[-9-] In view of all this, the people began to look down on Sejanus more

and more, to the point of drawing aside at his approach and leaving him

alone,--and that openly, without pretence of concealment. When Tiberius

learned of it, his courage revived: he felt that he should have the

coöperation of the people and the senate, and accordingly began an attack

upon his enemy. First, in order to take him off his guard to the fullest

possible extent, be spread a report that he would give him the office of

tribune. Then he despatched a communication against him to the senate by

the hands of Nævius Sertorius Macro, whom he had privately appointed to

command the body-guards and had instructed as to precisely what must be

done. The latter came by night into Rome as if on some different errand

and made known his message to Memmius Regulus, then consul (his colleague

sided with Sejanus), and to Græcinius Laco, commander of the night watch.

At dawn Macro ascended the Palatine, where there was to be a session of

the senate in the temple of Apollo. Encountering Sejanus, who had not yet

gone in, he saw that he was troubled at Tiberius's having sent him no

message, and encouraged him, telling him aside and in confidence that he

was bringing him the tribunician authority. Sejanus, overjoyed at

this, hastened to the senate-chamber. Macro sent away to the camp the

Pretorians that commonly surrounded the minister and the senate, after

revealing to them his right as leader to do so and declaring that he

brought documents from Tiberius that bestowed gifts upon them. Around

the temple he stationed the night watch in their stead, went in himself,

delivered his letter to the consuls, and went out before a word was read.

He then put Laco in charge of guard duty at that point, and himself

hurried to the camp to prevent any uprising.

[-10-] Meanwhile the letter was read. It was a long one and contained

no wholesale denunciations of Sejanus but first some indifferent

matters, then a slight censure of his conduct, then something else, and

after that some further objection to him. At the close it said that two

senators that were very intimate with him must be punished and that

he himself must be kept guarded. Tiberius did not give them orders

outright to put him to death, not because such was not his desire, but

because he feared that some disturbance might be the result of it. But

since, as he said, he could not take the journey safely, he had sent for

one of the consuls.

This was all that the composition disclosed. During the reading many

diverse utterances and expressions of countenance were observable. First,

before the people heard the letter, they were engaged in lauding the

man, whom they supposed to be on the point of receiving the tribunician

authority. They shouted their approval realizing in anticipation all

their hopes and making a demonstration to show that they would concur in

granting him honor. When, however, nothing of the sort was discovered,

but they kept hearing just the reverse of what they expected, they fell

into confusion and subsequently into deep dejection. Some of those seated

near him even withdrew. They now no longer cared to share the same seat

with the man whom previously they were anxious to claim as friend. Then

prætors and tribunes began to surround him to prevent his causing any

uproar by rushing out,--which he certainly would have done, if he had

been startled at the outset by any general tirade. As it was, he paid no

great heed to what was read from time to time, thinking it a slight

matter, a single charge, and hoping that nothing further, or at any rate

nothing serious in regard to him had been made a matter of comment. So

he let the time slip by and remained where he was.

Meantime Regulus called him forward, but he paid no attention, not out

of contempt,--for he had already been humbled,--but because he was

unaccustomed to hearing any command given him. But when the consul

shouted at him a second and a third time, at the same time stretching out

his arm and saying: "Sejanus, come here!" he enquired blankly: "Are you

calling _me_?" So at last he stood up, and Laco, who had entered,

took his stand beside him. When finally the reading of the letter was

finished, all with one voice both denounced him and uttered threats, some

because they had been wronged, others through fear, some to disguise

their friendship for him and others out of joy at his downfall. Regulus

did not give all of them, however, a chance to vote, nor did he put the

question to any one regarding the man's death, for fear there should be

come opposition and a consequent disturbance; for Sejanus had numerous

relatives and friends. Hence, after asking one person's opinion and

obtaining a supporting vote in favor of imprisonment, he conducted

the former favorite out of the senate-chamber, and in company with the

other officials and with Laco led him down to the prison.

[-11-] Then might one have obtained a clear and searching

insight into the weakness of man, so that self-conceit would have been

never again, under any conditions possible. Him whom at dawn they had

escorted to the senate-halls as one superior to themselves they were now

dragging to a cell as if no better than the worst. On him whom they once

deemed worthy of crowns they now heaped bonds. Him whom they were wont to

protect as a master they now guarded like a runaway slave, and

uncovered while he wore a headdress. Him whom they had adorned with the

purple-bordered toga they struck in the face. Whom they were wont to

adore and sacrifice to as to a god they were now leading to execution.

The crowd also assailed him, reproaching him violently for the lives he

had destroyed and jeering loudly at what had been hoped of him. All of

his images they hurled down, beat down, and pulled down, seeming to

feel that they were maltreating the man himself, and he thus became a

spectator of what he was destined to suffer. For the moment he was merely

cast into prison; but not much later,--that very day, in fact,--the

senate assembled in the temple of Concord not far from his cell, and

seeing the attitude of the populace and that none of the Pretorians was

near by it condemned him to death. On these orders he was executed and

his body cast down the Scalæ Gemoniæ, where the rabble abused it for

three whole days and afterward threw it into the river. His children

were put to death by special decree, the girl (whom he had betrothed

to the son of Claudius) having been first outraged by the public

executioner on the principle that it was unlawful for a virgin to meet

death in prison. His wife Apicata was not condemned, to be sure, but

on learning that her children were dead and after seeing their bodies

on the Stairs she withdrew and composed a statement regarding the

death of Drusus, directed against Livilla, the latter's wife, who had

been the cause of a quarrel between herself and her husband, resulting

in their separation. This document she forwarded to Tiberius and then

committed suicide. Thus the statement came to the hands of Tiberius,

and when he had obtained proof of the information he put to death

Livilla and all others therein mentioned. I have, indeed, heard that he

spared her out of regard for her mother Antonia, and that Antonia

herself voluntarily destroyed her daughter by starving her. At any

rate, that was later.

[-12-] At this time a great uproar ensued in the City. The

populace slew any one it saw of those who had possessed great influence

with Sejanus and relying on him had committed acts of insolence.

The soldiers, too, in irritation because they had been suspected of

friendliness toward Sejanus and because the nightwatchmen had been

preferred before them in the confidence of the emperor, proceeded to

burn and plunder,--and this in spite of the fact that all officials were

guarding the entire city in accordance with the injunction of Tiberius.

Not even the senate was quiet, but such members of it as had paid court

to Sejanus were greatly disturbed by dread of reprisals; and those who

had accused or borne witness against any persons were filled with fear

by the prevailing suspicion that they had destroyed their victims out of

regard for the minister instead of for Tiberius. Very small indeed

was the courageous element, which was unhampered by these terrors and

expected that Tiberius would become milder. For as usually happens, they

laid the responsibility for their previous misfortunes upon the dead man

and charged the emperor with few or none of them. Of the most of this

unjust treatment, they said, he had been ignorant, and he had been forced

into the rest against his will. Privately this was the disposition of

the various classes; publicly they voted, as if they had cast off some

tyranny, not to hold any mourning over the deceased and to have a statue

of Liberty erected in the Forum; also a festival was to be celebrated

under the auspices of all the magistrates and priests,--as had never

before occurred; and the day on which he died was to be made renowned

by annual horse-races and slaughters of wild beasts, directed by those

appointed to the four priesthoods and by the members of the Sodality of

Augustus. This, too, had never before been done. To celebrate the ruin of

the man whom they by the excess and novelty of their honors had led to

destruction they voted solemnities that were not customary even for the

gods. They comprehended so clearly that it was chiefly these honors

which had bereft him of his senses that they at once forbade explicitly

the giving of excessive marks of esteem to any one, as also the taking

of oaths in the name of any one other than the emperor. Yet though

they passed such votes, as if under a divine inspiration, they began

shortly after to fawn upon Macro and Laco. They gave them great sums

of money and to Laco the honors of ex-quaestors, while to Macro they

extended the honors of ex-prætors. Similarly[6] they allowed them

also to view spectacles in their company and to wear the toga

praetextata at the ludi votivi. The men did not accept these privileges,

however, for the recent example served as a deterrent. Nor would

Tiberius take any honor bestowed, though many were voted him, chief

among them being that he should begin from this time to be termed Father

of his Country and that his birthday should be marked by ten equestrian

contests and a senatorial banquet. Indeed, he gave notice anew that no

one should introduce any such motion.--These were the events happening in

the capital.

[-13-] Tiberius for a time had certainly been in great fear

that Sejanus would occupy the City and sail against him, and so he had

prepared boats, to the end that, if anything of the sort should come to

pass, he might escape. He had commanded Macro,--or so some say,--if there

should be any uprising to bring Drusus before the senate and the people

and appoint him emperor.

When he learned that his enemy was dead, he rejoiced, as was natural, yet

would not receive the embassy sent to congratulate him, though many

members of the senate and many of the knights and of the populace had

been despatched, as before. Indeed he even rebuffed the consul Regulus,

who had always been devoted to his interests and had come in accordance

with the emperor's own commands to see about his being conveyed in

safety to the City.

[-14-] Thus perished Sejanus, who had attained greater power

than those who obtained his office before or after him (save Plautianus).

His relatives, his associates, and all the rest who had paid court to

him and had moved that honors be granted him were brought to trial. The

majority of them were convicted for the acts that had previously made

them objects of envy; and their fellow-citizens condemned them for the

measures which they themselves had previously voted. Numbers of men who

had been tried on various charges and acquitted were again accused and

convicted on the ground that they had been saved the first time as a

favor to the deceased. Accordingly, if no other complaint could be

brought against a person, the statement that he had been a friend of

Sejanus served to convict him,--as if, forsooth, Tiberius himself had not

been friendly with him, and caused others to become interested for his

sake. Among those who laid information in this way were the men who were

wont to pay court to Sejanus. Inasmuch as they knew thoroughly those who

were in the same position, they had no great trouble either in finding

them out or securing their conviction. So they, expecting to save

themselves by doing this, and to obtain honors and money besides,

accused others or else bore witness against them. But it proved that none

of their hopes was realized. They found themselves liable to the same

charges on which they had prosecuted others, and partly as a result of

them and partly on account of the general detestation of traitors perished

along with their companions. [-15-] Of those against whom charges were

brought many were present in person to hear their accusation and make

their defence, and some employed great frankness in so doing. Still, the

majority made away with themselves prior to their conviction. They did

this chiefly to avoid suffering insult and outrage. (For all who had

incurred any such charge, senators as well as knights, women as well as

men, were crowded together into the prison. After their condemnation

some underwent the penalty there and others were hurled from the

Capitol by the tribunes or the consuls. The bodies of all of them were

cast into the Forum and subsequently were thrown into the river.) But

their object was partly that their children might inherit their property.

Very few estates of such as voluntarily took themselves off before their

trial were confiscated, Tiberius in this way inviting men to become their

own murderers, that he might avoid the reputation of having killed

them; as if it were not far more fearful to compel a man to die by his

own hand than to deliver him to the executioner. [-16-] Most of the

estates of such as failed to die in this way were confiscated, only a

little or nothing at all even being given to their accusers. For he was

now giving far more[7] accurate attention to money. After this Tiberius

increased to one per cent. a tax which was already one-half of one

per cent. and proceeded to accept every inheritance left to him. And

in fact nearly every one left him something,--even those who made

away with themselves,--as they had to Sejanus while the latter lived.

Also, with that same intention which had led him not to take possession

of the wealth of those who perished voluntarily, he made the senate

sponsor for every official summons, to the end that he might be free

from blame himself (for so he thought) and the senate pass sentence upon

itself as a wrongdoer.[8] By this means people came to be thoroughly

aware, during the time that they were being destroyed through one

another's agency, that their former troubles had emanated no more from

Sejanus than from Tiberius. For not only were the accusers of various

persons brought to trial, but those who had condemned them were in turn

sentenced. So it was that Tiberius spared no one, but kept using up

all the citizens one against another; no firm friendships existed any

longer[9]; but the unjust and the guiltless, the fearful and the fearless

stood on the same footing as regarded the investigation made into the

complaints about Sejanus. At length he saw fit to propose a kind of

amnesty for the sufferers, and so he gave permission to those who wished

to go into mourning for the deceased; and in addition he forbade that any

one should in any way be hindered from showing this respect to the memory

of any person,--for such prohibitory votes were frequently passed. Yet he

did not in fact confirm this edict, but after a brief space he punished

numbers on account of Sejanus and on other complaints: they were

generally charged with having outraged and murdered their nearest female

relatives.

[A.D. 32(_a. u._ 785)]

[-17-] Such was the state of affairs at this time, and there was not a

soul that could deny that he would be glad to feast on the emperor's

flesh. Now the next year, when Gnæus Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus

became consuls, a very laughable thing happened. It had now long been the

custom for the members of the senate on the first of the year to take the

oath not man by man, but for one (as I have stated)[10] to take the oath

for them and the rest to express their acquiescence. This time, however,

they did not do so, but of their own motion, without any compulsion, they

were separately and individually pledged, as though this would make them

any more regardful of their oath. Previously for many years the emperor

had allowed matters to go on without a single person's swearing

allegiance to his acts of government: this I have mentioned. [11]--At

this time also there occurred something else still more laughable.

[-18-] They voted that he should select as many of their number as he

liked and should employ twenty of them,--whomsoever the lot should

designate,--as guards with daggers as often as he entered the

senate-chamber. Of course, as the exterior of the building was watched by

the soldiers and no private citizen could come inside, their resolution

that a guard be given him amounted to a precaution against no one but

themselves, thus indicating that they were hostile. Naturally Tiberius

expressed his obligations to them and thanked them for their good

intentions, but he rejected their offer as being too much out of the

ordinary. He was not so simple as to give swords to the very men whom he

hated and by whom he was hated. Yet, as a result of this very measure

he began to grow suspicious of them,--for every act in contravention

of sincerity which one undertakes for the purpose of flattery breeds

suspicion,--and bidding a long adieu to their decrees he began to

honor the Pretorians both by addresses and with money, in spite of his

knowledge that they had been on the side of Sejanus, so that he might

find them more disposed to be employed against the senators. On occasion,

to be sure, he in turn commended the latter, when they voted that

funds from the public treasury be bestowed on the guardsmen. He kept

alternately deceiving the one party by his talk and winning over the

other party by his acts in a most effective way. For instance, Junius

Gallic had moved that a spectacle be provided in the meeting place of

the knights for those of the body-guard who had finished their term of

service: Tiberius did not merely banish him when the man was brought up

on this very charge of giving an impression that he was persuading the

soldiers to show good-will to the government rather than to the emperor;

no, but when he found that Junius was setting sail for Lesbos he deprived

him of a safe and comfortable existence there and delivered him to the

custody of the magistrates, as he had once done with Gallus. And in order

to assure the two classes still more fully how he felt toward both of

them he not long after asked the senate that Macro and some military

tribunes be deemed sufficient to conduct him to the senate-chamber. He

had no need of those persons, for he had no idea of ever entering the

city again, but what he wanted was to display his hatred of the senators

and show the latter the friendliness of the soldiers. The senators

actually granted this request. However, they attached to the decree a

clause that the escort should be searched on entering to make sure that

no one had a dagger hidden beneath his arm.--This resolution was passed

in the following year.

[-19-] At this time he spared among some others who had been intimate

with Sejanus Lucius Cæsianus,[12] a prætor, and Marcus Terentius, a

knight. He overlooked the behavior of the former, who at the Floralia to

ridicule Tiberius had had everything up to midnight done by baldheaded

men (because the emperor himself was also baldheaded) and had furnished

light to those leaving the theatre by the hands of five thousand boys

with shaven pates. Tiberius was so far from becoming angry at him that

he pretended not to have heard about it at all, though all baldheaded

persons were from then on called Caesiani, after this man. Terentius he

spared because when on trial for his friendship with Sejanus he not only

did not deny it but affirmed that he had worked for him and paid court to

him to the greatest possible extent for the reason that the minister was

so highly honored by Tiberius himself. "Consequently," he said, "if the

emperor did rightly in having such a friend, neither have I done any

wrong: and if my sovereign, who knows all things accurately, erred, what

wonder is it that I shared his deception? Our duty is to cherish all whom

he honors without concerning ourselves overmuch about the kind of men

they are, but making one thing determine our friendship for them,--the

fact that they please the emperor." The senate for these reasons

acquitted him and in addition rebuked his accusers. Tiberius concurred

with them. When Piso, the praefectus urbi, died, he honored him with a

public funeral,--a distinction granted also to others. In his place he

chose Lucius Lamia, whom he had long ago put in charge of Syria[13] and

was keeping at Rome. He took similar action, too, in the case of many

others, really caring nothing at all for them, but making an outward show

of honoring them.--Meantime Vitrasius Pollio, governor of Egypt died, and

he entrusted the province for a time to one Hiberus, a Cæsarian.

[A.D. 33 (_a. u._ 786)]

[-20-] Now of the consuls Domitius held office the whole year

through,--for he was husband of Agrippina, the daughter of

Germanicus,--but the rest adapted themselves to the whims of Tiberius.

Some he elevated for a longer time and some for a shorter: some he

stopped before the end of their appointed term and others he allowed

to hold office beyond the limits designated. Not infrequently he would

appoint a man for an entire year and then depose him, setting up another

and still another in his place. Sometimes, after choosing certain

substitutes for third place, he would then have others become consuls

before them in the place of still others. These irregularities in the

case of the consuls occurred through practically his entire reign. Of the

candidates for the other offices he selected as many as he wished and

sent their names to the senate, recommending some to that body,--and

these were chosen, by acclamation,--but making others depend upon their

own claims or the assent of the senate or the decision of the lot. After

that, in order to follow out ancient precedent, such as belonged to

the people and the plebs went before one of these two bodies and were

announced: this is the same practice that is followed at present,

intended to produce at least an appearance of valid election. In case

there was ever a deficiency of candidates or they became involved in

irreconcilable strife, a smaller number was chosen.--The following year,

in which Servius Galba (that later became emperor) and Lucius Cornelius

held the consular title, fifteen prætors held office. This went on for

many years, so that sometimes sixteen and sometimes one or two less were

chosen.

Dio's Rome, Volume 4 An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form · 第 19 / 27 段