COMMENCEMENT OF NEGOTIATIONS.
AUDIENCE OF THE KING — OBJECTS OF THE MISSION — DELIVERY OF PRESENTS —
THE OATH OF FRIENDSHIP AND ALLIANCE TAKEN BY THE KING AND PRINCIPAL
CHIEFS AND OFFICERS — INSPECTION OF THE PRESENTS, AND EFFECT PRODUCED —
VISITS FROM THE ASHANTEE MOSLEMS — VIOLATION OF MOHAMMEDAN LAW — STATE
OF RELIGION IN ASHANTEE — CHARACTERS OF THE CABOCEERS — SECOND AUDIENCE
OF THE KING — HIS IDEAS OF EUROPE — HIS PRESENTS — VISIT FROM MANDINGO
MOSLEMS — INTERRUPTION BY ADO QUAMINA — DISPUTE AND RECONCILIATION WITH
HIM — MISCONDUCT OF THE FANTEES — THIRD AUDIENCE — PROSPECT OF AN
AMICABLE CONCLUSION OF THE NEGOTIATIONS — PRESENTS TO THE GREAT MEN.
On the morning of the 29th of February, I received a message from the
king to the following purport:—“The king sends his compliments to you,
and says, good morning. He wishes to see you when all his great captains
are assembled.” Upon this notice, I gave instructions for the officers
to be in readiness, and to assemble the people. At ten o’clock, an extra
guard of honour was in attendance at the outer gate, to escort the
mission to the presence of the sovereign.
Upon arriving at the spot where the king was seated, a discordant peal
of drums and horns burst out with a deafening clamour; but these sounds
soon died away, and were succeeded by a silence uninterrupted even by a
whisper. The monarch of Ashantee was enthroned in his state chair, under
a large cotton canopy, ornamented with pieces of red cloth; and his
ministers and captains surrounded his person. Three or four guards only
stood behind the chair, with musquets, and a number of priests were
seated upon the ground to the left of the monarch. In the front, to a
considerable distance right and left, the eye wandered over the heads of
a crowded assemblage of chiefs of all ranks, mingled with their
respective vassals. An avenue was left in this mass of human beings,
just sufficiently capacious to admit ingress to the king; and through
this passage I advanced. Our salutation was courteous: the king
particularly enquired about the health of the officers, &c. I opened the
business of the mission in terms of the following import.[24]
“The king of England, whose servant I am, salutes the king of Ashantee
in peace; and salutes all the great captains, his friends, and his
people. The king of England, one of the greatest monarchs of the whites,
having heard, by the return of some of his officers, who visited
Coomassy three years back, that the king of Ashantee had received them
with respect, and loaded them with kindness, rejoiced to think that the
king was a friend. This induced him to make an acknowledgment, such as
it was hoped would be agreeable to his majesty. He has, therefore, been
pleased to appoint me the bearer of his sentiments; in token of which, I
am entrusted with a present to deliver to the king of Ashantee. The king
of England knew the king of Ashantee from his wars on the sea coast,
long before his people visited Coomassy; but he did not know until that
event, that his majesty was no less respected for his hospitable
treatment of strangers, than renowned as a warrior. Influenced by these
feelings, the king, my master, as a friend, earnestly invites the king
of Ashantee to cultivate peace between the nations, and to assist him in
encouraging a trade that would be productive of good to the country, and
benefit the people, I have been a long time on the coast, more than
twelve moons, waiting in anxiety to see his majesty; but was prevented
travelling at an earlier period, in consequence of the interruption of
intercourse by the Gaman war, and also of the rainy season.
“The dispute between the king and the governor has been a subject of
disappointment and regret to me, because it could not fail to give
dissatisfaction to the king of England, and his great captains, that the
whites and blacks should have any cause of dispute, and particularly at
a time when so much had been done for the good of all.
“If, therefore, the king of Ashantee has any thing to say against the
white men, let the _palaver_ be spoken, for I dare affirm that the king
of England would not permit any of his people to give offence to the
king of Ashantee, wilfully and without cause. At the same time it is my
duty to declare to the king that if he injure the governor and white
men, he may certainly expect it will deprive him of my master’s
friendship, and be attended with disastrous consequences.”
During this recital, which, in conformity to court etiquette, was first
translated by my own linguist, and afterwards re-translated into a
superior dialect, the king was musing; but no sooner had the linguist
ceased speaking, than his features relaxed into a smile of satisfaction
and self-importance. Turning round to his captains, he said aloud, “You
see how much honour the white king does me. The gods have done me all
this good instead of my ancestors! Who shall disobey me, now the white
king is my friend?” Turning his face towards me, he smilingly said,
“This is well, I am now very happy, because you are come, and can see
with your own eyes, and hear with your own ears, what is true; and now
you shall settle all disputes.” With this assurance I was dismissed.
In the evening I received a message requiring my attendance at the
palace, on the day following, with all the presents except the rum,
guns, and powder.[25] Some pots of palm wine were afterwards brought, a
part of which was, by the king’s desire, distributed among the Fantees.
On the first of March I went to the palace, where I found a number of
workmen in readiness. The king, who was seated under a shed, surrounded
by a few favourites, received me this time with the most open
affability; and having directed my chair to be placed in front of his
own, he introduced some significant questions about England and her
king; demanding to know his name, (which he endeavoured to repeat after
me, and _at perfection_ articulated _Shorshi_,) the kind of house he
inhabited, the number of his women (_wives_), slaves, &c., the manner in
which he made war, and a variety of other questions. He declared that he
knew the English king to be king over all other white kings, and that
his subjects were the most powerful and warlike of the white nations:
just as he was the black “king of kings, and his people the greatest
black warriors.” This eulogy he concluded by saying, “the great God of
his fathers, whom he serves, preserve him long upon the stool (throne),
and make his enemies die before him. The king of England had chained his
heart to him.”
He repeated the enquiry whether I was actually from England or not, for
the other white man[26] told him, he said, that he was sent by the king
of England. This I conceived to be a fit opportunity for dispelling all
doubts, by introducing my credentials. One of the officers, to whom I
delivered my commission, read it aloud, while the linguist interpreted
at each period deliberately. The king listened with attention, and when
the recital was over, he bounded upon his feet, and grasping a scimiter
that was handed to him, he gravely folded his clothes about his loins,
eyeing me at the time with a scrutinizing glance; and as he stood in
that posture, commenced an energetic speech, while his captains flocked
tumultuously together, half surrounding their sovereign. At intervals
the king flourished his weapon in the air, elevating or depressing the
point of the blade as low as my forehead. When he had concluded he
retired backwards to his seat, and cast the weapon from his hand, making
a signal at the same time to his chief officers with one finger. The
sign was understood. Adusai (a confidential minister) advanced next, and
spoke with his characteristic volubility, imitating at the time, the
transport before described. This officer was succeeded by Kankam
(another minister), Apoko, the chief general of the army, Ado Matta (an
aged officer of high military rank), and Agampong, all favourites of the
king, with whom their influence was great.
This striking novelty in court _etiquette_ naturally excited surprise.
The king perceived it, and desired Adusai to explain to my linguist that
the ceremony I had witnessed was an oath of inviolable friendship and
fidelity, whereby the king pledged himself to the king of England, to
serve him and to fight for him, as I should direct, &c.
At my leisure I obtained copies of the oaths, from the memory of my
linguist,[27] and the Fantees who were present. That of the king was
thus construed—
“I swear a great oath, by the great God and the Fetische, and that great
oath of my ancestors (the battle of Accromanti) that that book
(commission) is what I approve of; and I will remember what is just. The
great king has secured my attachment; he is my master, and I will serve
him truly, and do all I can to give him satisfaction. I will send my
soldiers to the right and to the left whenever you say he wishes to make
war on the wicked; then all these countries will know that I am a true
friend, and that the white king is my king. I will do much to benefit
the English in this country, and the people shall know that I love them
better than the Dutch and Danes; but I like all white men. Hear this,
captains; my master has sent me a great officer to take care of, and he
must have whatever he wants, for he is now the same as my son, and the
people must know I love him very much.”
The oath of Adusai was as follows:—
“This is a great day for Sai (the king) because we see his name is known
in the white country. My gold, my life, my wives, children, and slaves
all belong to Sai, for he is the great king here; and I swear by all the
king’s great oaths (those by which he swore) to do all that is right as
the king says; I will fight and I will die for the white king, if he
tell me.”
That of Kankam ran thus:—
“It is many moons since the white men came up before. When they went to
the white country, they spoke the truth to the great king, and said, Sai
is your good friend; and when he hears that Sai is a great king also
over the black countries, then he knows that Sai has a good heart. Now,
I am the king’s slave, and I shall serve him faithfully. I swear the
king’s great oaths, that I will do what he commands, and I will fight
and die for the great white king. Thus, because he is a good friend, all
the black men are his slaves.”
Apoko took up the scimiter in turn. It was not unknown to me that the
political sentiments of this chief, whose influence was powerful, were
hostile to the Fantees. His rank in the army rendered his voice in the
cabinet the most important, perhaps, in the list of caboceers. It should
be recorded, however, that although he and his party were adverse to a
reconciliation with the natives of Cape Coast, they did not openly
implicate the governor and council in the quarrel, unless as accessaries
to the conduct of the Fantees. The king of England, Apoko one day said,
could not know the truth; for, as the governor had at least taken a
secondary part in the quarrel, and had broken the law (treaty), he would
not surely write a true book to the great king. The sentiments of this
man, to be gathered from his speech, were naturally interesting at this
crisis.
“Chief of the white men,” said he, “that book is good, the king likes
it, and we all like it. Sincerity appears in your face. The great god
you serve knows what is in the heart; but I think you cannot tell a lie.
I see the great king sends good things to Sai, because he thinks he is a
true friend, and will take care of his forts, and the white men, and
make a good trade. But the white captain, who came up before, told the
king lies; because he made a book of friendship, and then cheated the
king. Sai is a true king, I am only a captain. If he say—Make war, and
kill the people, I must do so. If he say—Be friends, then I certainly
cannot fight. Now I hear the words of that book (the commission), I like
it, because the great king wishes to make Ashantee and England all one.
Sai knows I tell him what I think is good for him; because I cannot sit
here when I see people insolent, and hear them say he is not the king. I
fought in Fantee and Assin, with Apoutay and Cheboo. If Sai be not king,
as the Fantees pretend, why does the white king now send him a true
captain, and presents? But they lie! and it is their deceitfulness;
because they do not wish him to see the king. The white men know very
well that Ashantee is mighty in war; and it is not right for the
governor to say to the people, ‘Make a wall, and fight the king.’ That
is not like a true friend, according to the book. This palaver, Captain,
(addressing me) is what is in my heart: I think it very shameful in the
governor; but let that pass. I swear the king’s oath, that what he says,
I will do; and if he say, fight for the great king, I will kill all his
enemies, so that all the people shall serve him here as in the white
country. Sai is our master, and the great king is our master too.
“Then for you, Captain, you are all the same here as our wives and
children: nobody shall hurt you.”
Agampong and Ado Matta swore the oath; the former without passing any
particular comment; the latter, however, a respectable old chief of the
first rank, said, at the close of the ceremony, “I am an old man now,
but I have fought many times against the king’s enemies, and now I see
all the towns conquered, and the people know that Sai is king; it is
only foolish men who speak evil; but they know not what they do.
Suppose, then, Cape Coast refuses to pay what is just, this white
captain will look to it, and restore a good understanding; and then the
trade can go down to the water side as the great king wishes.”
The presents were then opened for inspection; and it unfortunately
happened that the most unsightly articles presented themselves first to
view. A turning lathe, in particular, attracted the king’s notice, not
unmingled with a look of disappointment; yet he examined the parts with
minute attention, as he inquired its use. Some British silks of Indian
patterns, and some little carpets which were spread before him, again
brightened up his countenance, although he endeavoured to affect
indifference. “All was good,” he said, as he bestowed commendations on
the usefulness or beauties of the presents. A convex mirror attracted
universal attention, and gave the monarch so much delight, that he
marched off with it to the harem, to shew it to his wives.
The next articles were an admiral’s full uniform, richly embroidered, a
service of china, a bronze lamp, a repeating watch, a musical box, and
some pieces of rich gold flowered silks. A few of these articles, it was
evident, gave him great delight; but he would not approve of one in
particular, lest it might be considered a disparagement to the others.
He repeated his approbation of the whole, and then passed them over for
the inspection of some of his chief officers. “I love the great king,”
said he, “even without a present. I like the good things he sends me
too; but if he sends me a corn stalk it is enough, I shall always love
him.” His majesty required an explanation of the properties of the
organ, lathe, musical box, watch, &c. Unfortunately the organ had
sustained more injury than any other article. The mechanism and harmony
of the other articles excited a degree of superstitious regard, until
the king was perfectly assured of their harmless powers: the box in
particular was supposed to possess talismanic virtues. The two drums,
probably gave as much real satisfaction as any of the articles. The case
containing them and the cymbals stood apart from the others, and the
Fantees, thinking no doubt, that their virtues would be better explained
by a specimen of the effect, struck up a peal without any ceremony. The
king, at first, did not seem to notice the sound, but as soon as he was
made acquainted with the cause, he desired the noise to cease; his
countenance at the same time indicating a sense of suppressed
mortification at the liberty taken. Last of all, one case of musquets
was opened, and their quality minutely inspected; as if these deadly
weapons were, after all, deemed of more intrinsic value than any thing
else.
It was already dusk, and the king appeared anxious to escape from the
bustle. He desired to know, precisely, whether or not the present was
sent to him by the king of England. My answer satisfied him that it was.
“Then,” said he “I am happy. I have conquered all the countries down to
the sea with my own powder and shot, and the gods have made me known to
the great king of white men, whose officer brings me good things. This
is a great honour, which I cannot forget. If my country contains any
thing good for the great king,” said he, addressing the conversation to
me, “it is his, for he is my master too. His present I like very much;
and I like him, for he is my good friend, and his people are all my good
friends.” As he concluded the sentence, he arose from his seat and
retired.
On the following morning, March 2d, a deputation of the Moslems waited
upon me to deliver a message of congratulation on the prospect of peace.
The deputation consisted of Mohammed al Ghamba, or Baba as he was
commonly called, Bashaw, or Caboceer of the Moslems, attended by
Abdallah ben Gatta Shoumou, Ali ben Mohammed, Shellom ben Cantoma,
Ibrahim al Yandy, Abou Becr Atolo, Jelelly ben Kadsy al Bouroumy, and Al
Hadge Ambaric al Slaghy; nine of the principal traders, besides a
proportionate number of the inferior classes, and slaves. Many of these
people enjoyed rank at court, or were invested with administrative
powers, entitling them even to a voice in the senate. The party having
seated themselves, the chief explained the purport of the visit,
commenting at intervals upon the pacific disposition of the king towards
white men, his prowess in war, the extent of his dominions, &c. Although
Moslems, many of these people, in common with the heathen Africans, were
addicted to the use of spirituous liquors, and it was frankly insinuated
by some of the bystanders that a little rum would be acceptable. The
chief, however, took the precaution to dismiss the whole of his retinue,
with the exception of a few friends. These failed not to indulge in
swallowing a few goblets of that _delectable_ spirit, although, with a
moderate degree of affectation, they rejected the first offer.
When they had sufficiently regaled, and as the liquor exhilarated the
company, I took the opportunity to introduce a sort of satire used by
the Arabs against drunkards. The astonishment, not to term it
superstitious terror, with which these _religious men_ were struck at
the sound of the language exceeded any conjecture I could have formed.
The sentence was well comprehended by the Bashaw, whose countenance
betrayed a confusion that gave me pain to witness. At length one of the
party, with pure simplicity, replied, “Chief, whatever you may really
be, for God alone knows, you have spoken wisdom to shame us before the
infidels, because we who are true believers are sinners, and break his
holy law. This is certainly a direction from the Most High. In the name
of God who are you, and from what country do you come?” Although I
satisfied their enquiries, by a confession that their religious language
was known to me, from a long residence among the Arabs, still I found it
impossible to renew the hilarity of the scene. The liquor was neglected,
and an affected austerity was employed to cover the former excess. From
this day forward, neither the Moslems nor any of their proselytes would
indulge in the use of spirituous liquors in my presence.
In the evening the Bashaw returned, in company with his friend Abou Becr
only. In the most serious and unaffected manner they enquired if I were
not a “true believer,” and a Talb, or priest. To both these questions I
thought proper to return evasive answers.
I found that the knowledge these people possessed of the Arabic was
limited, generally speaking; although a few of the most intelligent were
sufficiently skilled in the language to hold a conversation with
fluency. This qualification the chief and his friend, particularly the
latter (Abou Becr), were gifted with to a degree exceeding most of their
brethren. Although their idiom was sometimes obscure, yet all serious
obstacles to a direct communication of thoughts were removed. Thus early
I could not fail noticing that their pronunciation resembled that of
Egypt and the Deserts: notwithstanding an intermixture in the dialect of
a few uncouth expressions, which savoured of the original African. In
this language our correspondence was renewed, and when they could not
gain a satisfactory reply on the subject of religion, they produced a
Koran, and turning over the pages, pointed out two or three passages
relating to the unity of the Supreme Being, the resurrection of souls,
the future state, &c. These they requested me to read, and putting a
favourable construction upon my compliance, the controversy ended. It
appeared in the sequel, they indulged the belief that our faith was the
same, in theory at least; or that I was actually a true believer,
according to their own acceptation of the word; and for political
reasons I never was desirous of undeceiving them.
In reminding me of the sarcasm I had used in the morning, the Bashaw
told me that his feelings had been wounded, because he stood in the
character of Patriarch, and therefore had suffered degradation in the
eyes of his friends.
The familiarity of our intercourse entitled me now to a greater degree
of confidence, and accordingly I was given to understand, that the
“Prophet’s cause” was not neglected in these regions of ignorance. “When
I was a young man,” said the Bashaw, “I worked for the good of my body.
I traded on the face of God’s earth, and travelled much; as my beard
grew strong I settled at Salgha, and lastly removed to this city. I was
still but an indifferent Talb, when, God be praised, a certain Moraboth
from the north was sent to me by a special direction, and that learned
saint taught me the truth; so that now my beard is white, and I cannot
travel as before; I am content to seek the good of my soul in a state of
future reward. My avocations at Coomassy are several; but my chief
employment is a school which I have endowed, and which I preside over
myself. God has compassionated my labours, and I have about seventy
pupils and converts at this time. Besides this, the king’s heart is
turned towards me, and I am a favoured servant. Over the Moslems I rule
as Cady, conformably to our law; I am also a member of the king’s
council in affairs relating to the believers of Sarem and Dagomba; and I
trade with foreign countries through the agency of my friend Abou Becr.”
This confession was in some points open to a prejudicial construction,
inasmuch as it looked ostentatious; but from the general conduct of the
man, his modesty and urbanity, I could not bring myself to think so
uncharitably.
In adverting to the religious opinions of the Ashantees, the reply was,
that they were poor wandering heathens; but that many of the chiefs were
bigotted infidels, not excepting the king himself; although that monarch
would sometimes give ear to the law, (of Mohammed) and never opposed the
believers of Ghunja; but on the contrary was a friend on whom they could
always rely for protection. Although the king, added my informer, was a
misguided infidel, he was yet superior by far, to many other sovereigns,
and particularly to the king of Dahomy, his eastern neighbour, who was
an infidel of infidels (Kaffar ben al Koufar).
This sovereign a short time back was an avowed enemy to the religion of
Islam, and actually put a number of the “Prophet’s children” to death in
his country. God, however, they said, had changed his heart, and now the
brethren of the true faith travel even to the sea side in safety, and
gain numbers of proselytes in his dominions. Reverting again to the king
of Ashantee, they asserted that with the exception of many barbarous
practices, such as the libations of human blood at sacrifices, and the
horrid cruelty of his wars, he was a good man, and wholly undeserving
the name of tyrant. The character of true believers, they added, stood
very high with the king, for he consulted them upon many important
occasions, where the interests of their nation were concerned; and
moreover, he never engaged in any warlike enterprize without their
society.
In the case of the recent war of Gaman, they informed me that they both
accompanied the king.[28] It was the bloodiest campaign they had ever
witnessed, for many thousands of Moslems perished in the war, as
Ghobagho and Kong (both Mohammedan countries,) had united their forces
with Dinkera, king of Gaman, who had cast off his allegiance to the king
of Ashantee, and transferred a tribute which he formerly paid him to the
Sultan of Kong. In describing some of the characteristics of the war,
they declared they had actually witnessed the massacre of ten thousand
old men, women, and young children, besides numbers of chieftains, who
were put to death by tortures the most revolting to humanity. The
Ashantees, they affirmed, were, as enemies, the most terrible of
mankind, and in war, were justly dreaded even by the true believers.[29]
Religion was a favourite topic of discussion. With this preference I
purposely complied, that I might gain the confidence of my new friends.
To my enquiries relating to the geography, &c. of the interior of
Africa, they gave replies which proved their capacity and inclination to
oblige. Their account of these matters will be found in another division
of this work.
During the remainder of the evening these valuable friends continued to
furnish me with many useful lessons, calculated, as they affirmed, for
my guidance at court; nor did they exempt from the catalogue the private
characters of several of the king’s friends and courtiers. Apoko in
particular, they declared to be the most ferocious chief in the kingdom,
and one whose delight was to wallow in human blood. Amon Koitea, a man
whose rank was second only to that of the king, and who governed the
country as lieutenant or viceroy, was a tyrant equally blood-thirsty,
and in his sacrifices the most inhuman of monsters. Little more
reputable were the characters of Ouso Cudjo, Ado Quamina, Amo Nahim, and
other captains of the king’s troops.
My entry into Coomassy they affirmed was signalized by the sacrifice of
a number of human victims; slaves and malefactors, who had been reserved
by the king and his chiefs for many days previous. The number of victims
offered up at the palace, they added, were nine, and every chief was
compelled to furnish an additional quota to the sanguinary offerings;
but the king knowing the abhorrence with which the white men viewed
these butcheries, had conducted the sacrifices in secret, and had
prohibited all his chiefs from exercising the like barbarity in public
during my stay in Coomassy.
On the 3d of March, Agampong, the captain of the palace, or of
audiences, waited upon me with a message requesting me to attend the
king.
I lost no time in obeying the summons, and found his majesty seated in
his palace, under the same shed as before. Several of the presents lay
scattered before him, as if he had been engaged in the inspection. The
reception he gave me was as friendly as could be desired, and he caused
me to be seated by his side.
A conversation upon various desultory topics opened the audience, and
the king, throughout, manifested by his enquiries an intense curiosity
regarding the affairs of Europe; but more especially of England. His
knowledge on these points appeared, as in fact it really was, extremely
limited. Europe, or the “land of white men,” he supposed to contain
several tribes or families, of which the English was the most warlike,
and powerful, of the day; and the Portuguese the most ancient, and
formerly the mistress of all the other tribes. These several tribes, he
imagined, inhabited a number of large islands which were subordinate to
the king of England (or the English island) who received annual tributes
from the whole. Besides the Portuguese, the Danes, Swedes, Americans,
Dutch, and Spaniards were names familiar to his understanding, although
his information respecting them was equally contemptible; so much so,
indeed, that it would have warranted a mean opinion of his majesty, had
I not known from experience, that it was possible for nations less
remote from Europe, and infinitely superior in acquired knowledge[30] to
think as vaguely.
The king pointing to the lathe, required to be informed of its
properties; but when this was done, he could not be prevailed upon to
value it at a high estimation. It seemed to him too mechanical for a
royal present; at least his countenance conveyed this impression,
although courtesy prevented his evincing any disappointment. The
properties of the organ were better understood, yet it was discovered to
have sustained material damage in the humid vaults of Cape Coast Castle.
The task of winding up the watch and musical box required a degree of
care foreign to the comprehension of the king; it was requisite,
therefore, to put the mechanism in motion each time. At last the king
consigned the lathe and organ to the care of Mr. Salmon; as this
gentleman expressed his confidence of being able to put them in order;
and here the audience broke up.
Early on the 4th of March, the king sent me some bottles of palm wine,
coupled with an injunction to hold myself in readiness to meet him in
the great area, where he designed to distribute some bulky presents
before the people. I felt something like repugnance at meeting his
majesty’s wishes in so public a manner, and this objection I insinuated
to the Bashaw; but my scruples were totally beyond the comprehension of
this worthy Moslem; nor could he conceive that I was sincere, until I
hinted a thought of sending to the palace, to request that the intended
presents might be postponed until the evening. “How can you,” said the
chief, “think of such a thing? the king already loves you like his son,
and why do you wish to shame him in his own country, when he is going to
treat you the same as he would a king, and do you a great honour before
his captains and all Coomassy? The people,” added the Bashaw, “are
already assembled, the great officers are in attendance, as well as our
own people, and I shall be with the king; therefore come in God’s name,
and it will be well for you: but if you do not, the king will surely
think you are angry.”
The approaching ceremony, it is true, created a certain feeling not far
removed from disgust, as it seemed to interfere with the character I was
bound to support. It was pleasing, however, to witness the anxious
solicitude of the Bashaw and Abou Becr, who could only have been guided
by the purest motives of friendship, and I submit these remarks, in
contradiction of what has been insinuated to the prejudice of the
Moslems, respecting their political sentiments.
About one o’clock, the king sent me a guard of honour, and a message
intimating his readiness to meet me at the appointed spot. I accordingly
sallied forth with the other officers. The whole body of Fantee carriers
brought up the rear, with countenances beaming with satisfaction; for,
as they were heard to say, it looked auspiciously, and foreboded a
reconciliation. On turning the angle at which my quarters joined a row
of huts, a full assemblage of the people opened to the view; and in the
midst of the multitude the king was seated under his canopy. Our seats,
by his majesty’s direction, were placed under the shade of some trees,
and after a formal salutation he retired a few paces in front of our
ranks. His majesty’s countenance beamed with more than usual
satisfaction, which it reflected upon all around him. The chiefs enjoyed
in secret the ostentatious gaiety of their sovereign, while the
multitude, less attached to decorum, and elated with the bare glimpse of
royal smiles, were animated to bursts of enthusiasm and uproar. These
feelings of good will were not lost upon the Fantees, whose happiness
seemed little short of what was manifested by the Ashantees themselves.
Adusai was directed to distribute some little silk packages which the
king placed in his hands. In obedience to this instruction, the minister
came pompously forward, and advancing towards me, as he held up the
packages to public view, he delivered one into my hand, saying, “The
king gives you seven ounces two ackeys of gold, as a token of
friendship.” The other little parcels of gold, in the proportion of two
ounces and upwards, were afterwards distributed to Messrs. Collins,
Hutton, Salmon, and Graves, each in proportion to the estimation his
majesty was pleased to put upon their respective ranks. The king was
attentive to what was transacting; yet he occasionally turned round to
his courtiers, inquiring as it were, by his countenance, whether their
feelings sympathized with his own.
A pause of some duration ensued, and his majesty directed his eyes full,
and steadily upon us, while every muscle indicated a joyous
satisfaction, augmented as it seemed by the hilarity of the people. A
messenger now advanced to acquaint me that the present of provisions was
approaching, and soon afterwards a file of about two hundred men and
boys, laden with provisions, passed in the order of review, and were
then conducted to my quarters, where they deposited their burthens. The
supply consisted of two cows, several sheep and goats, poultry, eggs,
yams, plantains, bananas, honey, oil, palm, nuts, and wine, cankay
bread, and a large pig. The court then broke up, and we were permitted
to retire. Upon approaching the avenue leading to my apartments, the
scattered heaps of provisions which had been cast promiscuously on the
ground, nearly choked up the way. The abundance that now reigned in the
quarters, gave licence to excesses among the people, and as the diet was
in itself somewhat novel to the Fantees, many of those people suffered
from intemperate indulgence. This princely donation lasted, however, but
a few days, for added to our own daily consumption, the town’s-people
occasionally invaded the quarters by stealth, and pilfered the bread,
wine and nuts.
In the course of the day, the king sent me a horse, which he desired I
should make use of during my stay in the country. This animal, although
of a diminutive breed, and of unsightly appearance, was moderately fleet
and active, possessing a share of Arabian vivacity. The saddle and
trappings were in the fashion of West Barbary, although the workmanship
was uncouth, and some of the ornamental appendages were wanting.
Abou Becr and Cantoma, the two Moslems, whose names have been already
mentioned, paid me a visit in the afternoon, bringing with them a few
manuscripts, which they said belonged to a friend of theirs, who was
then absent on a trading journey at Killinga. Cantoma was moderately
well skilled in the Arabic language, which he said he had studied in
Haoussa. From these Moslems I learned that several Mandings and
Mountaineers were in the city, who only waited an invitation to pay
their respects to me. I had no sooner expressed an inclination to meet
the strangers, than these two friends departed, and in a few minutes
returned again with three Moslems, who said they were natives of Kong,
that they belonged to a Mandingo tribe called Argoul, who having opposed
the Ashantees in the Gaman war, it had been their lot to fall under the
power of the king. These men were incapable of holding any conversation
in Arabic, and one of the three only was able to read in that language.
Ado Quamina happening to enter the apartment at the time, put a total
stop to the harmony of the meeting; as they did not care to converse in
the presence of an Ashantee chief. My endeavours to get rid of my new
guest were unavailing, as he politely assured me that the king had
appointed him to prevent the people from being intrusive. Finding that
my new acquaintance were not disposed to retire, he spoke in an angry
tone to them; the effect of which was evident, as they suddenly took
leave. The interpreter said that Ado Quamina threatened to report them
to the king, upon a suspicion that they had been giving me information
about the western countries.[31] This recital kindled some indignation
on my part, and in turn I peremptorily insisted upon his quitting the
quarters, threatening to relate the whole matter to the king, and
complain that the first insult I had received was from the man who
called himself my protector.
The resentment conveyed in this threat effectually softened down the
austerity of the chief, who was now anxious to conciliate; offering to
restore me my friends; but I did not deem it politic to renew the
intimacy at this time, and Ado Quamina departed. Cantoma and Abou Becr
whispered me before they left, that I should be on my guard against Ado
Quamina, who acted as a court spy. The king, they added, would not
object to my intercourse with them, although he might not approve of an
intimate connexion with his recent enemies; but when it should be known
that our religious language was familiar, he would not certainly be very
scrupulous, and therefore it would be necessary to tell his majesty the
truth. Ado Quamina returned again at this juncture, bringing with him a
small pot of palm wine, which he presented to me as a reconciliatory
offering, and grasping Cantoma by the arm, he entreated his mediation.
It would have been impossible to harbour resentment, had I not persuaded
myself that it was necessary to consult other feelings than those which
were personal. Again he departed in a pensive mood, and as the sun went
down, returned once more, bringing with him his band of musical
performers on horns and flutes, and commencing a serenade opposite the
outer gate. Whilst this was transacting, he seated himself very demurely
in the street, beating time with his hands, and chaunting occasional
stanzas. During the entertainment, the Bashaw and two or three of his
friends entered the quarters, and Ado Quamina again followed with his
pot of wine, and some honeycomb, which he had added to the present. When
he had placed the articles at my feet, he renewed his petition to these
Moslems, one by one, requesting their mediation with me, and called to
my own servants, by name, intreating a good word from them. It was more
than enough; I felt as if I had really injured the man, and could hold
out no longer. I accepted of his offering, and buried all animosity by
permitting the musicians to enter the enclosure.[32]
The Bashaw informed me he had recently come from the palace, and that
the king knew I could converse with the believers, but he could not
acquaint me by what means his majesty obtained that information. The
king, he said, was not angry but astonished, and he believed my
_Fetische_[33] to be a very powerful one. The conduct of Ado Quamina I
found had been already promulgated abroad by himself, and my visitors
candidly avowed that they came to reconcile me to Ado Aquamina, who
dreaded the power of my “Fetische” as much as he did the risk of
incurring the displeasure of his sovereign.
The Bashaw introduced a number of young male slaves whom he had adopted
in his family, and who were under his religious tuition. These lads, he
assured me, were the children of infidels in various countries, and some
were Ashantees, given to him by the king, or purchased with his own
property. Every true believer, he added, adopted the same plan in
proportion to the extent of his income; and as it was an act highly
meritorious in itself, so all the faithful who visited these lands made
a merit of redeeming at least one soul from the jaws of perdition,
according to the injunctions contained in the Koran. One of these youths
was pre-eminently conspicuous from his fellows, by personal beauty, and
a countenance of prepossessing benignity, and the Bashaw noticing the
attention with which I eyed his convert, instantly offered to dispose of
him, provided I would be a purchaser. But when I assured him that my
curiosity was confined to a knowledge of his native country, he told me
that he was from a town in Bouromy, on the banks of the Bahar Aswada,
or, the Volta River. The young man’s features were exactly of the Arab
cast. He, as well as his compeers, was incapable of comprehending a
single sentence, or even a word of Arabic, beyond the little gleaning of
his religious study. The Bashaw, however, was unwilling to leave upon my
mind an impression so unfavourable to his scholastic capacity;
selecting, therefore, one of the pupils as a specimen, he desired him to
rehearse a part of his acquirements. This, the young man complied with,
and recited the[34] Fatha and Bismillah verbatim, but his pronunciation
denoted that redundancy of vowel terminations so peculiar to the
languages of all negroes. This circumstance I could not fail to notice,
because his delivery was an exception to the pronunciation of his
patrons, who, although African negroes also, generally spoke the
language with a tolerable share of fluency, and with a pronunciation
which would not have disgraced even the Caba. As the conversation turned
upon the features of internal Africa, the Bashaw informed me that, as in
his youth he had travelled a great deal, the thing he regretted most was
that he never took up the resolution to visit Mecca and the Holy Land.
Now, added he, I am an old man; the mountain rain has fallen upon my
head, and I am incapable of long journies; or, at all events, I would
close my days in the land of the faithful. In reply to my enquiry how
far he had been to the northward, “I have never, said he, crossed the
Quarra River, yet I have been in Sarem, in Dagombah, in Killinga, in
Yarraba, and all the countries upon the great waters.”
Agampong arrived at a late hour in the evening, bringing with him a
large pot of palm wine, which he delivered to me in the name of the king
as of a superior growth and quality, adding, “The king drinks your
health in his house, and wishes you to do the same by him.”
On the 5th of March, I attended the palace to return the king thanks for
his present. His majesty put on a scrutinizing, although a good-natured
look as I advanced, and when the acknowledgements were interpreted to
him, instead of noticing the purport of the visit, he significantly
motioned his head, repeating in a voice moderately audible, as if to
himself, “Salamo, Alikom, Alikom Salam Alikom Salam, Salamo Alikom[35],”
his eyes being still riveted upon me. My two friends Cantoma and Abou
Becr were seated upon the ground, near the state chair, in the attitude
of counting their beads, when the king abruptly inquired of them where I
gained a knowledge of their language; but made no remark upon it.
This audience was the least pompous of any. The king was habited in a
simple garb that covered his loins, leaving the remainder of his body
exposed; nor had he any ornaments of gold, silver, coral, or aggry
beads, as is customary on state occasions. A few only of the principal
officers and captains were in attendance, besides the two before named
Moslems. Two guards stood behind the monarch armed with musquets, and
this etiquette alone distinguished him from the subject. After the lapse
of a few seconds, (during which I felt some anxiety to know in what
light the king might view my intimacy with the Moslem laws and language)
the reserve passed off, and his majesty spoke upon several topics. At
last, resuming the business of the mission, he spontaneously said, “The
great king (of England) is my master; he is my friend too, he sends me
good things and makes my heart glad; thus he does me great honour before
all my people, and puts shame on my enemies faces. I see your face, that
is enough; I have no more palavers with white men, and I have no longer
a _bad_ palaver in my head. All the evil the Fantees have done shall be
settled, I am a true friend to the great king, and will do what I can to
please him.” The audience soon after broke up, and I returned to my
quarters under a buoyancy of expectation that led me to entertain with
confidence the hope of a speedy termination of all differences.
The news soon spread from the court through the city, and in less than
an hour, the Moslems assembled to congratulate me upon this happy turn
of politics. The Fantees, who had hitherto confined their perambulations
to the vicinity of the quarters, from an apprehension of insult, or
personal hostility, now roved at pleasure through every section of the
city; and from questioning these individuals I found that the greatest
harmony existed. Indeed the difficulty that remained was to keep the
people, and particularly the servants, to their respective duties. This
unanimity, moreover, introduced licentiousness into our party; who, no
longer awed by apprehensions, indulged themselves in excess.
One night after I had retired to rest, I was disturbed from sleep by a
clamour among the people, and throwing a cloak about me, I proceeded to
the apartment from whence the noise issued, and there discovered a
number of Fantees regaling over a keg of rum, and some pots of palm
wine, which they had purloined. Several women and young girls were
seated amidst the group, or rolling over the laps of the men in the most
wanton and indecent postures. My intrusion put a stop to the
conviviality of the meeting. The lamp was suddenly extinguished, to aid
their escape from observation, and every one who was able fled from the
scene of riot into the town, although I posted myself at the outer gate
to intercept the fugitives. This tended to increase my surprise, but at
dawn I was no longer astonished, when I found there was a private avenue
cut between the wall and the reed fence that surrounded the apartment.
This had been made as a private sally-port, to gain access to the city
when the quarters were closed at night.
I received visits from several Ashantees of rank, and amongst others
Ouso Bannahen, the king’s uncle, came in some state, attended by forty
or fifty retainers, amongst whom were a group of boys. This man was of a
disposition happily mild, and indeed, with the Moslems, I found he was
considered comparatively of an humane temper, although they would not
admit the term in an unlimited sense, for they repeatedly affirmed that
every chief was more or less prone to cruelty or oppression, and that
they were educated to deeds of ferocious barbarity from childhood.
In the evening the king sent me a present of palm wine, and some live
fish in a large silver tureen; these the messenger assured me were
caught daily for his majesty’s table, in the Bussem Echouy, a large lake
of water on the Akim path. His majesty’s good wishes were added to the
present, with the usual “good night” and an injunction “to make myself
happy, for he was my good friend; and if I wanted any thing to let him
know.”
The following day was chiefly employed in distributing presents to the
king’s officers and relatives. But before this very essential part of
the negociation could be carried into effect, or before any chief would
presume to accept the intended present, it was necessary to obtain
permission from the king. The message returned from the palace was
gratifying. “The great king,” said his majesty, “has sent me good
things, and he sends good things for my captains; this is a true friend.
White men know what is right, so do every thing you please.” With this
licence I drew up a list of those in power, whose influence at court was
most important to my views, and to these men I distributed presents in
proportion to their rank.
Here I shall observe, that the system of negotiation at Morocco, does
not materially vary from that of Coomassy; and as I have frequently
conducted missions of this character to the sultan, I was at no loss in
a negro court.
In Ashantee, however, the wives and concubines of the sovereign, are not
permitted, neither do they expect, to participate in the gifts of
foreign ambassadors. Their mediation is considered unavailing; and their
occupations too servile and domesticated to entitle them to notice in
state affairs. Whereas female mediation, as it is well known, is
absolutely of the first importance as well in Barbary as in the East,
where the fiat of the sultan frequently originates in the harem or the
seraglio.
[Illustration: A Street in Coomassy leading to the Palace.]
[Footnote 24: It is requisite to observe, that throughout the
negotiations, I was compelled to adopt a style of language adapted to
the understanding of the Linguist, who, although possessing a tolerable
knowledge of the English language, comprehended only familiar terms.]
[Footnote 25: These articles, however, were conveyed privately to the
palace at the same time.]
[Footnote 26: Mr. Bowdich.]
[Footnote 27: I had but one linguist when I arrived at Coomassy, a man
every way qualified for his office as interpreter; another, named
Abroah, came up some days after, and without my knowledge, whose
presence was inauspicious: at least the king was jealous of him.]
[Footnote 28: Subsequently I learned that the Bashaw deserted from the
army, the evening after the great battle of the Tando river, and
returned to Coomassy. This conduct enraged the king, who swore that had
he not been a holy man, he would have put him to death. After I became
acquainted with this little history, I took a favourable opportunity to
insinuate its contents to the chief, who, in reply, admitted the truth;
but alledged in his defence, that his character as well as his life were
at stake; for in regard to the former, he could not without deserving to
be stigmatized as infamous, witness the horrid butcheries in the camp,
so contrary to the tenets of his religion, and what would it have booted
him in the world to come, had it pleased God to have destroyed him in
the ranks of the infidels, when he was not fighting for the faith, but
against it.]
[Footnote 29: This political conduct on the part of the king appearing
to me a little enigmatical, and as it did not tally with what I had been
previously told of the respect entertained for Moslems, I suggested the
question as an apparent inconsistency. But I was readily informed that
his majesty’s affection for true believers was limited to the more
eastern districts, and to Talbs or priests of all nations, but more
especially those who came from Egypt, or any part of the Holy Land. His
western wars were strictly political. Yet the prisoners he took in
battle, if Moslems, were never put to death like infidels; on the
contrary, they were well used, and generally transferred to the eastern
division of the empire, particularly to Bouromy on the Volta. If they
fell in battle against the king, it was considered their “blood was upon
their own heads.”]
[Footnote 30: In Morocco I have conversed with Arabs or Moors of
superior education, whose notions concerning the geography of Europe,
differed not very materially from the opinions of the Ashantees.
England, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Hamburg, Lubec, and some other
trading countries and cities were conceived to be islands in the Ocean,
contiguous to each other, and of no extraordinary magnitude, although
England was admitted to be the largest and most populous. Their notions
concerning France, Italy, but more particularly Spain and Portugal were
more accurately defined, doubtless from ancestorial tradition preserved
from the records of their forefathers, the conquerors or inheritors of
that extensive Peninsula.]
[Footnote 31: In pages 48 and 49 of Dalzel’s History of Dahomy, it
appears that a prejudice coinciding with the one abovementioned existed
in that kingdom. The passage is as follows: “In the evening going to
take leave of the great captain, they found in his tent two of the Muley
or Malaye people, of which there were about forty at that time in the
camp. They were black, dressed in long gowns, with a kind of turban on
their heads, and sandals on their feet. The interpreter told Captain
Snelgrave that they belonged to a nation far inland, bordering on the
Moors, had been taken in different wars as they were trading from one
country to another, and were, like the white men, possessed of the art
of writing. The king treated them kindly, in return for which they dyed
goat and sheep skins of divers colours, out of which, amongst other
uses, cartouch boxes and powder bags were made for the soldiers. The
author was desirous of conversing with them, but was informed it would
give offence to the great captain; knowing the jealousy of all the
negroes in like cases, he desisted, and having paid his visit, returned
to his tent.”
This is a more accurate account than any given by the preceding writers,
some of whom supposed them from the name to be natives of Malacca. It
seems probable that Guinea is indebted to these wandering Mahometans for
many of its customs, and Europe for the knowledge of the inland
countries.
It is this jealousy that has stopped the progress of all the European
inquiries into the geography and history of this part of Africa, and
which will probably remain an insuperable obstruction to it for many
ages, unless we could employ these Moors or Malayes, if found adequate
to the task, and willing to undertake it. They seem to be the only
people who have a _passe par-tout_, and who travel much farther than the
_Caravans_. The Malayes here are detained as being prisoners of war; but
traders would not be under such restrictions, as we may see by comparing
the treatment of Lambe with that of the other people.]
[Footnote 32: Of all the musical instruments of Ashantee, the flutes and
small horns are the most tolerable to an European ear. Enough has
already been said upon the discordant notes of a full concert of martial
music. The flutes and horns form, however, an exception, and in truth,
the harmony produced by an unison of these instruments is far from
despicable; the former being melodious and plaintive, and the latter
approaching the sound of the human voice, perhaps beyond any other
artificial contrivance. Indeed so clear and distinct are the tones which
they utter, that conversations are usually carried on by distant parties
of performers, and war songs, and deeds of heroism are recited, by which
they work an audience up to a pitch of phrenzy.]
[Footnote 33: The application of the word Fetische, so commonly in use
with Europeans and Negroes in this part of Africa, requires elucidation;
yet it would, perhaps, be impossible to select from any known language a
term of corresponding signification. Sufficient may be said, however, to
explain its general import. Fetische is evidently a corrupt relic of the
Portuguese, introduced to the country, probably, by the original
explorers of that nation, and adopted by the Africans to accommodate to
the understanding of their visitors, such things connected with
religion, laws, or superstition, as could not be explained by the
ordinary use of a few common-place expressions, and that could not be
interpreted by ocular demonstrations. Religion, we know, was a leading
feature in the Portuguese and Spanish armaments of those days. Any
exclusive power, or faculty in human nature, is deemed an inspiration of
the Fetische, such as slight of hand, necromancy, invocations of
departed spirits, and witchcraft. The religious laws of particular sects
or casts, (for they are probably as various in Africa as elsewhere) are
described to Europeans, at the present day, under the denomination
Fetische. The talismanic charms and sentences from the Koran, worn about
the body, have the same appellation in common; and generally whatever is
held as sacred, including trees, stones, rivers, or houses, whether
ancient or of recent dedication to any invisible spirit or matter, are
comprehended within that signification. Thus if a man should swear by
the religious observances of his ancestors, an interpreter would say he
called upon his Fetische to witness the truth: and the same invocation
may be applied to other cases, where the oath is upon trivial affairs.
An invocation of the wandering spirits or Genii, which also bear the
name Fetische, is considered inviolable.]
[Footnote 34: The Fatha has been already described. The Bismillah (In
the name of God) is another prayer; or more properly that part of the
Islam creed which teaches its votaries the unity and indivisibility of
the Godhead, and held in high repute. The words are—
“In the name of God the merciful and compassionate. Say God is one (and
indivisible). The Eternal God: he begetteth not, neither is he begotten,
and there is no one like unto him.”]
[Footnote 35: The Korannic salutation.]