendship they are the bearers of) I

imagine will be gratifying to government, and instrumental to the

hopeful plan of turning the king’s disposition from war to commerce,—a

commerce which may almost exclusively be engrossed by British merchants

and British shipping; if, as you say, you cannot furnish a passage for

them in the Tartar, will you suffer them to accompany me to Sierra

Leone, from whence I will convey them to England myself?” “I must,”

replied Sir George, “for the reasons I stated to you in my letter,

decline taking them on board the ship.”[76]

Two messengers from the king came down to me during my stay on the

coast, the one to enquire after my health, the other to desire me to

take care of his ambassadors, particularly the treasurer, who was a

faithful servant.

The last messenger I despatched to the king conveyed my sentiments to

the following effect:—“Remember your oath—remember me, for I am sincere,

and will go to England to let the great king know that your heart is

inclined towards him and his people. If I live, I will return; but do

not expect to hear from me till eight moons are passed. Then you may

look for a settlement of this palaver, which is too great to talk at the

water-side, and therefore must be laid before the king, whose pleasure I

will inform you of by a letter to my correspondent at Cape Coast. Never

mind what the Fantees say, and take no umbrage at what the whites may

do, till my master’s pleasure is known; for you may depend he will act

with justice. Above all things, bear in mind the necessity of abstaining

from any thing like hostility against the people of Cape Coast, as that

would be construed into a declaration of war against the whites.”

I now earnestly busied myself with making such hasty preparations for

the voyage as the time would admit of,—packing up such of the presents

as were in my charge, &c.

On the 12th I received a notification from the governor and council,

stating that all the interests of whites and blacks were to be called

together in the hall of the castle, to discuss the _merits_ of the

treaty, and to signify their acceptance of it or _not_, inviting me to

be there also, to meet Sir George Collier and themselves, for that

purpose. Of course I refused attending, renewed my protest, and threw

all responsibility upon themselves.[77]

Sir George called upon me in the evening; I then enquired if he had been

at the _tribunal_. He said “he went to the hall by invitation of the

merchants of Cape Coast, but he had not thought proper to give any

opinion one way or the other.”

While we were in conversation, one of my attendants brought in the young

leopards, and Sir George taking a fancy to them, asked me to exchange

them with him for two he had on board, (given him by Mr. Smith.) I said

they were for his Majesty, and being part of the present under my care,

I designed taking them with me in the Tartar. Sir George protested he

had not room for them, and they were consequently left behind, but

shipped for London by another conveyance, subsequently.

On the 15th I embarked at a late hour in the evening; and in bidding

farewell to the prince, the ambassadors, and the whole party of

Ashantees on the beach, I desired my last words to be conveyed to the

king, “that he would never forget his oath, and never proceed to

hostilities against the town; but wait until he heard from me.”

Our voyage included Ascension and Sierra Leone; at the latter place I

remained three weeks, and during that time I proposed hearing the

sentiments both of Sir George Collier and Sir Charles M‘Carthy, in

regard to the merits of the treaty; but the former declining to

_interfere_, Sir Charles said he could do nothing alone that would be

useful in reconciling animosities.

At Sierra Leone, about the latter end of May, I took passage to England

by an early conveyance, and landed at the Isle of Wight about the close

of the month of August.

[Illustration: An Ashantee Soldier.]

[Footnote 52: The deputation of Ambassadors, however uncouth these semi-

barbarians might have appeared here, is strictly in unison with African

customs, and would not, it is presumed, have been more _outré_ than that

of the Cherokees during the American war.]

[Footnote 53: The king’s stool or throne bearer, an officer of rank in

the army only.]

[Footnote 54: The mission of 1817.]

[Footnote 55: Moslem law.]

[Footnote 56: Niger.]

[Footnote 57: The stool or chair is esteemed the throne. It denotes

supremacy and sovereignty in rank, not only in Ashantee, but in most

eastern nations, as well as the states of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, &c.]

[Footnote 58: This illustrious prisoner was placed under the safeguard

of an inferior captain, who employed him in work at his plantations. The

negro has no tender sentiment for his humbled antagonist! He was

compelled, in the presence of the king, to join a chorus in the cruel

_Epicedium_, or death-song, which preceded his brother’s sacrifice:—an

execution which was performed in his presence, with torture, and amidst

the mockery and derision of the whole court.]

[Footnote 59: With the exception of the crier, who was a youth of

sixteen or seventeen, and whose profession was to keep order and silence

during my negotiations at the palace, the rest were all men of rank and

influence in the government; the priest was of the king’s own family,

and the others were in offices requiring their daily attendance about

the person of the sovereign.]

[Footnote 60: Moslems.]

[Footnote 61: Commission.]

[Footnote 62: A carpet of this description was given to me by the king

for a couch rug, intended, as he expressed it, to hinder me from getting

sick on the road in the rains: I have it still in my possession. The

texture is a coarse tropical wool, or rather hair, interwoven in

stripes, with alternate blue, red, and white cotton, flowered and

figured characteristically.]

[Footnote 63: The king desired me to report that, having himself smoked

the pipe, the great white king might do the same, and then it should be

considered a symbol of peace and friendship between them. It was a

proper custom, he said, and grateful to his gods, who, when two people

made friends that way, watched over the lives and prosperity of both.

The Ashantees are by no means singular in this practice, the same being

observed by many semi-barbarous nations; but it may be sufficient to

instance the Indians of North America.]

[Footnote 64: This chain, the finest specimen of gold work that ever

fell under my observation in Africa, weighed about a pound in pure

metal. Of all the presents enumerated above, the pipe and the breast

plate, which were in my charge, together with the leopards, alone

reached England. The rest were necessarily left behind on the coast,

together with the ambassadors, as Sir George Collier declined granting

them a passage in the Tartar, at the instance, it was reported, of the

governor. The whole I delivered to Lord Bathurst some time after my

arrival in England, for his majesty.]

[Footnote 65: The rain was at this time well set in at Coomassy; it

followed our steps considerably to the southward of the Praa River. The

forest resembled a shower bath, and when set in motion by an increased

action of wind, it fell from the foliage in heavy discharges.]

[Footnote 66: The Ashantees, in common with the maritime natives of the

Gold Coast, believe that the _Father_ or Ruler of the Gods and the

universe, originally created man of two colours; namely, black and

white. The tradition may be found in Bosman nearly as it is current at

this day.]

[Footnote 67: To the Oriental reader I need only say, he will find it

recorded of Mohammed, that his disciples and adherents were wont to wipe

up his saliva with their hands, or rub it into their bodies from

veneration. Refer to the interview between Mohammed and the ambassadors

of Khosrout Parvits, sovereign of Persia; and what they reported of the

dignity of the Arabian Prophet on their return to Persia. At Ashantee,

the sovereign commonly spurts his saliva over the courtiers and kings,

even of the first rank; or if it should fall by accident on the ground,

they carefully wipe it up, and rub it on their skins. The practice is

common in various parts of Africa, and even in some Moslem countries.]

[Footnote 68: Our correspondence, at intervals, was carried on by note;

but verbal or written, I never found that the Moslems entertained other

than the most enlightened sentiments of the views of the British

government.]

[Footnote 69: Different from the cattle of tropical Africa in general,

those of Ashantee are of the largest breed; but so fierce that it is

dangerous to approach them. The cow was lashed by the feet to a strong

bamboo pole, which prevented it from rising up; but in defiance of

obstacles it broke out into the forest.]

[Footnote 70: The rains set in at Coomassy about one month sooner than

upon the coast, notwithstanding the difference of latitude is so

trifling.]

[Footnote 71: It should have been noticed earlier, that when I quitted

Cape Coast, the governor and council authorised me by letter to pay to

the king, on behalf of the natives 150oz. It was their subsequent

advice, during the negotiations at Coomassy, as it has been stated,

which reduced the offer to 100oz.]

[Footnote 72: Upon the faith of the treaty, Adoom had already dismissed

all his auxiliaries and the greater part of his own people.]

[Footnote 73: The castle was distant from my residence only a pistol

shot; but the lameness I had contracted on the journey produced

inflammation after my return.]

[Footnote 74: It was subsequently insinuated that the garrison was

alarmed at _some act of treachery_, and this double insult was rumoured

as a _palliative_ for the indignity offered to the king as well as the

prince.

It cannot, indeed, have escaped the reader’s memory, that when Adoom

first came down, in the heat of the quarrel, he was attended by above

one thousand men, and yet the discussions took place in the hall of the

castle.]

[Footnote 75: In the same letter, I protest, moreover, that from the

little respect they thought proper to pay to my public character, I

should never hold any future intercourse with them.]

[Footnote 76: Unhappily no other conveyance offered, and they were left

behind. During my stay at Cape Coast, they would never stir from my

elbow, for the king, they said, had placed them under my protection.

This conversation with Sir G. Collier was conducted upon the most

courteous terms, for he was a man I greatly respected in private life.

Sir George, perhaps to palliate his refusal, invited the ambassadors to

see the Tartar. They went on board, and for their amusement, two or

three of the quarter-deck guns were discharged. One of the shots taking

effect upon a small sloop which was at anchor in the roads, stove in the

side and sheathing together. The copper being separated from the shot,

it formed a sort of skull-cap, which the Commodore jocosely clapped on

the head of the chief, and told him to shew it to the king, that he

might know what the whites would do to him if he came to the coast.

When the party landed, they came to me in the society of the prince, who

desired to know what was the meaning of the commodore’s sentiments, and

why he had desired to have the indented copper sent to the king, as he

could not do so without explaining the object to his Majesty. Did it

indicate a desire for peace or war? I replied I believed it to be merely

designed for the ambassador’s entertainment; and that as neither of

those constructions should be put upon it, it would be advisable not to

send it to the king.

As there existed no longer any hopes of temporizing with the governor

and council, even under the auspices of the commodore, I judged this a

fit opportunity to tell the prince the precise situation of affairs.

Having done so, I assured him, that as I was going to England to state

these particulars to my superiors, he had better inform the king of it,

and wait my return, or until despatches could be sent out, which I had

great reason to hope would set every thing to rights. He required to

know how long the voyage there and back again would take, and I told him

to count at least eight moons till I returned, or six moons for a

letter; but in the mean time, I desired him to remind the king of his

oath, and to assure him in my name, that under any provocation, he must

not think of going to war against an object so unworthy of his

greatness.]

[Footnote 77: Could it be imagined for one moment that I would submit to

such a course of proceeding? If not, what interpretation could be put

upon a mock tribunal of merchants, to examine into the merits of a

treaty between monarchs?]