had come into collision with Sejanus. He was at the gates of old age and
had lived most irreproachably, so much so that no sufficient complaint
could be found against him and he was tried for the history which he
had long before composed regarding the deeds of Augustus and the latter
himself had read. The ground of censure was that he had praised Cassius
and Brutus and had attacked the people and the senate. Of Cæsar and
Augustus he had spoken no ill, but at the same time had shown no
excessive respect for them. This was the complaint against him, and this
it was that caused his death as well as the burning of his works,--those
found in the city at this time being destroyed by the ædiles, and those
abroad by the officials of each place. Later they were published again,
for his daughter Marcia in particular, as well as others, had hidden
copies, and they attracted much greater attention by reason of the
unhappy end of Cordus.
About this time Tiberius exhibited to the senators his pretorian cohort
in the act of exercising, as if they were ignorant of his power; his
purpose was to make them more afraid of him, when they saw his defenders
so many and so strong.
Besides these events of the time that seem worthy to chronicle in a
history, the people of Cyzicus were once more deprived of their freedom
because they had imprisoned certain Romans and because they had not
completed the heroüm to Augustus that they had begun to build.--And the
emperor would certainly have put to death the man who sold the emperor's
statue along with his house and was brought to trial for the act, had not
the consul asked the ruler himself to give his vote first. Being ashamed
to appear partial to himself, he cast his ballot for acquittal.
Also a senator, Lentulus, an excellent man naturally and now far advanced
in old age, was accused by some one of having plotted against the
emperor. Lentulus was present and burst out laughing. At this an uproar
arose in the senate, which was calmed by Tiberius saying: "I am no longer
worthy to live, if Lentulus, too, hates me."
[Footnote 1: Reading [Greek: epratten] (Boissevain) in place of the MS.
[Greek: eplatten].]
[Footnote: 2: This was the name of a celebrated gladiator of the time.
(Compare Horace, Epistles, I, 18, 19.)]
[Footnote 3: This is M. Pomponius Marcellus.]
[Footnote 4: Reported elsewhere as _Clutorius_ or _Cluturius Priscus_.
The error may probably be referred to Dio as well as to Xiphilus, through
whom this particular chapter comes. (See Dessau, Prosop. Imp. Rom., I,
p.425)]
[Footnote 5: The version of Zonaras says: "whom some record as Julia,
others as Livia." Inscriptions give her name as either _Claudia Livia_ or
_Livilla_. From these two pieces of evidence Boissevain with customary
acumen concludes that Dio's original words were probably: "whom some name
Livilla, and others Livia."]
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
58
Tiberius withdraws to Capreæ: Sabinus loses his life through the
treachery of Latiarius (chapter 1).
About the death of Livia (chapter 2).
Gallus is condemned to consume away by a slow death (chapter 3).
Sejanus, puffed up by excessive honors, is put to death together with his
household and friends by the artifice of Tiberius (chapters 4-19).
The method of selecting magistrates and of holding comitia (chapter 20).
The lustfulness of Tiberius, his cruelty towards his own family and
others, and likewise his greed (chapters 21-25).
About Artabanus, the Parthian King, and about Armenia (chapter 26).
About the death of Thrasyllus (chapter 27).
About the death of Tiberius (chapter 28).
DURATION OF TIME.
Cn. Lentulus Gætulicus, C. Calvisius Sabinus. (A.D. 26 = a. u. 779 =
Thirteenth of Tiberius, from Aug. 19th.)
M. Licinius Crassus, L. Calpurnius Piso. (A.D. 27 = a. u. 780 =
Fourteenth of Tiberius.)
App. Iunius Silanus, P. Silius Nerva. (A.D. 28 = a. u. 781 = Fifteenth of
Tiberius.)
L. Rubellius Geminus, C. Fufius Geminus. (A.D. 29 = a. u. 782 = Sixteenth
of Tiberius.)
M. Vinicius Quartinus, L. Cassius Longinus. (A.D. 30 = a. u. 783 =
Seventeenth of Tiberius.)
Tiberius Aug. (V), L. Ælius Seianus. (A.D. 31 = a. u. 784 = Eighteenth of
Tiberius.)
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Furius Camillus Scribonianus. (A.D. 32 = a. u.
785 = Nineteenth of Tiberius.)
Serv. Sulpicius Galba, L. Cornelius Sulla, (A.D. 33 = a. u. 786 =
Twentieth of Tiberius.)
L. Vitellius, Paulus Fabius Persicus. (A.D. 34 = a. u. 787 = Twenty-first
of Tiberius.)
C. Cestius Gallus, M. Servilius Nonianus. (A.D. 35 = a. u. 788 =
Twenty-second of Tiberius.)
Sex. Papinius, Q. Plautius. (A.D. 36 = a. u. 789 = Twenty-third of
Tiberius.)
Cn. Acerronius Proculus, C. Pontius Nigrinus. (A.D. 37 = a. u. 790 =
Twenty-fourth of Tiberius, to March 26th.)
_(BOOK 57, BOISSEVAIN.)_
[A.D. 26 (_a. u._ 779)]
[-1-] He went away about this time from Rome and never returned to the
city at all, though he was ever on the point of doing so and kept sending
messages to that effect.
[A.D. 27 (_a. u._ 780)]
Much calamity could be laid by the Romans at his door, since
he wasted the lives of men alike for public service and for
private whim, as when he decided to expel the hunting
spectacles from the city. Consequently some persons attempted
to carry them on in the country outside and perished in the
ruins of their theatres, which had been loosely
constructed of rude planks.
[A.D. 28 (_a. u._ 781)]
It was now, too, that a certain Latiarius, a companion of Sabinus (one of
the most prominent men at Rome) and also in favor with Sejanus, concealed
senators in the ceiling of the apartment where his friend lived and led
Sabinus into conversation. By throwing out some of his usual remarks he
induced the other also to speak out freely all that he had in his mind.
It is the practice of such as wish to play the sycophant to take the lead
in some kind of abuse and to disclose some secret, intending that their
victim either for listening to them or for saying something similar may
find himself liable to indictment. To the sycophants, since they do it
with a purpose, freedom of speech involves no danger. They are regarded
as speaking so not because their words express their real sentiments but
because they wish to convict others. Their victims, however, are punished
for the smallest syllable out of the ordinary that they may utter. This
also happened in the present case. Sabinus was put in prison that very
day and subsequently perished without trial. His body was flung down the
Scalæ Gemoniæ and cast into the river. The affair was made more tragic by
the behavior of a dog of Sabinus that went with him to his cell, was
by him at his death, and at the end was thrown into the river with
him.--Such was the nature of this event.
[Sidenote: A.D. 29 (_a. u._ 782)]
[-2-] During this same period Livia also passed away at the age of
eighty-six. Tiberius paid her no visits while she was ill and did not
personally attend to her laying out. In fact, he made no arrangements at
all in her honor save the public funeral and images and some other small
matters of no importance. As for her being deified, he forbade that
absolutely. The senate, however, did not content itself with voting
merely the measures which he had ordained, but enjoined upon the women
mourning for her during the entire year, although it approved the course
of Tiberius in not abandoning even at this time the conduct of public
business. Furthermore they voted her an arch (as had never been done in
the case of any other woman), because she had preserved not a few of
them, had reared many children belonging to citizens, and had helped
find husbands for numerous girls,--for all of which acts some called her
Mother of her Country. She was buried in the mausoleum of Augustus.
Tiberius would not pay a single one of her bequests to anybody.
Among the many excellent utterances of hers that are related is one
concerned with the occasion when some men that were naked met her and on
that account fell under sentence of execution; she saved their lives by
saying that to chaste women such persons were no whit different from
statues. When some one asked her how and by what course of action she had
obtained such an influence over Augustus, she answered that it was by
being scrupulously chaste herself, doing willingly whatever pleased him,
not meddling with any of his business, and particularly by pretending
neither to hear of nor notice the favorites that were the objects of his
passion. Such was the character of Livia. The arch voted to her, however,
was not built for the reason that Tiberius promised to construct it
at his own expense. For, as he disliked to annul the decree by direct
command, he made it void in this way, by not allowing the work to be
undertaken out of the public funds nor attending to it himself.
[A.D. 29 or 30]
Sejanus was rising to still greater heights. It was voted that his
birthday should be publicly observed, and the mass of statues which the
senate and the equestrian order, the tribes and the foremost citizens set
up, would have passed any one's power to count. Separate envoys were sent
to both these "rulers" by the senate as well as the knights and also by
the people, who selected them from their own tribunes and aediles. For
both of them alike they offered prayers and sacrifices and they took
oaths by their Fortunes.
[A.D. 30 (a. u. 783)]
[-3-] Gallus, who married the wife of Tiberius and spoke his mind
regarding the empire, was the next object of the emperor's attack, for
which the right moment had been carefully selected. [Whether he really
believed that Sejanus would be emperor or whether it was out of fear of
Tiberius, he paid court to the former. It may indeed, have been a kind
of plot, to make the minister irksome to Tiberius and so accomplish his
ruin: but at any rate Gallus transacted the greater and more important
part of his business with him and made efforts to be one of the envoys.
Therefore the emperor sent a report about him to the senate, making among
other statements one to the effect that this man was jealous of his
friendship for Sejanus, although Gallus himself treated Syriacus as an
intimate friend. He did not make this known to Gallus, entertaining him
most hospitably instead.] Hence something most unusual befell him that
never happened to any one else. On the very same day he was banqueted at
the house of Tiberius, pledging him in the cup of friendship, and was
condemned before the senate. Indeed, a prætor was sent to imprison him
and lead him away for punishment. Yet Tiberius, though he had acted so,
did not permit his victim to die, in spite of the latter's wish for death
as soon as he learned the decree. Instead, he bade Gallus (in order to
make his lot still more dismal) to be of good cheer and instructed the
senate[1] that he should be guarded without bonds until the emperor
should reach the City; his object, as I said, was to make the prisoner
suffer for the longest possible time both from deprivation of his civic
rights and from terror. So it turned out. He was kept under the eyes of
the consuls of each year except when Tiberius held the office, in that
case he was guarded by the prætors, not to prevent his escape, but to
prevent his death. He had no companion or servant as associate, spoke to
no one, saw no one, except when he was compelled to take food. And what
he got was of such a quality and amount as neither to afford him any
pleasure or strength nor yet to allow him to die. This was the worst
feature of it. Tiberius did the same thing in the case of many others.
For instance, he had imprisoned one of his companions, and when there was
later talk about executing him, he said: "I have not yet made my peace
with him." Some one else, again, he had tortured very severely, and then
on ascertaining that the victim had been unjustly accused he had him
killed with all speed, remarking that he had been too terribly outraged
to find any satisfaction in living. Syriacus, who had neither committed
nor been charged with any wrong, but was renowned for his education, was
slain merely for the reason that Tiberius said he was a friend of Gallus.
[Sejanus brought false accusation also against Drusus, through the medium
of his wife. For, by maintaining illicit relations with practically all
the wives of the distinguished men, he learned what their husbands said
and did, and further made them his assistants by promises of marriage.
Now when Tiberius without discussion sent Drusus to Rome, Sejanus,
fearing that his position might be injured, persuaded Cassius [2] to busy
himself against him.]
After exalting Sejanus to a high pinnacle of glory and making him a
member of his family by the alliance with Julia, daughter of Drusus,
Tiberius later killed him.
[-4-] Now Sejanus was growing greater and more formidable all the time,
and his progress made the senators and the rest look up to him as if he
were actually emperor and esteem Tiberius lightly. When Tiberius learned
this, he did not regard the matter as a trivial one, fearing, indeed,
that they would hail his rival as emperor outright, and he did not
neglect it. Yet he did nothing openly, for Sejanus had won the entire
pretorian guard thoroughly to his own side and had gained the favor of
the senators partly by benefits, partly by implanting hopes, and partly
by intimidation. He had made all the attendants on Tiberius so entirely
his friends that absolutely everything the emperor did was at once
reported to him, whereas of what he did not a word reached Tiberius's
ears. Hence the latter appeared content to follow where Sejanus led,
appointed him consul, and termed him Sharer of his Cares, repeating often
the phrase "My Sejanus," and publishing the same by writing it to the
senate and the people. Men took this behavior as sincere and were
deceived, and so set up bronze statues all about to both alike, wrote
their names together in bulletins, and brought into the theatres gilded
chairs for both. Finally it was voted that they should together be made
consuls every four years and that a body of citizens should go out to
meet both alike whenever they entered Rome. In the end they sacrificed to
the images of Sejanus as to those of Tiberius. This was the way matters
stood with Sejanus. Now among the rest many famous men met an ill fate,
of whom was also Gaius Fufius Geminus. Being accused of the crime of
maiestas against Tiberius he took his will into the senate-chamber and
read it, showing that he had left his inheritance in equal portions to
his children and to his sovereign. As he was charged with weakness he
went home before any vote was reached. When he learned that the quæstor
had arrived to attend to his execution, he wounded himself and displaying
the wound to the official exclaimed: "Report to the senate that it is
thus one dies who is a man." Likewise, his wife, Mutilia Prisca, against
whom some complaint was made, made her way into the senate and there
stabbed herself with a dagger, which she had brought in secretly.
Next he destroyed Mutilia and her husband together with two daughters on
account of her friendship for his mother.
In the days of Tiberius all who accused any persons regularly received
money and large allotments both from the victims' property and from the
public treasury in addition to various honors. There were cases where
certain men who impudently threw others into a panic or recklessly passed
the death sentence upon them obtained in the one instance statues and
in the other triumphal honors. Hence several citizens who were really
illustrious and conquered the right to some such distinction would not
assume it out of reluctance to let any period of their lives betray even
a superficial similarity to the careers of those scoundrels.
Tiberius, feigning sickness, sent Sejanus on to Rome with the assurance
that he should follow. He declared that in this separation a part of his
own body and soul was wrenched away from him: shedding tears he embraced
and kissed him, and Sejanus naturally was thereat the more elated.
[A.D. 31 (a u. 784)]
[-5-] By this time Sejanus was so imposing both in his haughtiness of
mind and in his immensity of power that, to make a long matter short, he
seemed to be the emperor and Tiberius a kind of island potentate because
the latter spent all his days in the island called Capreæ. Then there was
rivalry and jostling about the great man's doors from the fear not merely
that a person might fail to be observed by his patron but that he might
appear among the last: for all the words and gestures, particularly of
those in front, were carefully watched. People who hold a prominent
position as the result of native worth are not given at all to seeking
signs of friendship from others, and in case anything of the sort is seen
to be wanting on the part of these others the persons in question are not
provoked, inasmuch as they have an innate consciousness that they are not
being looked down upon. Any, however, that hold an artificial rank are
extremely jealous of all such attentions, feeling them to be necessary to
render their position complete. If they fail to obtain them then they
are as irritated as if slander were being pronounced against them and as
angry as if they were the recipients of positive insult. Consequently
the world is more scrupulous in the case of such persons than (one might
almost say) in the case of emperors themselves. To the latter it is
ascribed as a virtue to pardon any one if an error is committed; but in
the self-made persons that course appears to argue an inherent weakness,
whereas to attack and to exact vengeance is thought to furnish proof of
great power.
One morning, the first of the month, when all were gathered at Sejanus's
house, the couch placed in the small room where he received broke into
infinitesimal fragments under the weight of the throng seated upon it;
and, as he was leaving the house, a weasel darted through the midst of
them. After he had sacrificed on the Capitol and was now coming down to
the Forum, his servants that acted as body-guard turned aside along
the road leading to the prison, because the crowd prevented them from
escorting him, and as they descended the steps down which condemned
criminals were commonly cast they slipped and fell. Subsequently he took
the auspices and not one bird of good omen appeared, but crows flew and
cawed about him and then flew off all together to the jail, where they
alighted.
[-6-] These prodigies neither Sejanus nor any one else laid to heart.
For, in view of the way things stood, not even if some god had plainly
foretold that so great a change would take place in a short time, would
any one have believed it. They swore by his Fortune as if they would
never be weary, and hailed him colleague of Tiberius, making this phrase
refer not to the consulship but to the supreme power. Tiberius was no
longer uninformed of aught that concerned his minister. He racked his
brains to see in what manner he might kill him, but, not finding any way
in which he might do this openly and safely, he treated both the man
himself and all the rest in a remarkable fashion, so as to gain an
accurate knowledge of their feeling. He sent many despatches of all kinds
regarding himself to Sejanus and to the senate incessantly, saying at one
time that he was poorly and just at the point of death, and again that
he was in exceedingly good health and would reach Rome directly. Now he
would strongly approve Sejanus and again vehemently denounce him. Some of
his companions he would honor to show his regard for him, and others he
would dishonor. Thus Sejanus, filled in turn with extreme elation
and extreme fear, was always in a flutter. He could not decide to be
terrified and for that reason attempt a revolution, inasmuch as he was
being honored, nor yet to become bold enough to attempt some desperate
venture inasmuch as he was frequently abased. Moreover, all the rest of
the people were getting to feel dubious, because they heard alternately
and at short intervals the most contrary reports, because they could no
longer justify themselves in either admiring or despising Sejanus, and
because they were wondering about Tiberius, thinking first that he was
going to die and then that his arrival was imminent.
[-7-] Sejanus was disturbed by all this, and a great deal more by the
fact that from one of his statues at first a mass of smoke ascended in a
burst, and then, when the head was taken off to enable investigators to
see what was going on, a huge serpent darted up. Another head at once
replaced the former, and accordingly he was on the point of sacrificing
to himself (for sacrificing to himself was a regular part of his
program), when a rope was discovered coiled around the statue's neck.
Also a figure of Fortuna, made (as is said) in the time of Tullius, an
early king of Rome,--one which Sejanus at this time kept at his house and
took great pride in,--he saw turn away while he was sacrificing in
person ... and later others who had gone out in their company.[3] Most
men were suspicious of these circumstances, but since they did not know
the mind of Tiberius and further took into consideration the latter's
caprice and the unstable condition of affairs, they were divided in
sentiment. Privately they kept a sharp eye on their own safety, but
publicly they paid court to him, among other reasons because Tiberius
had joined to [him][4] as priests both Sejanus and his son. Moreover, they
had given him the proconsular authority and had likewise voted that word
be sent to all such as were consuls from year to year to emulate him in
their office. So Tiberius had honored him with the priesthoods, but he
did not send for him: instead, when his minister requested that he might
go to Campania, pleading as an excuse that his fiancée was ill, the
emperor directed him to stay where he was, giving as a reason that he
would himself arrive in Rome in almost no time.
[-8-] As a result, then, of this, Sejanus was again gradually alienated
and his vexation was increased by the fact that Tiberius appointed Gaius
priest with the imperial commendation and gave some hints to the effect
that he should make the new appointee his successor in the empire. The
angry favorite would have begun rebellious measures, especially as the
soldiers were ready to obey him in everything, had he not perceived that
the populace was hugely pleased at what was said in regard to Gaius,
out of reverence for the memory of Germanicus his father. Sejanus had
previously thought that these persons, too, were on his side, and now,
finding them enthusiastic for Gaius, he became dejected. He felt sorry
that he had not shown open revolt during his consulship. The rest were
strongly influenced against him by the course of events [5] as also by
Tiberius's action in releasing soon after an enemy of Sejanus, chosen ten
years before to govern Spain and just now being tried on certain charges.
Because of Sejanus the emperor also granted temporary immunity from
such suits to such others as were going to govern any provinces or to
administer any similar public business. And in writing to the senate
about the death of Nero he used simply the name Sejanus, with no phrases
added as had been his custom. Moreover, he forbade offering sacrifice to
any human being (because sacrifice was often offered to this man) and
the introduction of any business looking to his own honor (because many
honorary measures were being passed for his rival's benefit). He had
forbidden this practice still earlier, but now, on account of Sejanus, he
renewed his injunction. For naturally, if he allowed nothing of the
sort to be done in his own case, he would not permit it in the case of
another.