in its environs; he did not, however, go within the walls, although
he was but thirty stades distant, so that he bestowed in marriage the
remaining daughters of Germanicus and also Julia, the daughter of Drusus.
Hence the city did not make a festival of their marriages, but everything
went on as usual: the senators met and decided judicial cases. For
Tiberius made an important point of their assembling as often as he would
have convened them, and insisted on their not arriving later or departing
earlier than the time fixed. He sent to the consuls many injunctions on
this head and once ordered certain statements to be read aloud by them.
He behaved in the same way in regard to certain other matters (just as if
he could not write directly to the senate!). To that body he sent in not
only the documents given him by the informers but also the confessions
under torture which Macro obtained, so that nothing was left in the hands
of the senators save the vote of condemnation. About this time, however,
a certain Vibullius Agrippa, a knight, swallowed poison from a ring and
died in the senate-house itself, and Nerva, who could no longer endure
the emperor's society, starved himself to death, his chief reason for
doing so being that Tiberius had reaffirmed the laws on contracts,
enacted by Cæsar, which were sure to result in great loss of confidence
and upheaval; and although his chief repeatedly urged him to utter
some word,[14] he refused to answer. These events seemed to make some
impression on the emperor and he modified the situation, so far as it
pertained to loans, by giving two thousand five hundred myriads to the
public treasury under the arrangement that this money could be lent out
by the senatorial party without interest for three years to such as
desired it. He further commanded that the most notorious of those who had
steadily acted as accusers should be put to death on one day. And when a
man who belonged to the centurions wished to lodge information against
some one, he forbade that any person who had served in the army should do
so, although he allowed the privilege to knights and senators.
[-22-] There is no denying that he received praise for his behavior in
these matters, and most of all because he would not accept a number of
honors that were voted to him for it. But the sensual orgies which he
carried on shamelessly with the individuals of highest rank, male and
female alike, caused ill to be spoken of him. For example, there was the
case of his friend Sextus Marius. Imperial favor had made this man so
rich and so powerful that when he was once at odds with a neighbor he
invited him to dine for two successive days. On the first he razed his
guest's dwelling entirely to the ground and on the next he rebuilt it on
a larger scale and in more elaborate style. The victim of his treatment
declared his ignorance of the perpetrators, whereupon Marius admitted
being responsible for both occurrences and added significantly: "This
shows you that I have both the knowledge and the power to repel attacks
and also to requite a kindness." This friend, then, who had sent his
daughter, a strikingly beautiful girl, to a place of refuge to prevent
her being outraged by Tiberius, was charged with having criminal
relations with her and for that reason destroyed both his daughter and
himself. All this covered the emperor with disgrace, and his connection
with the death of Drusus and Agrippina gave him a reputation for cruelty.
Men had been thinking all along that the whole of the previous action
against these two was due to Sejanus, and had been hoping that now their
lives would be spared; so, when they learned that they had been actually
murdered, they were exceedingly grieved, partly for the reasons mentioned
and partly because, so far from depositing their bones in the imperial
tomb, Tiberius ordered their remains to be hidden so carefully in the
earth that they might never be found. In addition to Agrippina, Munatia
Plancina was slain. Previous to this time, though he hated her (not on
account of Germanicus but for another reason), he yet allowed her to live
to prevent Agrippina from rejoicing at her death.
[-23-] Besides doing this he appointed Gaius quaestor, though not of
first rank, promising him, however, that he would advance him to the
other office five years earlier than was customary. At the same time he
requested the senate not to make the young man conceited by numerous or
extraordinary honors, for fear the latter might go astray in one way or
another. He had, indeed, a descendant in the person of Tiberius, but him
he disregarded both on account of age (he was a mere child as yet) and
on account of the prevailing suspicion that this boy was not the son of
Drusus. He therefore clove to Gaius as the most eligible candidate for
sole ruler, especially as he felt sure that Tiberius would live but a
short time and would be murdered by that very man. There was no detail
of the character of Gaius of which he was in ignorance; indeed, he once
remarked to his successor, who was quarreling with Tiberius: "You will
kill him, and others will kill you." The emperor knew of no one else that
suited him so entirely, and at the same time he was well aware that the
man would be a thorough knave; yet the story obtains that he was glad to
give him the empire in order that his own crimes might find concealment
in the enormity of Gaius's offences and that the largest and the noblest
portion of what was left of the senate might perish after him. At all
events he is said to have often uttered the ancient saying:
"When I am dead, let fire o'erwhelm the earth."[15]
Often, also, he declared Priam fortunate, because that king involved his
country and his throne in his own utter ruin. These records about him are
given a semblance of reality by what took place in those days. Such a
multitude of the senators and of others lost their lives that out of
the officials chosen by lot the ex-prætors held the governorship of the
provinces for three years and the ex-consuls for six, owing to the lack
of persons to succeed them. And what name could one properly give to the
elected magistrates, whom from the first he allowed to hold office for an
unusually long time?
Now among those who died at this time was also Gallus. Tiberius himself
said that only then (and scarcely even so) did he become reconciled with
him. Thus it was that contrary to the usual custom he inflicted upon some
life as a punishment and bestowed upon others death as a kindness.
[A.D. 34 (_a. u._ 787)]
[-24-] The twentieth year of the emperor's reign now came in, and he
himself though he sojourned in the vicinity of Albanum and Tusculum did
not enter the City; the consuls, Lucius Vitellius and Fabius Persicus,
celebrated the second ten-year period. The senators so termed it in
preference to "twenty-year period" to signify that they were granting
him the leadership of the State again, as had been done in the case
of Augustus. Punishment overtook them at the same time that they were
celebrating the appropriate festival. This time none of those accused
was acquitted, but all were convicted,--the majority from documents
contributed by Tiberius and the statements under torture obtained by
Macro, the rest by what these two suspected they were planning. It was
rumored that the real reason why Tiberius did not come to Rome was to
avoid being disgraced while present by the sentences of condemnation.
Among various persons who perished either at the hands of the
executioners or by their own acts was Pomponius Labeo. He, who had once
governed Moesia for eight years after his prætorship, was, with his wife,
indicted for receiving bribes and voluntarily destroyed both her and
himself. Mamercus AEmilius Scaurus, on the other hand, who had never
governed anybody nor received bribes, was convicted because of a tragedy
and fell a victim to a worse fate than any he had depicted. Atreus was
the name of the composition, and in the manner of Euripides[16] it
advised some one of the subjects of that monarch to endure the folly of
the ruling prince. Tiberius, when he heard of it, declared that the verse
had been composed against him at this juncture and that "Atreus" was
merely a pretence used on account of that monarch's bloodthirstiness.
And adding quietly "I will have him play the part of Ajax," he brought
pressure to bear to make him commit suicide. The above was not the
accusation made against him; instead, he was charged with having kept up
a _liaison_ with Livilla. Many others had been punished on her account,
some with good reason and some as the result of blackmail.
[-25-] While matters at Rome were in this condition, the subject
territory was not quiet either. The very moment a certain youth who
declared he was Drusus appeared in the region of Greece and Ionia, the
cities both received him enthusiastically and supported his cause. He
would have proceeded to Syria and taken possession of the legions, had
not some one recognized him and putting an end to his success taken him
to Tiberius.
[A.D. 35 (_a. u._ 788)] After this Gaius Gallus and Marcus Servilius
became consuls. Tiberius was at Antium holding fête in honor of the
nuptials of Gaius. Not even for such a purpose would he enter Rome,
because of the case of one Fulcinius Trio. The latter, who had been a
friend of Sejanus but had stood high in the favor of Tiberius on account
of his readiness at blackmail, was, when accused, delivered up for
punishment; and through fear he slew himself beforehand after abusing
roundly both the emperor and Macro in his testament. His children did not
dare to publish it, but Tiberius, learning what had been written, ordered
it to be presented before the senate. Little did he trouble himself
about such matters. Sometimes he would voluntarily give to the public
denunciations of his conduct that were being kept secret, as another man
would eulogies. Indeed, he took all that Drusus had uttered in distress
and misfortune, and this, too, he sent in to the senate.--So much, then,
for the death of Trio. Poppaeus Sabinus, who had governed both the Mysias
and Macedonia besides during almost all the reign of Tiberius up to this
time, withdrew from life with the greatest good-will before any charge
could be brought against him. He was succeeded by Regulus with equal
authority. For, according to some reports, Macedonia and Achaea were both
assigned to the new ruler without lots being cast for them.
[A.D. 36 (_a. u._ 789)]
[-26-] About the same period Artabanus the Parthian after the death of
Artaxias bestowed Armenia upon his son Arsaces. When no vengeance fell
upon him from Tiberius for this move, he made an attempt upon Cappadocia
and treated the Parthians, too, rather haughtily. Consequently some
revolted from him and went on an embassy to Tiberius, asking a king for
themselves from among those serving as hostages. He sent them at once
Phraates, son of Phraates, and at the death of the latter (which occurred
on the way) Tiridates, who was himself also of the royal race. To insure
his securing the throne as easily as possible the emperor wrote orders to
Mithridates the Iberian to invade Armenia, so that Artabanus should leave
home and assist his son. Things turned out as planned, but the reign of
Tiridates lasted only a short time, for Artabanus got the Scythians on
his side and had no great difficulty in expelling him. So much for the
Parthian affairs.--Armenia fell into the hands of Mithridates, son of
Mithridates the Iberian, of course, and a brother of Pharasmanes, who
became king of the Iberians after him.--When Sextus Papinius became
consul with Quintus Plautius, the Tiber inundated a large part of the
City so that it remained under water, and a much more extensive section
in the vicinity of the hippodrome and the Aventine was devastated by
fire. In view of these disasters Tiberius gave two thousand five hundred
myriads to those who had suffered any loss.
[A.D. 37 (_a. u._ 790)]
And if Egyptian affairs also touch Roman interests at all, it might be
mentioned that that year the phoenix was seen. All these events were
thought to foreshadow the death of Tiberius. Thrasyllus died at this very
time and the emperor himself in the following spring, in the consulship
of Gnaeus Proculus and Pontius Nigrinus. It chanced that Macro had
plotted against Domitius and numerous others and had devised complaints
and tortures against them. Not all that were accused, however, were put
to death, because Thrasyllus handled Tiberius very cleverly. Concerning
himself he stated very accurately both the day and the hour in which he
should die, but he falsely declared that the emperor would live ten more
years, in order that the latter, feeling he had a moderately long time to
live, might be in no hurry to kill them. The issue justified the plan.
Thinking that it would be possible for him later to do whatever he liked
at his leisure, he made no haste in any way and showed no anger when the
senate, in consideration of the opposition to the tortures expressed by
the magistrates, postponed the sentencing of the prisoners. Yet pitiable
scenes were not wanting. One woman wounded herself, was carried into
the senate and from there to prison, where she died. Lucius Arruntius,
distinguished both for his age and for his education, destroyed himself
voluntarily when Tiberius was already sick and was not thought likely to
recover. The man was aware of the evil character of Gaius and desired to
depart before he should taste of it, saying: "I can not in my old
age become the slave of a new master like him." Still others were
saved,--some who had actually been condemned but were not permitted to
die before the expiration of ten days, and others because their trial was
again put off when the judges learned that Tiberius was seriously ailing.
[-28-] He passed away at Misenum before he could learn anything of this.
He had been sick for a considerable time, but expecting to live, as
Thrasyllus had foretold, he neither consulted physicians nor changed his
way of life; wasting away gradually as he was, in old age and subject to
a sickness that was not severe, he would often all but expire and then
recover strength again. These changes would cause Gaius and the rest
first great pleasure, when they thought he was going to die, and then
great fear, when they thought he would live. His successor, therefore,
fearing that his health might actually be restored, refused his requests
for anything to eat, on the ground that he would be injured, and
pretending that he needed warmth wrapped many thick cloths about him. In
this way he smothered him, with a certain amount of help, to be sure,
from Macro. The latter, as Tiberius was already seriously ill, was paying
his court to the young man, particularly as he had before this succeeded
in making him fall in love with his own wife, Ennia Thrasylla. Tiberius
suspecting this had once said: "You understand well when to abandon the
setting, and hasten to the rising sun."
So Tiberius, who possessed the most varied virtues, the most varied
vices, and followed each set in turn as if the other did not exist,
passed away in this fashion on the twenty-sixth day of March.[17] He had
lived seventy-seven years, four months, nine days, of which he had spent
as ruler twenty-two years, seven months and seven days. A public funeral
was accorded him and a eulogy, delivered by Gaius.
[Footnote 1: Supplying here (as did Sylburgius, to fill a gap in the
sense) ... [GREEK: echeleuse chahi tae boulae]....]
[Footnote 2: The consul of A.D. 30, either _C. Cassius Longinus_ or his
brother _L. Cassius Longinus_.]
[Footnote 3: A gap in the MS. exists, as indicated.]
[Footnote 4: A corrupt reading for which no wholly satisfactory
substitute has been offered.]
[Footnote 5: The predicate of this clause has fallen out in the MS., and
the restoration is on lines suggested by Bekker.]
[Footnote 6: Reading (with Mommsen) [Greek: outo] for [Greek: auto].]
[Footnote 7: Reading [Greek: aedae polu] (Stephanus, Boissevain).]
[Footnote 8: Using Boissevain's reading [Greek: adikousaes] (from Reiske)
in preference to the MS. [Greek: diadikousaes].]
[Footnote 9: A small gap. The text filled and context amended by Kuiper.]
[Footnote 10: Evidently the previous reference was in a passage now lost,
between Bk. 57, ch. 17, sect. 8, and Bk. 58, ch. 7, sect. 2 of the Codex
Marcianus (Boissevain).]
[Footnote 11: Compare Book Fifty-seven, chapter eight.]
[Footnote 12: Cæsianus and Cæsiani are conjectures of Boissevain, the MS.
being corrupt. The person meant is _L. Apronius Cæsianus_ (consul A.D.
39).]
[Footnote 13: A correction of Casaubon's for "the army" (MS.), which
seems senseless.]
[Footnote 14: The phrase yields no particular sense and is probably
corrupt, but a correction is not easy. "To state his reasons" has been
suggested; and a very slight change in the Greek produces "to eat
something" another conjecture.]
[Footnote 15: Probably from the _Bellerophon_ of Euripides.]
[Footnote 16: Compare Euripides, Phoenician Maidens, verse 393.]
[Footnote 17: Dio is in error. The date was really about ten days
earlier.]
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
59
The following is contained in the Fifty-ninth of Dio's Rome.
About Gaius Cæsar, called also Caligula (chapters 1-6). How the Heroüm
of Augustus was sanctified (chapter 7). How the Mauritanias began to be
governed by Romans (chapter 25). How Gaius Cæsar died (chapters 29, 30).
Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Gnæus Acerronius and
Pontius Nigrinus, together with three additional years, in which there
were the following magistrates here enumerated.
M. Aquilius C. F. Iulianus, and P. Nonius M. F. Asprenas. (A.D. 38 = a.
u. 791 = Second of Gaius.)
C. Cæsar Germanicus (II), L. Apronius L. F. Cæsianus. (A.D. 39 = a. u.
792 = Third of Gaius, from March 26th.)
C. Cæsar (III). (A.D. 40 = a. u. 793 = Fourth of Gaius.)
C. Cæsar (IV), Cn. Sentius Cn. F. Saturninus. (A.D. 41 = a. u. 794 =
Fifth of Gaius, to Jan. 24th.)
This last year is not counted, because most of the events in it are
recorded in the sixtieth book.
_(BOOK 59, BOISSEVAIN)_
[A.D. 37 (_a. u._ 790)]
[-1-] This, then, is the tradition about Tiberius. His successor was
Gaius, son of Germanicus and Agrippina, who was known also, as I have
stated, by the nicknames of Germanicus and Caligula. Tiberius had left
the empire partly in charge of his grandson Tiberius; but Gaius had his
will carried to the senate by Macro and caused it to be declared null
and void by the consuls and the rest (with whom he had made previous
arrangements) on the ground that the author of the document had not been
of sound mind. This was evidenced by his allowing a mere boy to rule
them, who had not yet the right even to enter the senate. Thus did Gaius
at this time separate the lad from imperial office, and later in spite of
having adopted him he slew him. Of no avail was the fact that Tiberius in
his testament, still extant, had written the same words over in a number
of ways, as if this would lend them some force, nor yet that all of it
had been at this time read aloud by Macro before the senatorial body. For
no injunction can have weight against the intentional misunderstanding or
the power of one's successors. Tiberius suffered the same treatment he
had accorded to his mother's wishes, save that he discharged none of the
obligations imposed by her will in the case of any person, whereas all
his bequests were paid to all the beneficiaries, save to his grandson.
This, of course, made it perfectly plain that the whole fault found with
the will had been invented on account of the lad. Gaius need not have
published it, since he was not unacquainted with the contents, but
inasmuch as many knew what was in it and it seemed likely that he himself
on the one hand or the senate on the other would be blamed for its
suppression, he chose rather to have the latter body overthrow it than to
conceal the document.
[-2-] At the same time by paying all the bequests of the dead emperor, as
if they were his own, to every one concerned he gained among the many a
certain reputation for nobility of character. In company with the senate
he inspected the Pretorians while they were busy with exercises and
distributed to them the two hundred and fifty denarii apiece that had
been bequeathed, and he added as a gift as many more. To the people he
paid the one thousand one hundred and twenty-five myriads (this was the
amount bequeathed to them) and in addition the sixty denarii per man
which they had failed to receive on the occasion of his enrollment among
the iuvenes,--this with interest amounting to fifteen denarii more. He
also settled the bequests to the citizen force, to the night-watchmen, to
those of the regular army outside Italy, and to any other army of native
Romans in the smaller forts,--that is, the citizens proper received one
hundred twenty-five denarii each, and all the rest seventy-five.
He behaved in this same way also in regard to Livia's will, executing all
the provisions of it. If he had spent the rest of his money with equal
propriety, he would nave been thought prudent and munificent. Sometimes,
through fear of the people and the soldiers, he did so act, but it
was mostly through whims. At such times he discharged not only the
obligations of Tiberius but those of his great-grandmother, and debts
owing to private individuals as well as to others. As it was, he lavished
boundless sums upon dancers (whose recall he at once effected), upon
horses, upon gladiators and everything of that sort; and so in an
inconceivably short time he had exhausted the treasures, which had grown
so great, and at the same time convicted himself of having done it
through a sort of easy-going temper and indecision. He had found
accumulated five myriad myriads, seven thousand five hundred denarii, or
(according to others) eight myriad myriads, two thousand five hundred,
and yet could not keep any part of it to the third year, but actually in
the second season fell in need of a great deal besides.
[-3-] He went through the same process of deterioration, too, in almost
all other respects. At first he seemed a most democratic person and would
send no letters either to the people or to the senate nor assume any of
the titles of sovereignty; yet he became most dictatorial, so that he
took in one day all those honors which Augustus had with difficulty
secured, voted one by one, during the long extent of his reign, some of
which Tiberius had refused to accept at all. He postponed nothing except
the title of _Father_, and that he acquired after no long time. Though
he had proved himself the most libidinous of men, had seduced one
woman already betrothed and had dragged others from their husbands, he
afterward hated them all save one. And he would certainly have detested
her, had he lived any longer. Toward his mother, his sisters, and his
grandmother Antonia he conducted himself in the most dutiful manner
possible. The last named he immediately saluted as Augusta and appointed
her priestess of Augustus, giving her at once all the privileges
pertaining to the vestal virgins. To his sisters he assigned these honors
of the vestal virgins, the right to witness horse-races in the same
section of seats with him, and the right to have uttered in their behalf
as well the prayers which were annually offered by the magistrates and
the priests for his welfare and that of the State, and the oaths of
allegiance sworn to his empire. He set sail himself and with his own
hands collected and brought back the bones of his mother and of his
brothers that had died: wearing the purple-bordered toga and attended
by some lictors, as at a triumph, he deposited these in the monument
of Augustus. All measures voted against them he canceled, all who had
plotted against them he chastised, and recalled such as were in exile on
their account.--Now, though he had done all this, he showed himself
the most impious of men in the case both of his grandmother and of his
sisters. The former, because she had rebuked him for something, he forced
to seek death by her own hand; and after ravishing all his sisters he
shut two of them up on an island: the third had previously died. Again in
the matter of Tiberius (whom he also termed "grandfather"), he asked that
he might receive from the senate the same honors as Augustus; but these
were not immediately voted, for the senators could not endure to honor
that tyrant, nor did they make bold to dishonor him because they were
not yet clearly acquainted with the character of their young lord, and
consequently postponed everything until the latter should be present:
so then Gaius bestowed upon him no mark of notice other than a public
funeral, after bringing the body into the City by night and having it
laid out at daybreak. And though he did make a speech over it, he did
not say so much in praise of Tiberius as he did to remind the people of
Augustus and Germanicus, comparing himself meanwhile with them.
[-4-] Gaius inevitably went so by contraries in every matter that he not
only emulated but even surpassed his predecessor's licentiousness and
bloodthirstiness, for which he had censured him; but of the qualities he
had praised in him he imitated not one. Though he had been the first to
insult him, the first to abuse him, so that others thinking to please
him in this way made use of rather heedless freedom of speech, he later
lauded and magnified Tiberius, going to the point of punishing some for
what they had said. These, as enemies of the former emperor, he hated for
their injurious remarks, and he hated equally those who in way praised
Tiberius, as being the latter's friends.