my father deceased) or whose conduct more godlike? With so many fine
soldiers at my back and citizens and allies (O Jupiter and Hercules!),
that love me, supreme over the entire sea within the Pillars of Hercules
except a very few tribes, possessing both cities and provinces on all the
continents, at a time when there is no longer any foreign enemy opposing
me and there is no disturbance at home, but you all are at peace,
harmonious and strong, and greatest of all are willingly obedient,--under
such conditions I voluntarily, of my own motion, resign so great a
dominion and alienate so vast a property. For if Horatius, Mucius,
Curtius, Regulus, the Decii wished to encounter danger and death with the
object of seeming to have done a great and noble deed, why should I not
even more desire to do this as a result of which I shall while alive
excel both them and all the rest of mankind in glory? No one of you
should think that whereas the ancient Romans pursued excellence and good
repute, all manliness has now become extinct in the city. Again, do not
entertain a suspicion that I wish to betray you and confide you to any
base fellows or expose you to mob rule, from which nothing good but all
the most terrible evils always result to mankind. Upon you, upon you, the
most excellent and prudent, I lay all public interests. The other course
I should never have followed, had it been necessary for me to die or even
to become monarch ten thousand times. This policy I adopt for my own
good and for that of the city. I myself have undergone both labors
and hardships and I can no longer hold out either in mind or in body.
Furthermore I foresee the jealousy and hatred which rises in the breasts
of some against the best men, and the plots which result from those
feelings; and for that reason I choose rather to be a private citizen
with glory than to be a monarch in danger. And the public business would
be managed much better if carried on publicly and by many people at once
than if it were dependent upon any one man.
[-9-] "For these reasons, then, I supplicate and beseech all of you both
to commend my course and to coöperate heartily with me, reflecting upon
all that I have done for you in war and in government. You will be paying
me all the thanks due for it by allowing me now at last to lead a life of
quiet. Thus you will come to know that I understand not only how to rule
but to be ruled, and that all commands which I have laid upon others I
can endure to have laid upon me. I must surely expect to live in security
and to suffer no harm from any one by either deed or word, such is the
confidence (based upon the consciousness of my own rectitude) that I have
in your good-will. I may of course meet with some catastrophe, as happens
to many; for it is not possible for a man to please everybody, especially
when he has been involved in so great wars, some foreign and some civil,
and has had affairs of such magnitude entrusted to him: yet even so, I
am quite ready to choose to die as a private citizen before my appointed
time rather than to become immortal as a sole ruler. That very
circumstance will bring me fame,--that I not only murdered no one in
order to hold possession of the sovereignty but even died untimely in
order to avoid becoming monarch. The man who has dared to slay me will
certainly be punished by Heaven and by you, as took place in the case
of my father. He was declared to be equal to a god and obtained eternal
honors, whereas those who slew him perished, the evil men, in evil
plight. We could not become deathless, yet by living well and by dying
well we do in a sense gain this boon. Therefore I, who possess the first
requisite and hope to possess the second, return to you the arms and the
provinces, the revenues and the laws. I make only this final suggestion,
that you be not disheartened through fear of the magnitude of affairs or
the difficulty of handling them, nor neglect them in disdain, with the
idea that they can be easily managed.
[-10-] "I have, indeed, no objection to suggesting to you in a summary
way what ought to be done in each of the leading categories. And what
are these suggestions? First, guard vigilantly the established laws and
change none of them. What remains fixed, though it be inferior, is more
advantageous than what is always subject to innovations, even though it
seem to be superior. Next, whatever injunctions these laws lay upon you
be careful to perform, and to refrain from whatever they forbid, and do
this scrupulously not only in word but also in deed, not only in public
but in private, that you may obtain not penalties but honors. The offices
both of peace and of war you should entrust to those who are each time
the most excellent and sensible, without jealousy of any persons, and
entering into rivalry not that this man or that man may reap some
advantage but that the city may be preserved and prosperous. Such men you
must honor but chastise those who show any different spirit in politics.
Make your private means public property of the city, and keep your hands
off public money as you would off your neighbors' goods. Keep careful
watch over what belongs to you but be not eager for that upon which you
can have no claim. Treat the allies and subject nations with neither
insolence nor rapacity, and neither wrong nor fear the enemy. Have your
arms always in hand, but do not use them against one another nor against
a peaceful population. Give the soldiers a sufficient support, so that
they may not on account of want desire anything which belongs to others.
Keep them together and discipline them, to prevent their doing any damage
through audacity.
"But why need I make a long story by going into everything which it is
your duty to do? You may easily understand from this how the remaining
business must be conducted. I will close with this one remark. If you
conduct the government in this way, you will enjoy prosperity yourselves
and you will gratify me, who found you in the midst of wretched dishonor
and have rendered you such as you are. If you prove impotent to carry out
any single branch as you should, you will cause me regret and you will
cast the city again into many wars and great dangers."
[-11-] While Cæsar was engaged in setting his decision before them, a
varied feeling took possession of the senators. A few of them knew his
real intention and as a result they kept applauding him enthusiastically.
Of the rest some were suspicious of what was said and others believed
in it, and therefore both marveled equally, the one class at his great
artifice and the other at the determination that he had reached. One side
was displeased at his involved scheming and the other at his change
of mind. For already there were some who detested the democratic
constitution as a breeder of factional difficulties, were pleased at the
change of government, and took delight in Cæsar. Consequently, though
the announcement affected different persons differently, their views in
regard to it were in each case the same. As for those who believed his
sentiments to be genuine, any who wished it could not rejoice because of
fear, nor the others lament because of hopes. And as many as disbelieved
it did not venture to accuse him and confute him, some because they were
afraid and others because they did not care to do so. Hence they all
either were compelled or pretended to believe him. As for praising him,
some did not have the courage and others were unwilling. Even in the
midst of his reading there were frequent shouts and afterward many more.
The senators begged that a monarchy be established, and directed all
their remarks to that end until (naturally) they forced him to assume the
reins of government. At once they saw to it that twice as much pay was
voted to the men who were to compose his body-guard as to the rest of the
soldiers, that this might incite the men to keep a careful watch of him.
Then he began to show a real interest in setting up a monarchy.
[-12-] In this way he had his headship ratified by the senate and the
people. As he wished even so to appear to be democratic in principle,
he accepted all the care and superintendence of public business on the
ground that it required expert attention, but said that he should not
personally govern all the provinces and those that he did govern he
should not keep in his charge perpetually. The weaker ones, because
(as he said) they were peaceful and free from war, he gave over to the
senate. But the more powerful he held in possession because they were
slippery and dangerous and either had enemies in adjoining territory or
on their own account were able to cause a great uprising. His pretext was
that the senate should fearlessly gather the fruits of the finest portion
of the empire, while he himself had the labors and dangers: his real
purpose was that by this plan the senators be unarmed and unprepared for
battle, while he alone had arms and kept soldiers. Africa and Numidia,
Asia and Greece with Epirus, the Dalmatian and Macedonian territories,
Sicily, Crete, and Libya adjacent to Cyrene, Bithynia with the adjoining
Pontus, Sardinia and Baetica, were consequently held to belong to
the people and the senate. Cæsar's were--the remainder of Spain, the
neighborhood of Tarraco and Lusitania, all Gauls (the Narbonensian and
the Lugdunensian, the Aquitani and the Belgæ), both themselves and the
aliens among them. Some of the Celtae whom we call Germani had occupied
all the Belgic territory near the Rhine and caused it to be called
Germania, the upper part extending to the sources of the river and the
lower part reaching to the Ocean of Britain. These provinces, then,
and the so-called Hollow Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia, Cyprus and the
Egyptians, fell at that time to Cæsar's share. Later he gave Cyprus and
Gaul adjacent to Narbo back to the people, and he himself took Dalmatia
instead. This was also done subsequently in the case of other provinces,
as the progress of my narrative will show. I have enumerated these in
such detail because now each one of them is ruled separately, whereas in
old times and for a long period the provinces were governed two and three
together. The others I have not mentioned because some of them were
acquired later, and the rest, even if they had been already subdued, were
not being governed by the Romans, but either were left to enjoy their own
laws or had been turned over to some kingdom or other. All of them that
after this came into the Roman empire were attached to the possessions
of the man temporarily in power.--This, then, was the division of the
provinces.
[-13-] Wishing to lead the Romans still further away from the idea
that he looked upon himself as absolute monarch, Cæsar undertook the
government of the regions given him for ten years. In the course of this
time he promised to reduce them to quiet and he carried his playfulness
to the point of saying that if they should be sooner pacified, he would
deliver them sooner to the senate. Thereupon he first appointed the
senators themselves to govern both classes of provinces except Egypt.
This land alone, for the reasons mentioned, he assigned to the knight
previously named.[2] Next he ordained that the rulers of senatorial
provinces should be annual magistrates, elected by lot, unless any one
had the special privilege accorded to a large number of children or
marriage. They were to be sent out by the assembly of the senate as a
body, with no sword at their side nor wearing the military garb. The name
proconsul was to belong not only to the two ex-consuls but also to
the rest who had served as prætors or who at least held the rank of
ex-prætors. Both classes were to employ as many lictors as were usual in
the capital. He ordered further that they were to put on the insignia of
their office immediately on leaving the pomerium and were to wear them
continually until they should return. The heads of imperial provinces, on
the other hand, were to be chosen by himself and be his agents, and they
were to be named proprætors even if they were from the ranks of the
ex-consuls. Of these two names which had been extremely common under the
democracy he gave that of prætor to the class chosen by him because
from very early times war had been their care, and he called them also
proprætors: the name of consul he gave to the others, because their
duties were more peaceful, and called them in addition proconsuls. These
particular names of prætor and consul he continued in Italy, and spoke of
all officials outside as governing as their representatives. He caused
the class of his own choosing to employ the title of proprætor and to
hold office for as much longer than a year as should please him, wearing
the military costume and having a sword with which they are empowered to
punish soldiers. No one else, proconsul or proprætor or procurator, who
is not empowered to kill a soldier, has been given the privilege of
wearing a sword. It is permitted not only to senators but also to knights
who have this function. This is the condition of the case.--All the
proprætors alike employ six lictors: as many of them as do not belong to
the number of ex-consuls are named from this very number.[3] Both classes
alike assume the decorations of their position of authority when they
enter their appointed district and lay them aside immediately upon
finishing their term.
[-14-] It is thus and on these conditions that governors from among the
ex-prætors and ex-consuls have been customarily sent to both kinds
of provinces. The emperor would send one of them on his mission
whithersoever and whenever he wished. Many while acting as prætors and
consuls secured the presidency of provinces, as sometimes happens at the
present day. In the case of the senate he privately gave Africa and Asia
to the ex-consuls and all the other districts to the ex-prætors. He
publicly forbade all the senators to cast lots for anybody until five
years after such a candidate had held office in the City. For a short
time all persons that fulfilled these requirements, even if they were
more numerous than the provinces, drew lots for them. Later, as some
of them did not govern well, this I appointment, too, reverted to the
emperor. Thus they also in a sense receive their position from him, and
he ordains that only a number equal to the number of provinces shall draw
lots, and that they shall be whatever men he pleases. Some emperors have
sent men of their own choosing there also, and have allowed certain of
them to hold office for more than a year: some have assigned certain
provinces to knights instead of to senators.
These were the customs thus established at that time in regard to those
senators that were authorized to execute the death penalty upon their
subjects. Some who have not this authority are sent out to the provinces
called "provinces of the senate and the people",--namely, such quæstors
as the lot may designate and men who are co-assessors with those who hold
the actual authority. This would be the correct way to speak of these
associates, with reference not to the ordinary name but to their duties:
others call these also _presbeutai_, using the Greek term; about this
title enough has been said in the foregoing narrative. Each separate
official chooses his own assessors, the exprætors selecting one from
either their peers or their inferiors, and the ex-consuls three from
among those of equal rank, subject to the approval of the emperor.
There were certain innovations made also in regard to these men, but
since they soon lapsed this is sufficient to say here.
[-15-] This is the method followed in regard to the provinces of the
people. To the others, called provinces of the emperor, which have more
than one citizenlegion, lieutenants are sent chosen by the ruler himself,
generally from the ex-prætors but in some instances already from the
ex-quæstors or those who had held some office between the two. Those
positions, then, appertain to the senators.
From among the knights the emperor himself despatches, some to the
citizen posts alone but others to foreign places (according to the
custom then instituted by [the same] Cæsar), the military tribunes, the
prospective senators and the remainder, concerning whose difference in
rank I have previously spoken in the narrative.[4] The procurators (a
name that we give to the men who collect the public revenues and spend
what is ordered) he sends to all the provinces alike, his own and the
people's, and some of these officers belong to the knights, others to the
freedmen. By way of exception the proconsuls levy the tribute upon
the people they govern. The emperor gives certain injunctions to the
procurators, the proconsuls, and the proprætors, in order that they may
proceed to their place of office on fixed conditions. Both this practice
and the giving of salary to them and to the remaining employees of the
government were made the custom at this period. In old times some by
contracting for work to be paid for from the public treasury furnished
themselves with everything needed for their office. It was only in the
days of Cæsar that these particular persons began to receive something
definite. This salary was not assigned to all of them in equal amounts,
but as need demands. The procurators get their very name, a dignified
one, from the amount of money given into their charge. The following laws
were laid down for all alike,--that they should not make up lists for
service or levy money beyond the amount appointed, unless the senate
should so vote or the emperor so order: also that when their successors
should arrive, they were immediately to leave the province and not to
delay on their return, but to be back within three months.
[-16-] These matters were so ordained at that time,--or, at least, one
might say so. In reality Cæsar himself was destined to hold absolute
control of all of them for all time, because he commanded the soldiers
and was master of the money; nominally the public funds had been
separated from his own, but in fact he spent the former also as he saw
fit.
When his decade had come to an end, there was voted him another five
years, then five more, after that ten, and again another ten, and a like
number the fifth time,[5] so that by a succession of ten-year periods he
continued monarch for life. Consequently the subsequent emperors, though
no longer appointed for a specified period but for their whole life at
once, nevertheless have been wont to hold a festival every ten years as
if then renewing their sovereignty once more: this is done even at the
present day.
Cæsar had received many honors previously, when the matter of declining
the sovereignty and that regarding the division of the provinces were
under discussion. For the right to fasten the laurel in front of his
royal residence and to hang the oak-leaf crown above the doors was then
voted him to symbolize the fact that he was always victorious over
enemies and preserved the citizens. The royal building is called
Palatium, not because it was ever decreed that that should be its name,
but because Cæsar dwelt on the Palatine and had his headquarters there;
and his house secured some renown from the mount as a whole by reason
of the former habitation of Romulus there. Hence, even if the emperor
resides somewhere else, his dwelling retains the name of Palatium.
When he had really completed the details of administration, the name
Augustus was finally applied to him by the senate and by the people. They
wanted to call him by some name of their own, and some proposed this,
while others chose that. Cæsar was exceedingly anxious to be called
Romulus, but when he perceived that this caused him to be suspected of
desiring the kingship, he no longer insisted on it but took the title of
Augustus, signifying that he was more than human. All most precious and
sacred objects are termed _augusta_. Therefore they saluted him also
in Greek as _sebastós_, meaning an _august_ person, from the verb
_sebazesthai_. [-17-] In this way all the power of the people and that of
the senate reverted to Augustus, and from his time there was a genuine
monarchy. Monarchy would be the truest name for it, no matter how much
two and three hold the power together. This name of monarch the Romans so
detested that they called their emperors neither dictators nor kings nor
anything of the sort. Yet since the management of the government devolves
upon them, it can not but be that they are kings. The offices that
commonly enjoy some legal sanction are even now maintained, except that
of censor. Still, everything is directed and carried out precisely as the
emperor at the time may wish. In order that they may appear to hold this
power not through force, but according to law, the rulers have taken
possession,--names and all,--of every position (save the dictatorship)
which under the democracy was of mighty influence among the citizens who
bestowed the power. They very frequently become consuls and are always
called proconsuls whenever they are outside the pomerium. The title of
imperator is invariably given not only to such as win victories but to
all the rest, to indicate the complete independence of their authority,
instead of the name "king" or "dictator." These particular names they
have never assumed since the terms first fell out of use in the Senate,
but they are confirmed in the prerogatives of these positions by the
appellation of imperator. By virtue of the titles mentioned they get the
right to make enrollments, to collect moneys, declare wars make peace,
rule foreign and native territory alike everywhere and always, even to
the extent of putting to death both knights and senators within the
pomerium, and all the other privileges once granted to the consuls and
other officials with full powers. By virtue of the office of censor they
investigate our lives and characters and take the census. Some they list
in the equestrian and senatorial class and others they erase from
the roll, as pleases them. By virtue of being consecrated in all the
priesthoods and furthermore having the right to give the majority of them
to others and from the fact that _one_ of the high priests (if there be
two or three holding office at once) is chosen from their number, they
are themselves also masters of holy and sacred things. The so-called
tribunician authority which the men of very greatest attainment used to
hold gives them the right to stop any measure brought up by some one
else, in case they do not join in approving it, and to be free from
personal abuse. Moreover if they are thought to be wronged in even the
slightest degree not merely by action but even by conversation they may
destroy the guilty party without a trial as one polluted. They do not
think it lawful to be tribune, because they belong altogether to the
patrician class, but they assume all the power of the tribuneship
undiminished from the period of its greatest extent; and thereby the
enumeration of the years they have held the office in question goes
forward on the assumption that they receive it year by year along with
the others who are successively tribunes. Thus by these names they have
secured these privileges in accordance with all the various usages of the
democracy, in order that they may appear to possess nothing that has not
been given them.
[-18-] They have gained also another prerogative which was given to none
of the ancient Romans outright to apply to all cases, and it is through
this alone that it would be possible for them to hold the above offices
and any others besides. They are freed from the action of the laws, as
the very words in Latin indicate. That is, they are liberated from every
consideration of compulsion and are subjected to none of the written
ordinances. So by virtue of these democratic names they are clothed in
all the strength of the government and have all that appertains to kings
except the vulgar title. "Cæsar" or "Augustus" as a mode of address
confers upon them no distinct privilege of its own but shows in the one
case the continuance of their family and in the other the brilliance and
dignity of their position. The salutation "father" perhaps gives them a
certain authority over us which fathers once had over their children. It
was not used, however, for this purpose in the beginning, but for their
honor, and to admonish them to love their subjects as they would their
children, while the subjects were to respect them as they respect their
fathers.