NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED.
ARRIVAL OF THE INTERPRETER ABROAH — PREJUDICES OF THE KING AGAINST HIM —
THE KING’S SISTER — ACCOUNT OF HER PROMOTION TO THE RANK OF GOVERNESS OF
THE EMPIRE — MAGICAL RITES AND SUPERSTITIONS — BARBARITY OF THE KING
TOWARDS HIS WIVES — COMMENCEMENT OF A HISTORY OF THE KING’S WARS FOR THE
INFORMATION OF THE KING OF ENGLAND — SUSPICIONS ENTERTAINED AGAINST THE
INTERPRETERS — THE KING’S NOTES FOR CAPE COAST CASTLE — REMARKS ON THE
CONDUCT AND STATEMENTS OF MR. BOWDICH RESPECTING THESE NOTES — THE
KING’S ARGUMENTS AND DECLARATIONS — QUALITIES AND PRICES OF GOODS
SUPPLIED FROM CAPE COAST — HUMAN SACRIFICES — ATTEMPT OF THE CABOCEERS
TO SOUND THE BRITISH AGENT — CONFERENCE ON THE SKETCH OF A TREATY —
MESSAGE TO THE KING FROM CAPE COAST CASTLE — DISPUTES RESPECTING A
PENALTY ALLEGED TO HAVE BEEN REPRESENTED AS INSERTED IN THE FORMER
CONVENTION — RETURN OF MR. HUTTON TO CAPE COAST — ERECTION OF A FORT BY
THE KING — MISUNDERSTANDING RESPECTING THE KING OF JUABIN (DWABIN) —
CONTINUATION OF THE PALAVER — LITTLE ADAI CUSTOM — HUMAN SACRIFICES —
AUDIENCE OF CEREMONY — PRESENTS FROM THE KING — INSTRUCTIONS FROM CAPE
COAST — INDIGNATION OF THE KING — EXHIBITION OF THE MAGIC LANTHORN —
APPOINTMENT OF A DAY FOR THE AUTHOR’S RETURN, ON HIS SOLEMN REQUISITION.
On the 7th, a Mulatto, named George Abroah, arrived at Coomassy from
Cape Coast, with a letter recommending him to me as interpreter to the
mission. His knowledge of the English language was rather superior to
that of his coadjutor and predecessor; but as I afterwards discovered,
he was very deficient in diplomatic courtesy, frequently giving
unintentional offence by the omission of certain acts of ceremony and
decorum. His presumptuous address excited some displeasure in the king,
even on the day of his arrival in the capital, when he was ushered into
the presence of that sovereign, and imprudently started the topic of the
“Fantee Palaver.” The king also obtained information (but by what means
I could never discover) that Abroah was a relation of De Graaf, the
linguist of Cape Coast Castle, whom he was pleased to consider his
political and personal enemy. This circumstance also weighed heavily on
Abroah’s reputation at court, and indeed operated to the disadvantage of
the mission, by checking that open confidence which had hitherto been so
strongly manifested by the king and his council. These disqualifications
compelled me to remonstrate warmly with Abroah.
The king’s sister entered my quarters in the forenoon, bringing in her
train a troop of about one hundred and fifty women and young girls, many
of whom were described as the daughters and wives of men of high rank.
After taking a seat she motioned to several females who were her
intimate attendants, to enter the place, whilst the remainder stood or
seated themselves upon the ground without. Her speech was laconic. “She
was happy,” she said, “because I was her brother’s good friend, and the
friend of the captains, and she thanked me for the present I had sent to
her.” This woman’s relationship naturally established her in an elevated
rank, but she was doubly dignified by an employment which, perhaps, may
not improperly be termed Governess of the empire, or Queen over the
females; all of that sex being immediately responsible to her
government, and subject to an arbitrary controul under her vice-
governesses.
With this employment she had been invested only a few months, and since
the king’s return from Buntoko. Her elevation proceeded from a cause
somewhat remarkable.
When the king was about to open the campaign against Gaman, he collected
together his priests, to invoke the royal Fetische, and perform the
necessary orgies to insure success. These ministers of superstition
sacrificed thirty-two male and eighteen female victims, as an expiatory
offering to the gods, but the answers from the priests being deemed by
the council as still devoid of inspiration, the king was induced to
_make a custom_ at the sepulchres of his ancestors, where many hundreds
bled. This, it is affirmed, propitiated the wrath of the adverse gods.
The priests then prepared a certain Fetische compound, which they
delivered to the king, with an injunction to burn the composition daily
in a consecrated fire pot within the palace; and upon no account to
neglect the fire, so as to suffer it to go out; for as long as the
sacred flame devoured the powder, he would triumph over his foes.
When the king joined his army he commissioned his eldest sister (then
governess of the kingdom), to attend strictly to the sacred mystery,
telling her that his crown and life both depended upon her vigilance,
and the fulfilment of his order. He selected also three wives to whom he
was more attached than the rest, to watch by turns over the mysterious
rites, in conjunction with his last-mentioned sister.
During the king’s absence, this arbitress of his fate formed a connexion
with a chief of Bouromy, whose ambition suggested a plan to seat himself
upon the throne.
In this conspiracy, seventeen of the king’s wives and their families are
said to have joined; the fire-pot was broken to pieces, and the chief
commenced arming his party. But the king, added my informer, who had
sustained heavy losses in the early part of the war, _and was unable to
account for the audacity of the enemy_, performed an incantation over a
certain talisman, which gave an insight into what was transacting in the
capital. He therefore dispatched a body of men under Ouso Cudjo, who,
after an impotent struggle on the part of the enemy, effectually crushed
the rebellion. When the king returned home, he called a council to
deliberate upon the punishment due to the offenders, and it was finally
decreed that his wives should suffer death by decapitation. His sister,
to prevent the profanation of spilling royal blood, was ordered to be
strangled. The chief, her paramour, and all those of his party, were
doomed to the most cruel deaths at the grave of the king’s mother. These
sentences were carried into prompt execution, and it is affirmed that
above seven hundred people were sacrificed, or fell in resisting the
royal forces. After this the younger sister, my present visitor, was
made governess.
While these butcheries were transacting, the king prepared to enter the
palace, and in the act of crossing the threshold of the outer gate, was
met by several of his wives, whose anxiety to embrace their sovereign
lord impelled them thus to overstep the boundary of female decorum in
Ashantee; for it happened that the king was accompanied by a number of
his captains, who accordingly were compelled to cover their faces with
both hands, and fly from the spot. This is said to have angered the
monarch, although his resentment proceeded no farther than words, and he
returned the embraces of his wives. But being afterwards told by some of
the superintendents that these women were more or less indisposed from a
natural female cause, he was inflamed to the highest pitch of
indignation, and in a paroxysm of anger caused these unhappy beings to
be cut in pieces before his face; giving orders at the time to cast the
fragments into the forest, to be devoured by birds and beasts of
prey.[36] Nor did the atonement rest here, for six more unhappy females
were impeached of inconstancy, (a failing, I believe, very common among
them), and they also expiated their faults with their lives. Like
another Ulysses, his majesty then devoted himself to the purification of
his palace, when to sum up the full horrors of these bloody deeds, two
thousand wretched victims, selected from the Gaman prisoners of war,
were slaughtered over the royal death stool, in honour of the shades of
departed kings and heroes.
In the course of this day I repeated my visit to the palace. The king
was at this time listening to a palaver between a Moslem and an
Ashantee; but my entrance put a stop to the discussion.[37] His majesty
instantly invited me to a conference, and having assembled around him a
few of his captains, he commenced with great volubility, a narration of
his original intimacy with Assin and Fantee; retracing from its
commencement, the political connexions that existed between Ashantee and
the states before-mentioned, together with the causes that induced his
country to make war upon them and other neighbouring states. These
particulars the king expressly desired me to write upon paper, in order
to justify his conduct to the king of England, who, he said, could not
possibly know what evils had been inflicted upon his people, through the
bad faith and hostile policy of his neighbours.
I instructed one of the officers to minute down the particulars as they
were described by the king, through the usual medium of interpretation;
but in an early stage of the narrative, the king, who had been eyeing
the linguist Abroah with a look of suspicion and distrust, objected to
his services, protesting that he was a man, who, of all others, was most
prone to deceit, and who was purposely sent to pervert the truth, and
“put bad palavers in my head.” This was uttered with vehemence, and a
corresponding gesture, which failed not to have due weight with the
party to whom the accusation was addressed. The thread of the narrative
was thus interrupted, and the king wandered from the argument to the
dispute at issue, between himself and the authorities at Cape Coast;
thus reviving feelings which could only tend to procrastinate the evils
under which the British Establishments had so long suffered.
In the first transport of anger, the king exclaimed, with much
bitterness of expression, against De Graaf (the mulatto linguist at Cape
Coast) upon whom he lavished every abusive epithet. “He is the man,”
said the king, “who encourages the people to rebel; and his intrigues in
the castle made the white men enemies to their best friend. His heart is
bad, and he suggests falsehoods to the governor, telling him that
another king sits upon the stool of his ancestors in the place of Sai,
who was killed by the Bontokos.”
The king occasionally evinced symptoms of extreme anger, which now and
then degenerated into scurrility and malicious satire, as he dwelt upon
the character of the Fantees and his former wars with that nation. At
length this transport subsided, and by degrees his eyes recovered their
usual good-natured expression. He declined, however, continuing the
history, neither was I permitted to retain possession of the manuscript
in which the narrative had been commenced. When I returned it to him, he
said he would consider of it, and as he wished the great king to know
the truth, he would send some of his friends as ambassadors to England,
for he could not tell what the paper spoke.
The next topic of discussion related to what is termed the “king’s
notes,” being, in points of fact, a sort of feudal bonds for the ground
rent of the Castles of Cape Coast and Annamaboe, which, by reversion,
after the subjugation of Fantee and its reduction to vassalage under the
yoke of Ashantee, became the property of the king.
The following are copies of these notes which are still in my
possession. The reader will, by inspection, be qualified to form an
opinion whether or not the king, in complaining of the Fantees, was
justified in conceiving his title to the sovereignty a good one.
“Cape Coast Castle, April 1, 1817.
“Zey Tooto Quamino, King of Ashantee, at 160s. per month.
(Signed) “JOHN HOPE SMITH,
“Governor in Chief.” L. S.
“This note was held by Amoney, Caboceer of Annamaboe, but in consequence
of the conquest of the Fantee country was claimed and transferred to
Zey, king of Ashantee, by the consent of the former owner.”
“Paid to ultimo, July, 1817.
“Goods (Signed) W. SMITH. 8oz.
“Paid to ultimo, December, 1817, in
“10 Ankers Rum, 1oz. W. S. 10
“Paid to December 31, 1818, in
“24 Kegs powder W. S. 24
“Paid to December 31, 1819, in
“66 Lead bars oz. 2 1
“ 4 Ankers Rum 4 0
“ 4 Kegs Powder 4 0
“13 Cottons 1 10
“ 1 Ditto Bandanoe 0 8
“ 2 Taffeties 2 0
“ 5 Glasgow Danes 1 14
“ 1 Fathom Scarlet 0 8
“ 8½ Pieces Long Cloth 4 4
“ 3 Romals 1 2
“ 5½ Manchester Toms 2 1
---------
oz. 24 0 W. S.”
The other note is as follows:—
“Cape Coast Castle, April 1, 1817.
“Zey Tooto Quamina, king of Ashantee, at 160s. per month.
(Signed) “JOHN HOPE SMITH,
“Governor in Chief.” L. S.
“This note was held by Adooco, Caboceer of Abrah, but in consequence of
the conquest of the Fantee country was claimed and transferred to Zey,
king of Ashantee, by the consent of the former owner. The note of Adooco
was only 60s. per month, now increased to 160s as above.”
“Paid to ultimo, July 1817.
“In Goods (Signed) W. SMITH. 8oz.
“Paid to ultimo, December, 1817, in
“10 Ankers Rum, at 1oz. each W. S. 10
“Paid to December, 1818, in
“24 Kegs Powder W. S. 24
“Paid to December, 1819, in
“Goods as per note of Amoney, at this date W. S. 24
“This is the note of Cape Coast Castle.”
These wretched bonds were objects of contention in an early stage of the
negotiation between Mr. F. James (the conductor of Mr. Bowdich’s
Mission) and the _Cabinet_ of Ashantee, in the year 1817. The king’s
arguments, although they were vehement ones, were supposed even then to
be convincing; or at least, to show something like justice on his part;
nor can it be said that the forts ever attempted to exact a recognition
of sovereignity, beyond the precincts of those forts, castles, or
factories. So far, indeed, to the contrary, that not only Cape Coast and
Annamaboe, but every other establishment on the Gold Coast, were
fettered to Ashantee, by bonds not very dissimilar; and their payments,
since the conquest, reverted to the king by the right the sword had
given him; or were relinquished by that monarch in favour of his
maritime allies, as in the instances of the tributary king of Apollonia,
and the chief of Accra.
The following extract from Mr. Bowdich’s Mission (pages 46 and 47)
wherein that gentleman, for himself and coadjutors, Hutchinson and
Tedlie, endeavours to justify a conspiracy against their superior
officer Mr. James, may be useful to refer to here.
“We were sent for to the king’s house; he was only attended by his privy
counsellers, &c. The king said he wished to talk; he desired Mr. James
to explain to him two notes which he produced, written by the governor
in chief at the request of Amoney, king of Annamaboe, and Adokoo, chief
of the Braffoes, making over to Sai, king of Ashantee, four ackies per
month of their company’s pay as a pledge of their allegiance and the
termination of hostilities. The impression seemed to have rooted itself
in the king’s mind, that this was the governor’s individual act,[38] or
that he had instanced it; his countenance changed; his counsellors
became enraged; they were all impatience, we all anxiety. Tell the white
men, said the king, what they did yesterday made me much pleasure, I was
glad we were to be friends; but to day I see they come to put shame upon
my face; this breaks my heart too much. The English know that with my
own powder and shot I drove the Fantees under their forts, I spread my
sword over them, they were all killed, and their books (notes) from the
forts are mine. These white men cheat me, they think to make _Shantee
fool_; they pretend to make friends with me, and join the Fantees to
cheat me, to put shame upon my face; this makes the blood come from my
heart, &c. The irritation spread throughout the circle, and swelled even
to uproar.”
Page 48. Mr. James said in reply, “The governor of Cape Coast had done
it, that he knew nothing about it, &c. The king asked him to tell him
how much had been paid on these notes since his demand, that he knew
white men had large books which told this. Mr. James said he could not
recollect. Nothing could exceed the king’s indignation. White men, he
exclaimed, know how many months pass, how many years they live, and they
know this, but they wont tell me: could not the other white men tell
me?”
For the sake of brevity I must pass over some long panegyrics, which it
would seem the author with no parsimonious hand has stamped upon his own
zeal, promptitude, and talent, such as these qualifications stand
recorded at the expence of the unfortunate James, whom in the same
breath he stigmatizes with many disqualifications.
In page 49, the subject is renewed. “The Moors of _authority seized the
moment, and zealously fanned the flame which encircled us_; for the king
looking in vain for those testimonies of British feeling which presence
of mind would have imposed, exclaimed, I know the English come to spy
the country, they come to cheat me, they want war, they want war. Mr.
James said, no, we want trade, &c.”—The king continued, “I will send a
captain to-morrow to take these books, and bring me the heads of all the
Fantees under the forts; the white men know I can do this, I have only
to speak to my captains. The Dutch governor does not cheat me; he does
not shame me before the Fantees, he sends me the whole four ounces a
month. The Danes do not shame me, and the English four ackies a month is
nothing to me; I can send a captain for all: they wish for war. He drew
his beard into his mouth, bit it, and rushing abruptly from his seat,
exclaimed Shantee foo! ah! ah! then shaking his finger,[39] &c. would
have burst from us with the exclamation, If a black man had brought me
this message I would have had his head cut off. Mr. James was silent.”
Page 54. “Whilst we impress the surprising power and influence of the
king, we must do him the justice to acknowledge the convincing manner in
which he urged the injuries and forbearance which preceded the Fantee
war; his willingness to do every thing for the forts, and the conduct of
the Dutch governor in giving him the whole of the four ounces, were
impressively and ingeniously associated.”
But dismissing this digression, the goods that were sent to the king
under my charge in payment of the notes were subjected to a rigid
scrutiny, after which his majesty demanded to know their respective
prices, as they stood valued upon the list. When these charges were read
over, he affected the greatest astonishment, mingled with anger. “What,”
said he, “is it thus the governor shews his friendship for me, charging
me an ounce of gold for an anker of rum, or a keg of powder; six ackies
for a romal, an ounce for a piece of taffety silk, and all the other
goods at the same high prices? Is this treating me like a friend and a
king? Truly, I see he makes this extravagant profit, _because I would
not receive the notes at four ackies a month_. This is not proper
conduct in white men towards the blacks. The great God gave them much
sense, and they make books that ought to speak truth; but this book is
not true, for the governor puts down whatever he chuses, because he
knows I cannot read. This is shameful, for when I made the book (treaty)
with the other white men, I was too happy, and I sent all the trade to
the governor’s warehouse as he told me, and I sent him a present of gold
and slaves, and a present of slaves to the governor of Annamaboe[40].
When I do good in this manner, how can the white men say, I wish to
quarrel and make war? I like all white people, for God has made them
better than the blacks, and they hold my heart. Mr. White was a good
man; he always told me the truth, and never quarrelled with me or
cheated me; but this governor proposes to be my friend, and when I
accept his offer he deceives me, and shames me before my captains and
the Fantees. When I went out to fight against Dinkra, I sent to Cape
Coast for fifty kegs of powder and some lead to make shot, because I
liked Englishmen best; but the governor sent my messengers away, because
they had not gold enough; they then went to El Mina, and the Dutch
governor gave them the powder and shot, and sent my gold back. Which was
the best friend? Suppose I make an alliance with a king and he wants
gold; I give it him: if he wants me to help him, I must go and fight for
him too; and then he knows I have a true heart, and love him like a
brother.”[41] God made white and black men: he loves all men; he does
not say they must not be friends because they differ in colour. White
men read books, and know the great God, therefore the blacks say, these
are strong people; their fetische is good. This is true, but then they
must not do evil. Now when I send gold to Cape Coast to buy goods, and
the governor does not know it, so I buy powder at two and three kegs to
the ounce, and three ankers of rum to the ounce, and seven ackies for
the best guns, and I get one hundred bars of lead for two ounces. The
Dutch governor always pays me fairly, he same as if I buy in the town,
and I get good things; but when the governor of Cape Coast sends me
articles, they are bad;—the rum is watered, and the powder is all dust,
like charcoal. I think a white man cannot do this; therefore I say to my
captains, See what the Fantees do; they cheat me, and dishonour the
English governor. Then my captains take up the sword, and swear they
must march to the water side, and live in the towns. But I do not want
to kill old men and women and children for their gold, as my soldiers
do, I prefer friendship.
“The Cape Coast people, I know, are insolent; but as the governor made a
book, he should not listen to them. The poor people cannot help it, if
the Caboceers tell lies; but then the governor knows better. That man,”
added the king, pointing to Abroah, “is bad, for he belongs to the
family of De Graaf; I think he was sent to put a bad palaver in your
head. Then there is Aggry; he wishes, no doubt, to be thought king of
Cape Coast; but he does not wish me to know that. I am the king, and
there is no other king in my country. If I chuse, I can send my captains
and bring his head to Coomassy. He thinks I shall not do so, because I
am afraid of the castle; but this is not true. Did I not fight the
Fantees under Annamaboe fort? and when the great guns killed my people,
did I not fight the white men too, and did they not put out a white flag
to make peace? I cannot do this now, for I know the great king, but I
think he does not know the truth. Now I thank the gods you have come to
see me, for you will know every thing.” Here the king paused.
In reply, I defended, as far as in reason it could be done, the
governor’s charges. To deny that the goods might have been purchased at
a much lower rate, would have required a considerable share of
effrontery. I therefore maintained an argument founded upon precedent
from the year 1817, admitting the possibility of purchasing goods at a
lower rate, but insisting that the opportunity of doing so was
accidental. I refuted his imputations to the best of my ability,
although, to adopt the sentiments of Mr. Bowdich, the _king’s arguments
were plausible even to conviction_.
In the evening I was again summoned to the palace. I found the king
seated in the society of a few captains, who were again examining the
quality of these goods. “Do you tell me,” said he as I entered, “that
the prices I am charged are fair?” I replied evasively; but this not
proving satisfactory, I affirmed that if the communication with the
interior existed as formerly, they possibly would realize the prices
charged upon the list. This was tender ground, I knew. In truth the
prices were exorbitant. The king, not knowing how to direct his anger,
abused Abroah. “Mulatto men,” said he “look white and sickly, so they
want to be all Caboceers, like white men.” Breaking the thread of this
conversation, and turning abruptly to me, he said, casting the old
treaty[42] down, “What is the use of that book? I sent it back to the
governor, and now he returns it to me. I am afraid it is a bad book. If
I fight I cannot keep the book, for friends don’t fight.” I suffered
these _royal_ transports to subside, and at the close of the audience
had the satisfaction to hear the king reiterate his pacific intentions.
The 8th of March was a day dedicated to superstitious rites. My friendly
Moslems waited upon me in the forenoon, bringing in their train several
natives of Zogho and Killinga, who had recently arrived at court. The
sacrificing blade, they emphatically said, was in action at the
chieftains’ houses, and many human victims had been dragged into the
palace yard for slaughter. “The king, they continued, is wrathful to-
day. The angel of death hovers over the city; but Allah, the all-
powerful, will protect the faithful.” As no access could be gained
either to the palace or the houses of the great officers, all public
business was at a stand, and I indulged in rambling over the capital: it
was desolate; no human beings were seen in the streets, and very few in
the enclosures belonging to their houses; those few rejoiced at the
sight of white men, and bowed their heads at a distance with timorous
humility. The death drum and the horn were distinctly recognized under
the outer walls of the palace. After the lapse of an hour the gates were
again thrown open, and the people again filled the streets, resuming
their customary occupations.
Upon returning to my quarters, I found several of the king’s officers in
waiting. They were guardedly reserved with respect to the transactions
of the morning; but assured me the court was then open. Upon this
information I dispatched a messenger to solicit an interview with the
sovereign: but he returned unsuccessful, in company with a captain of
the palace, who had been deputed to apologize on behalf of his master,
for declining the meeting. This message was followed up by Adusai Ado
Matta, Kankam, Agampong, and Ado Quamina, all men of superior, and some
of the first rank in the cabinet and army. My former visitors retired,
as the second party seated themselves and opened a desultory
conversation. I was prepared for matters of more importance, to which I
imagined this was a prelude.
Adusai, taking the advantage of a pause, suggested that it would afford
the king great satisfaction to bring all differences to an amicable
issue. “You, white captain,” continued the chief, “are beloved by the
king, even as his son. The Caboceers like you, and the people say, that
is a fit man to talk the palaver, for the king knows he cannot tell a
lie. You know the people of Cape Coast are bad; they have incurred the
king’s strong displeasure, because they built up a wall and said they
would fight him. Now what do you think is fit to be done?” My reply was
an evasive one; but as they renewed the question, I desired to know
whether they had been deputed by the king to learn my sentiments
privately, or whether they had been invested with authority to negotiate
with me at the quarters? The answer was in the negative; they protested
that their visit was one purely of courtesy, and consequently they had
no diplomatic authority. On this assurance, I declined, as a matter of
course, entering upon a conversation of that public importance. This
resolution, which I thought would have excited displeasure in my guests,
had quite a contrary effect; a shout of approbation, coupled with a
train of compliments, too fulsome to repeat, convinced me that although
I was mistaken in my conceptions, these great men were not altogether so
innocently engaged as they pretended.
The Bashaw and Abou Becr called in the evening; they cursed the
sanguinary disposition of the government, alledging that six men and
nine women had been sacrificed in the morning to the king’s household
gods; that these butcheries were kept from my knowledge, for two
reasons: the one, that they concerned the Mission, as the king had been
imploring the aid of his idols, to incline the heart of the great King
of England towards him—the other that I should not have to report that
the sovereign of Ashantee delighted in spilling human blood, which it
was well known gave as much offence to white men as it did to Moslems.
March 9th. The audience of the 7th had excited a train of conjectures
regarding the complexion of court politics, as they related to
Fantee.[43] The interview yesterday with the chiefs had not tended to
raise my hopes, and the ambiguous conduct of the court prompted me to
bring matters to a speedy issue. Accordingly I framed certain
preliminary articles upon the fundamental parts of the old treaty,
strengthened by one or two clauses contained in my instructions, viz.
for the establishment of a factory between our chief settlement and the
capital; a guarantee of safety and protection to the persons and
property of individuals, who might be induced to visit the interior on
trading speculations, or to inculcate Christian knowledge, &c.
A particular clause also specified that Cape Coast, and every other town
under the guns of a British fort were to be considered entitled to the
protection of the British government, and subject to the controul of the
garrisons; also, that in consideration of the friendship manifested by
the king of England, and the appointment conferred upon me, all
grievances and disputes of a past date, and particularly the “palaver of
Cape Coast,” should be buried in oblivion. That the peace should be re-
established by an act of renunciation on the part of the king of all and
every claim or pretension, particularly those claims whereby his
ambassador had been authorised to demand 1600 ounces of gold from the
governor, and 1600 more from the town of Cape Coast. Thus prepared, I
made my arrangements for the next audience.
At an early hour in the forenoon, a messenger came from the king,
bringing in his arms a child, and under his escort several other male
children, sons of the monarch. The purport of the visit was to return
thanks in his majesty’s name for some little presents of sugar which I
had distributed among the members of his family. “Sai,” continued the
messenger, “says white men have good hearts, for they love little
children.”
I repaired shortly after to the palace, in company with the officers and
Fantees. The reception I met with from the king was promising.
Accordingly I explained my sentiments upon the propriety of arranging
the palaver. To this the king assented, and I then solicited his
attention to the preliminary articles as already explained. One of the
officers read them over to him, allowing sufficient time to the
linguists for interpretation. The article explanatory of the royal oath,
according to the etiquette of the 1st of March, afforded the king much
satisfaction. “That is proper,” said the monarch. “The great God take
care of your king. You must put in the book that whatever he bids me do,
that I will do; for I am a true friend to my master, and I must fight
when he commands.”
The article guaranteeing security of life and property to merchants and
missionaries visiting the interior, passed this time without a comment;
as likewise that for establishing a factory on the road to Coomassy. The
one relating to the encouragement of trade afforded delight. “This,”
said the king, “is what I want. I don’t want war, that is only the talk
of bad men.”
The article relating to Fantee and the legislative influence of the
castles on the line of coast, was listened to with great attention, but
did not afford satisfaction. An interruption ensued, and the king warmly
declared that he should insist peremptorily upon receiving from the Cape
Coast people, as a matter of right, that obedience which was due to him
in quality of their sovereign, and which they had hitherto been in the
habit of paying him. They had used, he said, the most insulting language
towards his person and government. Dare they fight him? If they thought
so,—why pray to white men to make peace? When he was absent in the Gaman
war, did they not abuse him, and say he was no longer king; that the
Buntokos had killed him, and conquered his country? His captains knew
this to be true, and when they were angry they said, “O king, the
Fantees are a bad people, they insult you and us, you must let us go and
kill them.” “But,” added the king, “I told them no, that would be wrong
because of the treaty. When my messengers went to Commenda, with the jaw
bones, the people laughed at them, called them liars, beat them, and
turned them into the bush. Then they went to Cape Coast and complained
to the governor, but he would not listen to them. I then sent more
messengers; but they all say the Governor refuses to attend to me. He
made the people build up a wall, and told them that if they would fight
the king he would help them. Then he tells me that if I can come in
twenty days that will be better than forty. Is that a fit message? Does
he want war, to kill poor women and children and old people? Were any
king to send me such a defiance, I must undoubtedly go and fight him.
But I say, captains, never mind; this is a white man’s palaver, you
can’t talk it. The great God makes them strong people; and I don’t mind
the governor’s talking foolishly. This I tell my captains,” continued
the king; “but it breaks my heart, because I love the whites. But why
did the governor send to me before, to make a book of friendship, and
then build a wall to fight me, and keep the people’s gold himself?” By
way of illustration, he added, “Suppose your king were to send a great
captain to this country, with orders to enforce the obedience of the
white people; and that captain were to think that because the king lives
at a great distance, he would take all the gold and not pay any thing;
and were to send to me and say, be you my friend and help me to fight
the great king, and I will reward you; would that be right? No,
certainly; I cannot do so.”
The courtiers warmly approved of what the king had said. Had not the
great king, they continued, sent me to reconcile all parties, and speak
what was true, of whites as well as blacks? If that were the case, I
could not say the king of Ashantee was in the wrong.
The king resumed the argument, and in an animated tone declared he never
could or would relinquish his right of sovereignty from the conquest of
Fantee, over the whole country. Elmina Town, which for wealth and
population, greatly exceeded Cape Coast, acknowledged his supremacy; and
the Dutch governor compelled the people to obey him, for that reason he
was the friend of the Dutch. The natives themselves were his friends,
and he never had any palavers there. Danish Accra, English Accra, Tantum
and Apollonia never disputed his title; the people never gave him any
trouble, and therefore if his power was acknowledged so far to the east
as Accra, and so far to the west as Apollonia, he must surely be the
master of Cape Coast which lay in the centre. The king of England, he
added, was his great master, he would do all in his power to give him
pleasure; but he could not think that a poor black town was an object
worthy his notice. “I don’t want war,” said the king emphatically, “I
want the people to serve me, and serve white men. It is true I told the
governor he must pay me gold, but now I see your face I am willing to
relinquish that. Cape Coast, however, must give me gold, for they are my
people, and if they will be insolent I must punish them: for unless I do
so, all these countries will laugh, and say, What kind of king is this?
The governor knows I am right, for he now sends word the people are
unable to pay 1600 ounces, and that if I will abate something it will be
paid. What I tell you,” added the king, noticing my surprise, “is very
true: here is the messenger,” pointing to the man who brought the
message up. This man confirmed what the king said, and concluded with an
observation which he affirmed the governor had made, that the object of
my visit was merely to convey some presents to him from the king of
England. The linguist Abroah was pointed out as a witness, who
interpreted the very message in the castle hall. “Do I speak the truth,”
said the messenger emphatically, “or do I tell a lie before the king and
the white captain?” The linguist confirmed his statement. “Then,” said
the king, addressing his conversation to me, “I must be paid. I shall
look to you, to the governor, and to my nephew: but it is the governor
who must see to it, for he now says he will settle that palaver with
me.”
The arguments with which I opposed those of the king palliated the
alleged offences of the Cape Coast people as far as it was practicable,
although it would have been impossible to deny what in substance the
king had related. I retorted, however, that the sixth article of the old
treaty had been violated, in which the king pledged himself to encourage
the trade of his subjects with the Cape. This article I maintained had
been infringed upon, by the act of cutting off the communication between
his capital and the settlements. In reply, the king said “Yes, I made
that book, it speaks true now; but that is not my fault; Cape Coast did
the first wrong: they sold some Ashantees off the Coast, and seized
their property. Fourteen traders went to Tantum, and the Fantees stole
all their gold and ivory, and sold them for slaves to a ship. Another
time they seized two Ashantees, and killed them for the Fetische. When
the traders heard these things it made them stay at home, for they were
frightened; and so those who wanted trade went to Elmina, because the
Dutch governor takes care of my people. If the traders will not go to
Cape Coast, I cannot help it. I did not break the law, the governor
broke it.”
I desired to know upon what grounds the king had thought proper to
demand gold of the governor. The reply was laconic, “For breaking the
law.” This, I maintained, was illegal and unjustifiable, either upon the
face of the treaty, or by the laws of nations. The answer was, “I made
that book (clause) with the white men; they told me if I broke the law,
I was to pay gold; and if the governor broke it, he must pay it. Now all
the people know it was the governor who broke it; for when Cape Coast
was insolent, he would not hear my palaver; but told them to give the
gold to him, and fight the king. Here is the book,” added his majesty,
handing me the treaty to peruse. “You will find the gold mentioned in
it.” Upon inspection, I assured him that no such clause was to be found.
“No!” said the king, musing as he spoke, “then true it is the other
white men cheated me. Here are my captains, they will speak true; and
here,” pointing to one of my own servants, “is a Fantee who came up to
Coomassy with the white men the other year, he must tell true.” This
man, whose name was Coffee, declared he was present when the treaty was
read over, and that it was explained to the king precisely as he had
stated. I then told the king that I would neither dispute his word, nor
the evidence; but certainly I knew that neither Mr. Bowdich nor his
uncle were authorized to agree to pay money on account of the king of
England, in a case of that kind; for when my master was forced into
palavers, nothing but war could settle the dispute.
The discussions had been protracted to an unconscionable length, and
fatigue only terminated the business of the day.
The importance of evidence, at this crisis, prompted me to obtain it of
those who were present. The following is a sketch in abstract from an
original document.
We, the undersigned officers and gentlemen, who accompanied the Mission
under charge of Consul Dupuis, were present at the audience of the 9th
of March, &c.
The king declared it to be his fixed resolution not to give up his
lawful claim to the sovereignty of the maritime towns and provinces of
which Cape Coast formed a part. He declared that the governor, so far
from disputing that point with him, was actually negociating for the
people, and had appealed for a reduction of the demand of 1600 ounces of
gold, which it was represented was more than they could afford to pay.
The messenger and the linguist Abroah both corroborated what had been
stated, the former with many vehement protestations of sincerity. The
king moreover declared, that as he had “seen the consul’s face,” he gave
up his pretensions of 1600 ounces of gold demanded by him of the
governor.
He (the king) protested that he had been deceived by Mr. Bowdich, who
had distinctly told him before his captains, and in the presence of the
consul’s servant Coffee, that the penalty for breaking the law was a
fine of gold, &c.
The consul told the king that he did not dispute his word; but a treaty
so framed was not valid, nor was it a treaty, as the governor had no
authority to pay him money on account of the king of England.
Witness our hands, &c.
Signed BENJAMIN SALMON.
FRANCIS COLLINS.
D. MILL GRAVES.
WILLIAM HUTTON.
The second declaration was as follows:
I, George Abroah, recently appointed linguist to the Mission, &c. do
certify that the message sent by the governor to the king, and
interpreted by me, &c. was in substance as follows:
“The king must not demand any gold from the castle, and for the claim
upon the town of Cape Coast, the governor promises to settle that
palaver, provided the king will take something off, &c. The gentleman
who was carrying up presents from England, had nothing to do with the
palaver, and merely came out from the king of England to see him.”
In witness, &c.
The mark of X GEORGE ABROAH.
Witnesses,
FRANCIS COLLINS.
DAVID M. GRAVES.
The clauses in the former convention which the king pointed out at as
militating against the governor, were as follows:—
Article 4. In order to avert the horrors of war it is agreed, that in
any case of aggression on the part of the natives under British
protection, the king shall complain thereof to the governor, and that he
will in no instance resort to hostilities without endeavouring as much
as possible to effect an amicable arrangement.
Article 7. The governors of the respective forts shall at all times
afford every protection in their power to the persons and property of
the people of Ashantee, who may resort to the water side.[44]
I cannot dismiss this subject without adverting to the 3d Article of the
same convention, which, by comparison with its fellows, and particularly
with the two above quoted, carries upon its face an air of absurdity. It
runs thus. “The king of Ashantee guarantees the people of Cape Coast
from the hostilities threatened by the people of Elmina.” How such an
article will harmonize with the assumption of a legal jurisdiction over
the towns in Fantee, &c. I know not; neither does it seem to become the
dignity of the British Government in Africa to stipulate for the
independency of its towns with a native prince, and in the same contract
to expose its incapacity to afford protection to the inhabitants, even
against a single town of the Ashantee confederacy.
Mr. Hutton having expressed anxiety, for some days past, to return to
the coast, I gave consent to it; but the king affected some scruples
which it required a little management to remove. “What,” said the king,
“is he already tired of stopping with me. He must not leave, or he will
carry down a bad palaver to the castle.” The fear of denial increased
the anxiety of the applicant; so at least his countenance indicated.
“Tell him to stay,” said the king, “and not to be afraid. Never mind the
palaver, I am a true friend to the English for all that, and I cannot
hurt him.” Finding that this exhortation had not the desired effect, he
added “Stop with your captain, and I will make a great feast and call
all my caboceers together, that they may give plenty of presents to my
friends.” Mr. Hutton’s perturbation was more and more visible. “I see,”
continued the king “he is fearful that I shall not do what is right.”
“Is it your wish,” addressing himself to me, “that he should go?” “He
has my permission,” I replied. “Then let him go,” said the king; “but
tell him he is my friend too, the same as other white men, and,
therefore, when he goes back he must not talk foolishness, and tell
lies, or he will do you wrong as well as me.” With this congé and a
cordial shake of the royal hand, Mr. Hutton departed for Cape Coast,
much gratified, by his own confession, at his release from what he
conceived hazardous duty.
On the 10th of March the king secluded himself within the palace, and
declined transacting public business; the day was considered of an
ominous cast. It being Friday, and consequently the _Sabbath_ of the
Moslems, I received the visits of my old acquaintance the Bashaw,
Kantoma and Abou Becr, attended by a numerous party of their friends
from the interior; among whom was an aged Sheikh or chief, a native of
Kassina, who had been many years established in Yandi. The intelligence
he communicated of the interior was founded upon a long residence at
other courts, particularly those of Bargho Zogho, Youry, and Dahomy. He
had never, he said, been so far to the eastward as Bornou. This man
affected all the austerity of a Morabth (maraboo), among the Arabs, with
whom he claimed consanguinity, by descent, from the conquerors of the
Niger.
March 11th. I received some presents of wine, fish, and fruit, from the
king, with a message couched in the usual form of salutation, and an
injunction to meet his majesty in the palace. On repairing thither, I
found him actively engaged in a crowd of artificers, soldiers, captains,
and labourers. “I am building,” said the king to me as I entered, “a
fort like Cape Coast Castle; but I shall make it very high that I may
look out and see all the town.” A number of large and small trees had
been cut in the forest and dragged to the spot with infinite labour.
These were sunk two or three feet in the ground, and reared at certain
distances apart, forming in mass a small quadrangular enclosure,
supported by other trees of less dimensions, attached crossways by
horizontal and diagonal supporters, lashed together by fibrous vegetable
cordage. “Do you know, captain,” said his majesty, “why I sent for you?
That building you see is to be made very grand. The inside shall be
gold, ivory, and _brass-pan_;[45] so you must tell my great master I do
it for his sake to honour him, that the people may know it was a great
day when I saw your face; and that all the black countries may know I am
a great king here. Now white men know me, I must live in a great house
as white kings do; then I shall not be ashamed when more white people
come. You must say a strong prayer to the great God, and make proper
Fetische for me, the same as my master’s Fetische. Those workmen,”
continued the king, pointing with his finger to some who were engaged,
“were sent me by the Dutch governor, for Ashantees are fools at work;
they can only fight.”
The king was in a vein of good humour, laughing immoderately at the
awkward manner in which his own people, courtiers and labourers
together, elevated the stems and secured the lashings. The building in
every part was so thickly covered with human beings, of the sable hue,
in all postures and attitudes, that it required but a small effort of
the imagination to compare the _coup-d’œil_ to a legion of demons,
attempting in mockery a _Babel_ of modern invention. So eager were these
men in their occupation, and so delighted were they to catch the smiles
of Royalty, to which they responded with shouts, songs, and even
_capers_, that it is astonishing some fatal accident did not occur.
Deeming this an auspicious moment to attract the king’s attention, I
endeavoured to prevail on him to talk upon business. But he replied, “I
sent for you to-day to laugh and play with me, because my heart is glad.
To-morrow I shall hear the palaver. It is true the Fantees make me very
angry; but never mind, you must not take too much trouble.”
In the course of a promiscuous dialogue, I suggested that it would
afford me pleasure to meet the king of Juabin (spelt Dwabin.) “The
king,” replied the monarch, with some appearance of jealous indignation,
“who is he? Am not I the king? Is there another king then besides me?
Does the book say that too? If so, it spreads a shameful lie in the
white country. Ah!” said he, with increased irritation, “I see—I see
white men can tell lies, and put them in books too. Ask my captains,”
added the monarch, throwing himself ostentatiously back in the chair;
“ask all the Fantees, if they know any other king besides me. Shame!
great shame!”[46]
March 12th. An audience was granted this morning. The king desired that
the articles of the new treaty might be explained to him again. He
listened patiently throughout; after which, with great emphasis, he
reverted to many of his former arguments, insisting as before that
Fantee, with all its towns, was inseparably united to the empire, from
the date of its conquest; and that he had always received tribute, more
or less, from the days of governor Torrane, and that his just title
should never be wrested from him, unless by force of arms. “Did the king
of England,” continued he, “say that the people should be exempted from
paying gold to their king? If not, how could I attempt to vindicate the
conduct of his rebellious subjects. I think,” said the monarch, in
thundering indignation, “that the governor told the other white men to
cheat me, for the book does not speak the truth: yet even so I have
never broken the law; but the governor has broken it, for he promised to
take care of my people.” It was no pleasure to him, he said, to make
palavers; but he could not submit to insults before his captains. The
king of England he knew was a powerful monarch, and white men were
superior to blacks; but the great god made justice for all, and oaths of
friendship written in a book were sacred; they were sacred, he added, in
Africa, where men did not write them down on paper: they were the same
as Fetische. For his part, it was well known his people could fight, and
if he thought proper he could easily destroy every fort in the country;
but it neither suited his inclination, nor his policy; because himself
and his ancestors owed all they possessed to the trade they enjoyed with
white men. He loved all white people; but particularly the English, from
the knowledge he had of governors Torrane and White: they gave him up
his great enemy king Cheboo. When the white flag, said the king,
somewhat exultingly, was lowered over the battlements of Annamaboe
Castle, was it not done to make friends, for fear the place should be
taken the next day with all the goods and money contained in it; and
when he made peace did he not give a convincing proof that he was a king
and a friend? The whites sold him guns and powder; he liked that trade,
for his was a _war country_; he could not therefore carry them back to
the sea coast to turn against his best friends: yet Mr. Smith[47] made
him very angry, and if he had not seen my face, and if he did not know
that his great master wanted peace, and a good trade, he would surely
visit Cape Coast with destruction, and people it with better men. Then
he would make a palaver with “_Smitty_” in his own house.
It would swell this volume to an enormous bulk were I to recapitulate
each argument the king employed, and its numerous repetitions. They
were, however, extremely convincing. My duty, nevertheless, was clear;
and policy suggested the necessity of resisting the force of such
language; but my efforts were not successful, and I was about to depart
on this occasion without being able to soothe the angry monarch, who,
however, observed my chagrin, and before I could escape sent a captain
to call me back. “Don’t be angry,” said he; “I love you much; I must do
what old men say; I cannot help it.” This was the eve of a religious
festival called Little Adai.
On the 12th this custom was ushered in by the discharge of fire arms,
and the sound of many barbarous instruments. Numbers of victims were
offered up to the gods, although secretly, in the palace and the houses
of the chieftains. The poorer classes sacrificed cattle or poultry. The
city itself exhibited the most deplorable solitude, and the few human
beings who were courageous enough to shew themselves in the streets fled
at the approach of a captain, and barricadoed the doors of their huts,
to escape the danger of being shot or sacrificed. The doleful cries of
the women vibrated from several quarters of the city, and the death
horns and drums within the palace seemed to stupify the obnoxious
prisoners and foreign slaves with horror, as they contemplated the risk
they were exposed to. I wandered about during this awful day, until
fatigue and disgust led me to seek my quarters. The Fantees now did not
care to stir abroad, and my Moslem acquaintance kept within their
houses, as they afterwards assured me, to avoid the sight of the
butcheries. Oppressed with bodily and mental fatigue, I mounted my horse
and rode into the forest. The business of the day was not over at my
return, and my efforts to gain access to the palace were ineffectual.
The following day, one of a similar train of horrors succeeded, and
still I was left in suspense, for my own linguists and messengers were
not hardy enough to knock at the royal gate. They dreaded, they said,
the Fetische men, who guarded the avenue, and who alone were suffered to
enjoy free ingress. The society of the Moslems, however, in some degree
reconciled me. By these people I was given to understand that seventy
men and women had been put to death the day previous in the palace only;
besides those who were sacrificed in private houses, and in the forest.
Most of these unhappy beings were Gaman prisoners of war, who had been
purposely reserved as an offering to the gods; the others were
criminals, or disobedient slaves. Such was the explanation I received.
This evening a courier arrived from Accra, bringing me letters from a
correspondent. The journey he had accomplished with some labour and
difficulty in fifteen days.
The 15th was the last day of the custom, and I received a summons to
attend the king. Anxious as I was, I lost no time in complying with the
requisition, attended by Messrs. Collins, Salmon, and Greaves, the three
gentlemen who staid with me; but my disappointment was renewed upon
perceiving the order of the day to be that of ceremony.
The courtiers were habited in full costume, as on the day of entry. The
king himself was clothed in an under garment of bloodstained cotton; his
wrists and ancles were adorned with fetische gold weighing many pounds.
A small fillet of plaited grass, interwoven with gold wire and little
consecrated amulets, encircled his temples. A large white cotton cloth
which partly covered his left shoulder, was studded all over with Arabic
writing in various coloured inks, and of a most brilliant well formed
character. His body in other parts was bare, and his breast, legs, the
crown of his head, and the instep of each foot, were streaked with white
clay. It was remarkable that this distinction was not general throughout
the assembly.
Upon receiving the king’s hand, which he presented with the utmost
affability, I noticed a streak of dried blood upon his forehead, and
this token appeared to be universal, as well among officers of
distinction as their slaves and retainers. It denoted their
participation in the late sacrifices. The royal death stool, clotted
with the still reeking gore of its victims, stood on one side of the
king, under care of the captain executioner, who attended with his band
of assistants. At the feet of the sovereign, stood a small firepot, and
a trunk fitted up with a compound medley of relics and charms soaking in
blood.
Before I could gain access to the King, I was surrounded on all sides by
a juvenile band of warriors, who flourished their knives, axes, and
scimiters over my head, as on other state occasions.
The Moslems also were assembled in a separate band, to the number of
about three hundred, who had also met together by invitation, to
congratulate the king and partake of his good cheer at the custom.
[Illustration: The Close of the Adai Customs.]
His majesty sent me a canopy and a royal troop, desiring I would seat
myself among his great captains, as he was going to distribute presents.
This he did with a liberal hand to every chief, and my share of the
bounty was a fat sheep, and a bottle of rum. Even the Fantees received
for their portion four sheep and two kegs of rum.
When the distribution was over, the captains rose, and one by one
saluted the king in martial procession. Having no better occupation on
hand, I devoted my leisure to sketching a representation of the close of
the custom.[48]
I received a message from the king, on the 16th of March, running thus
“The king thinks you talk reasonably; but then, when you say the Fantees
must not pay him, he thinks you are a better friend to the Fantees than
to him.”
As I foresaw that no good could be done by a distant correspondence, I
once more demanded an audience. The request was granted, and the king
opened the discussions, by various conciliatory arguments, styling the
king of England his great master, the king of kings, the king of white
men, &c. He refused, however, to talk the palaver that day, alleging it
was a bad day. I acquiesced, but demanded to be informed what were the
expectations regarding the people of Cape Coast, that I might know
whether my duty warranted a longer stay in the capital, or not; but the
question being artfully evaded, I was compelled, however reluctantly, to
return to my quarters unsatisfied.
The Caboceer Boitenee Quama, sent me, on the 17th of March, a fat kid
and some vegetables. The bearer delivered a message, saying “Boitenee
salutes you, and makes his best compliments. He is glad to hear you are
the king’s friend, for that makes you his friend too.”
I waited in suspense the whole of this forenoon for the promised
audience, and at last sent the canes to the palace. The king, however,
did not return me an answer so promptly as was due; and as I was then in
possession of a public letter[49] from Cape Coast Castle, specifying the
amount of tribute awarded there as a peace offering to the king, I
determined to urge the business. Thus resolved, I sallied forth,
attended by my party, at a late hour in the afternoon. My messengers and
the linguists were waiting at the outer fence. But as I approached, the
palace gates were thrown open, and the king soon appeared and took his
seat. I pleaded the long suspense he had kept me in; the many fruitless
conferences, &c. and the great expence attending the mission: added to
which, the inflexibility of his disposition tended to render abortive
all those benevolent views which my sovereign entertained for his
benefit and that of his people. All these advantages and more, I
continued, he was likely to be bereft of, by his personal inflexibility,
and his attachment to councils which teemed with hostility against an
object comparatively below his dignity to notice; and actually so as
competing with those great objects for which I had been sent to his
court.
The king listened with lively attention, then instinctively rising from
his seat, he said, “White man, what you say is good. I like you because
you speak the truth, and I am sure you are my friend; but what can I do?
I must listen to what the old men say.” Turning his head round to the
captains, he said, “Hear this talk, it is rational; and it is a strong
palaver, for it belongs to the king of kings. We must look to it.” Here
his majesty paused; but the answer not satisfying me, I proceeded to
state that it was my intention to return to the Coast, requesting that a
day might be appointed for my departure, unless he would pass his word
to settle the palaver at an appointed time. The reply was, “I am sorry
to hear you say so, for all my great captains are coming to town to see
you. Never mind the palaver, we will talk it over at another time.” I
demanded to know, as he declined talking upon business, why he detained
me, contrary to my duty; and whether or not I was to consider myself a
prisoner. At the bare mention of the word the countenance of the king
changed, and he evidently laboured under anxiety, as he said I had
broken his heart. “Do you think,” said he, “I can act thus to my great
master’s, captain? No: were he to send me a slave, and say he did not
want me for a friend, I could not do that.” At this pause I made a sort
of ambiguous apology; but being resolved to gain a decided answer, I
assured him that I did not doubt his word, but was instigated by a sense
of duty to my sovereign’s great officers, to whom I must account for the
time that had been expended.
I next introduced the dispatch I had received from Cape Coast,[50] and
read its contents to the king. A pause, of the duration of a minute or
more, added to a fiery glance of the eye, convinced me of the operation
of his mind; nor was the brooding tempest longer confined within its
boundary, for raising his voice to its utmost elevation, and assuming a
countenance of demoniacal phrenzy, he threw himself convulsively back in
his chair, clenched his fists, and stretched forth his arms and legs,
assuming, as it were, the rage of madness, while he bellowed out the
most direful imprecations against the natives of Cape Coast, not
excepting those present, or even my soldiers; nay Mr. Graves also
participated in these anathemas. The foam all the while flowed down his
beard in copious discharges, and the saliva spurted from his mouth upon
all around him. His ministers even betrayed emotion; some stood aghast,
and others applied their forefingers to their heads and breasts,
muttering all the while their respective charms, to avert impending
evil. Occasionally the king spoke with less acrimony; his paroxysms were
less violent; then again he would relapse into all his former fury,
calling to his aid all the powers of his household gods, the Fetische of
his country, &c. At one interval he vociferated, “White men come to my
country to trade—what have they to do with my slaves? They build castles
and houses to live in; they stay as long as they like, then take the
gold and go home again; but they never take mulattos and blacks, for
they are their servants: the great God made them so; they are bad men.
_Smitty_ cheats me, and joins the Fantees to raise a laugh. The forts
are mine, because I hold the books (notes), but I don’t say they belong
to me to keep. I say they stand in my country to trade with the people.
By that great oath (the battle of Cormantine or Accromanti), the Cape
Coast people ought to die. Let me go there,” said the king to me, rising
from his chair—“let me have the jaw-bones of Aggry and De Graaf. I don’t
want their gold: I want the blood of bad men to wash my stool. I cannot
fight the whites, they are my friends.”
The Fantees stood petrified with fear. Exhaustion alone seemed to
overpower the king, and I thought it advisable to leave him time for
cool reflection. My forbearance had the desired effect, for after the
lapse of some minutes, he said, in his usual tone, “Forgive me, captain;
this is what the bad people do to me, therefore be not angry. Do not
tell my master I am angry, because I have a good heart towards him and
all white men. I have no palaver with them. But for the blacks, _I am
king_, and I will be paid, or I will kill them. Why does the governor
send a message, saying he will settle the palaver with me, and then send
you a book to pay a hundred ounces of gold?” Muttering this, the royal
indignation seemed to have entirely evaporated. Another pause ensued:
and at length the king said, “This palaver, I see, cannot be talked
here; but you shall settle it for me with my nephew at Cape Coast, and
what you say is right I will take.” Anxious again to gloss over the
breach in his manners, he alleged that he was overcome by anger; but if
I thought him a friend, such as he really was, I should forgive it.
Torches were introduced, (for it was already dark,) before the
discussions ceased. The king having expressed a wish to see the
properties of the magic lanthorn displayed, the powers of that
instrument were exhibited by Mr. Salmon. As the figures were made to
perform, the king involuntarily seized me by the coat, then by the hand,
as if apprehensive that I should quit him in the dark. He thought it was
_Fetische_; but being assured to the contrary, he said, “Ah! I see then
it is made for laughter and sport.” Indeed it afforded no real interest.
It was enquired if the great king (of England) amused himself so. At
last the monarch turned his back upon it, leaving the entertainment to
his courtiers. The friendly obscurity concealed the colour that suffused
my own cheek, when I replied that it was an instrument adapted to the
Harem, and the amusement of his children. This seemed to agree with his
own conceptions, for he instantly added “I see it is good for that; good
night.” At parting he said he would _sleep over the palaver_, and see me
again in the morning.
March 18. The forenoon passed away in anxiety, for no messenger came
from the palace. My Moslem friends paid me a visit in the interval, and
from them I learned that the king was engaged in close conference with
his ministers; that Apoko, Ado Quamina, Agampong, and the whole of the
army interest were implacable in their resentment at what they termed
the presumption of their vassals, who had dared to stipulate for the
price of their own insolence; and that a very great majority in the
assembly of chiefs loudly cried out for war. Yet the king was averse to
it. He, Adusai, Amon Koitea, Kankam, and Ado Matta, opposed the torrent.
“We have just given our opinions,” said the friendly Bashaw, “to the
king in private, that a war will ruin him in the land of the whites, and
perhaps your Sultan will send a great army to conquer the country. We
should not be sorry,” said he, in a laughing whisper, “to see white men
here; but we have told the king what we believe to be the truth, for
that is our duty, and he has been good to me. The Bashaw sent Abou Becr
again to the palace to get information.” At his return I learned that
the king threatened every opposer in the council, and insisted upon an
unconditional submission to his plan of negotiation.
The hour of four succeeded, and still no invitation came from the
palace, I therefore dispatched another messenger, demanding an interview
in the most positive terms. But this messenger was also unattended to.
Again I renewed the application, forbidding the linguists to return
without obtaining an answer. The lapse of another hour convinced me that
they had met with no better success. A little irritated at this neglect,
I assembled the officers and Fantees, with whom I proceeded to the outer
gate, which was instantly thrown open at my approach. It was then dusk,
and his majesty was seated by torchlight among his chief captains. Some
of his children of both sexes were playing about his knees. My reception
was courteous, and I was forced to place my chair by the side of the
king, who assumed a look of inquiry, indicating a desire to know the
purport of my late visit. This opened the business, and I requested to
be informed what resolution had been adopted regarding the palaver. To
which he replied, he could not tell me more than I knew: the palaver, he
thought, must be talked at Cape Coast. I complained that insincerity
lurked under his answer. “By the great God you serve,” said the king,
“and by my gods, what I tell you is true, you shall settle all for me.”
Still I persisted; the necessity of returning was now greater than
before, and I hoped he would appoint the day. “You must not go,” said
the king, “you have done me good, and I must do you good.” Being
determined to bring the business to an issue, at all reasonable risks, I
insisted that my detention looked like political craft, and as such, it
was impossible I should think otherwise than that I was kept as a
hostage for the liquidation of the demand made upon Cape Coast, however
exorbitant it might be.
Sable as the royal countenance is, I distinctly saw the blood mount to
his cheeks. His concern was mingled with real anxiety. “What,” said he,
“do you still think me a bad man? Do not leave me; you cannot go now,
for you must make me a book to be good friends with the king of England,
as the other book tells lies.” I assured the king, I was convinced of
his friendly disposition; but as he chose to oppose a settlement of the
palaver with the natives, it was not clear to me that my duty warranted
a longer stay in the capital; and therefore I was necessitated to insist
upon having a day appointed for my return. These words were strengthened
by a formal invocation in the name (upon the head, as it is called in
Africa,) of the king of England.[51] The linguists hesitated at the
interpretation. The king perceived it, and desired they would interpret
truly. This injunction was reluctantly obeyed. They attempted to soften
the force of the language by a partial translation. It was enough,
however; the countenance of the king fell; grief and vexation were
strongly pourtrayed on his features, and he started from his chair with
a sudden bound, saying, “you break my heart! you break my heart! Indeed
I cannot do wrong. But the great king is my master, and I must go to
council.” He then retired to the council chamber, followed by the
captains who were in attendance.
My duty prompted this step, but let me confess I was struck with remorse
at the pain I had given him; for I had abundant reasons for feeling
respect and even attachment to this prince. After the lapse of some
minutes he returned, and appointed Monday the 27th of March for my
departure. “Then, said the king, you shall settle all with my nephew
there, for he must be paid, and the soldiers must be paid; but I want
only what you shall say is proper to settle a great palaver. You were
angry and used high words, but I think you are a friend, and I overlook
that.”
[Footnote 36: The law of Ashantee, although preserved only by tradition,
is equally influential over the morals of all ranks. That regarding the
treatment of women is of some interest, from its approximation to the
Levitical, or, perhaps, more intimately to the Mohammedan law, as
related in the second chapter of the Koran, where it is enjoined that
the men shall separate themselves from the women when naturally
indisposed, this being deemed a pollution. In Ashantee, a woman is
unclean from the same cause, and cannot approach her husband, or any
male branch of her family, until the disorder has left her, and she has
undergone certain purifying ablutions.]
[Footnote 37: Vide Note, page 124.]
[Footnote 38: Whether Mr. Bowdich doubted the fact I stop not to
enquire; but the reality of the act, agreeably to the king’s suspicions,
was notorious.]
[Footnote 39: Ingenious as this specimen of the Ashantee language may
seem, it is only remarkable, as I am credibly informed, for being a
specimen of the author’s limited erudition: he forgot however to insert
its meaning, if he knew it. _Shantee foo_ implies, simply, Ashantee
people, as we may say Englishmen. How the king could have applied such
angry words to threaten poor Mr. James and his band, would seem to
require some little philosophy to explain. The ah! ah! is O! O! This is
the _exposé_ of all the hidden mystery of this terrific exclamation. Mr.
James knew more of the Ashantee language than any white man in the
country, judge then how dreadfully alarmed he must have been at such a
menace from such a monarch.]
[Footnote 40: Mr. Mollan.]
[Footnote 41: During the speech of the king, the parties mentioned in
page 117, were again called forward to await judgment. The palaver
itself was subsequently explained to me by Kantoma. It seemed a relation
of this man, having married a very young girl belonging to a good family
in Coomassy, carried his bride away, with intention to solemnize the
nuptials at Coransah, among his own tribe, a race descended from a
branch of Moslem Mandings called Salkoh. On the route, at a short
distance from the capital, she had been clandestinely seized upon by a
party of men, dragged into the forest, violated, and beaten in a cruel
manner. The assailants then effected their escape, leaving the
unfortunate girl to her fate in a trackless thicket, where, after long
search, she was discovered, in a bruised and lacerated state, but could
give no account of those who had injured her.
The accused, a heathen, pleaded, in the course of his examination, a
prior claim to the girl, who, he alledged, had been betrothed to him
from infancy; but he denied all knowledge of the criminal transaction,
or indeed that his intended bride had ever been disposed of in favour of
another. The Moslem, who, it seems, had selected this man upon suspicion
only, was unable to establish proof, and in this stage of the trial, the
king commanded the accused to pass the ordeal termed the “fetische of
truth,” a poisonous beverage usually administered to suspected
criminals.]
[Footnote 42: The convention made by Mr. Bowdich in 1817.]
[Footnote 43: Strictly speaking, the town of Cape Coast is nominally
distinct from Fantee, although the Ashantees class the people together
as one nation, or family. The king invariably spoke of Cape Coast Town
as a Fantee town.]
[Footnote 44: The Treaty, as published in Mr. Bowdich’s work, compared
with what was actually written, and deposited with the king, is a
garbled statement. I cannot say less. In the original document, which is
now in my keeping, the pompous name of Boitene Quama, king of Dwabin, is
nowhere to be found. It would seem that this association of two
sovereigns was calculated to awaken a more lively interest, and thus
only can I account for an attempt to deceive government and the public,
by means, I believe, unprecedented in the annals of British diplomacy.
The article, No. 9, shewing the king’s disposition to send his own
children to Cape Coast for education is falsely inserted, and every
other article is disfigured or misrepresented more or less.]
[Footnote 45: The Fantee term for brass, which is always imported in the
form of pans.]
[Footnote 46: The reader by a reference to page 125 of Mr. Bowdich’s
work, will be able himself to detect what does appear a deliberate
imposition; for the author therein admits that Boitinnee Quama only
attested the treaty of 1817, as a witness, certainly the day after its
ratification. _Ahen_ which is the title of king, in the Ashantee
language, does not even belong to him; although he of Banna, and the
ruler of Gaman, are both entitled to it.]
[Footnote 47: The king having about this time learned to pronounce the
governor’s name, he frequently spoke of him personally by the name of
_Smitty_.]
[Footnote 48: See the Plate.]
[Footnote 49: This letter from the governor and council stated that 100
ounces of gold was the utmost the people were inclined to pay, and that
I should not (at the risk, it is presumed, of every object of the
mission), negotiate upon any other terms.]
[Footnote 50: This letter, I should have observed, had been detained by
the king for several days before he transmitted it to me. He was
jealously suspicious of the arrival of any letters or messengers from
the Coast, during our conferences.]
[Footnote 51: The words were—“I swear upon the head of my master, you
shall settle the palaver in three days or appoint next week for my
return to the Cape. If you do not I am surely a prisoner, and you may
put me to death.” This style of invocation is considered too serious to
be trifled with, and perfectly in consonance with African customs,
although its application by natives, particularly to crowned heads, or
men in power, is often attended with dangerous consequences. This by way
of illustration—
An Ashantee of good family visited the Cape at the time Mr. Bowdich was
at Coomassy. As he was passing the castle gate, a Fantee sentinel upon
duty desired him to cast off his cloth, to leave the shoulders bare, in
conformity to a custom exacted from the towns-people. The fiery spirit
of the Ashantee refused compliance with a law which he could not
comprehend. A scuffle ensued, and the offender was securely conveyed
into the fort, where, by Mr. Smith’s order, he was thrown into a
dungeon, known by the name of the “slave hole.” Probably no greater
injury would have been done the man than a night’s imprisonment. Be this
as it may, the Ashantee resisted, and suffered some injury in so doing,
when he invoked Sai (the name of his sovereign), swearing upon his head
that Mr. Smith should hear his palaver or kill him outright. The appeal
had no effect, and in the morning he was dragged from his subterraneous
lodging a corpse, having strangled himself, as it is understood, on the
governor’s head. Mr. Smith, indeed, wrote a letter, as may be seen in
Mr. Bowdich’s work, to palliate or justify his conduct, for what had
occurred, and the affair was buried in oblivion, through the king’s
declared affection for white people.]