than you possess, ought to be most peaceful, whereas your equipment
should be most warlike, in order that no one ordinarily may either wish
or try to harm you, but if he should, that he may be punished easily and
instantly. For these and other reasons it is requisite for some persons
to keep their ears and eyes open to everything appertaining to your
position of authority, in order that you may not fail to notice anything
which needs guarding against or setting right. Remember, however, that
you must not trust merely to all they say, but investigate their words
carefully. There are many who, some through hatred of certain persons,
others out of desire for what they possess, or as a favor to some one, or
because they ask money and do not receive it, oppress others under the
pretext that the latter are rebellious or are guilty of harboring some
design or uttering some statement against the supreme ruler. Therefore it
is not right to pay immediate or ready attention to them, but to enquire
into absolutely everything. If you are slow in believing anybody, you
will suffer no great harm, but if you are hasty, you may make a mistake
which can not easily be repaired.
"Now it is both right and necessary for you to honor the excellent both
among the freedmen and among the rest of your associates. This will
afford you great renown and security. They must, however not have any
extraordinary powers but all carefully moderate their conduct, that
so you may not be ill spoken of through them. For everything they do,
whether well or ill, will be accredited to you, and the estimate of
yourself to be made by all men will depend upon what you permit these
persons to do.
"Do not, then, allow the influential either to make unjust gains or to
concern themselves with blackmail: and let no one be complained of for
'having influence', even if he is otherwise irreproachable. Defend the
masses vigorously when they are wronged and do not attend too easily to
accusations against them. Examine every deed on its merits, not being
suspicious of every one who is prominent nor believing every one who is
lower in the social scale. Those who are active and are the authors of
any useful device you must honor, but the idle or such as busy themselves
with petty foolishness you must hate. Thus your subjects will be inclined
to the former conduct because of the benefits attached and will refrain
from the latter on account of the penalties, and will become better
as individuals and more serviceable for your employment in the public
service.
"It is an excellent achievement also to render private disputes as few as
possible and their settlement as rapid as may be. But it is best of all
to cut short the impetuosity of communities, and, if under guise of some
appeals to your sovereignty and safety and good fortune they undertake to
use force upon anybody or to undertake exploits or expenditures that are
beyond their power, not to permit it. You should abolish altogether their
enmities and rivalries among themselves and not authorize them to create
any empty titles or anything else which will breed differences between
them. All will readily obey you both in this and in every other matter,
private and public, if you never permit any one to transgress this rule.
Non-enforcement of laws makes null and void even wisely framed precepts.
Consequently you should not allow persons to ask for what you are not
accustomed to give. Try to compel them to avoid diligently this very
practice of petitioning for something prohibited. This is what I have to
say on that subject.
[-38-] "I advise you never to make use of your authority against all the
citizens at once nor to deem it in any way curtailed if you do not do
absolutely everything that is within your power. But in proportion as you
are able to carry out all your wishes, you must be anxious to wish only
what is proper, make always a self-examination, to see whether what you
are doing is right or not, what conduct will cause people to love you,
and what not, in order that you may perform the one set of acts and avoid
the other. Do not admit the thought that you will sufficiently escape
the reputation of acting contrary to this rule, if only you hear no one
censuring you; and do not look for any one to be so mad as to reproach
you openly for anything. No one would do this, not even if he should be
violently wronged. Quite the reverse,--many are compelled in public to
praise their oppressors, and while engaged in opposition not to manifest
their wrath. The ruler must infer the disposition of people not from what
they say but from the way it is natural for them to feel.
[-39-] "This and a similar policy is the one I wish you to pursue. I pass
over many matters because it is not feasible to speak of them all at one
time and within present limits. One suggestion therefore I will make to
sum up both previous remarks and whatever is lacking. If you yourself by
your own motion do whatever you would wish some one else who ruled you
to do, you will make no mistakes and will be always successful, and
consequently your life will be most pleasant and free from danger. How
can all fail to regard you and to love you as father and preserver, when
they see you are orderly, leading a good life, good at warfare, but a man
of peace: when you are not wanton, do not defraud: when you meet them
on a footing of equality, and do not yourself grow rich while demanding
money from others: are not yourself given to luxury while imposing
hardships upon others: are not yourself unbridled while reproving others:
when, instead, your life in every way without exception is precisely
like theirs? Be of good cheer, for you have in your own hands a great
safeguard by never wronging another. And believe me when I tell you that
you will never be the object of hatred or plots. Since this is so, you
must quite inevitably lead a pleasant life. What is pleasanter, what is
more conducive to prosperity, than to enjoy in a rightful way all the
blessings among men and to have the power of granting them to others?
[-40-] "With this in mind, together with all the rest that I have told
you, heed my advice and let not that fortune slip which has chosen you
out of all and set you at the head of all. If you would choose the
substance of monarch but fear the name of 'kingdom' as accursed, then
refrain from taking possession of the latter and be satisfied to employ
merely the title of 'Cæsar.' If you need any further appellations, they
will give you that of _Imperator_, as they gave it to your father. They
will reverence you also by still another name, so that you may obtain all
the advantages of a kingdom without the disfavor that attaches to the
term itself."
[-41-] Mæcenas thus brought his speech to an end. Cæsar thanked them both
heartily for their many ideas, the exhaustiveness of their exposition,
and their frankness. He rather inclined, however, to the proposition of
Mæcenas. Yet he did not immediately put into practice all of the other's
suggestions, for fear that he might meet with some setback if he wanted
to reform men in multitudes. So he made some changes for the better at
once and others later. He left some things also for those who should
come to the head of the State afterward to do, as might be found more
opportune in the progress of time. Agrippa coöperated with him in all his
projects quite zealously, in spite of having stated a contrary opinion,
just as if he had been the one to propose the plan. Cæsar did this and
what I have recorded earlier in the narrative in that year when he was
consul for the seventh time, and added the title of _Imperator_. I do not
refer to the title anciently granted some persons for victories,--this he
received many times before and many times later for his deeds themselves,
so that he had the name of imperator twenty-one times,--but to the other
one which signifies supreme power, just as they had voted to his father
Cæsar and to the children and descendants of the same.
[-42-] After this he entered upon a censorship with Agrippa and besides
setting aright some other business he investigated the senate. Many
knights and many foot-soldiers, too, who did not deserve it were in the
senate as a result of the civil wars, so that the total of that body
amounted to a thousand. These he wished to remove, but did not himself
erase any of their names, urging them to become their own judges out of
the consciousness of their family and their life. So first he persuaded
fifty of them to retire voluntarily from the assemblage and then
compelled one hundred and forty others to imitate their example. He
disenfranchised none of them, but posted the names of the second
division. In the case of the first, because they had not delayed but had
straightway obeyed him, he remitted the reproach and their identity was
not made public. These accordingly returned willingly to private life. He
ousted Quintus Statilius, very much against the latter's will, from the
tribuneship to which he had been appointed. Some others he made senators,
and he counted among the ex-consuls two men of the senatorial class,--a
certain Cluvius and Gaius Furnius,--because they had been appointed
first, though certain others had taken possession of their offices
so that they were unable to become consuls. He added to the class of
patricians, the senate allowing him to do this because most of its
members had perished. No element is exhausted so fast in civil wars as
the nobility or is deemed to be so necessary for the continuance of
ancestral customs. In addition to the above measures he forbade all
persons in the senate to go outside of Italy, unless he himself should
order or permit any one of them to do so. This custom is still kept up at
the present day. Except that he may visit Sicily and Gallia Narbonensis
no senator is allowed to go anywhere out of the country. As these regions
are close at hand and the population is unarmed and peaceful, those who
have any possessions there have been granted the right to take trips to
them as often as they like, without asking leave.--Since also he saw that
many of the senators and of the others who had been devoted to Antony
still maintained an attitude of suspicion toward him, and as he was
afraid they might cause some uprising, he announced that all the letters
found in his rival's chest had been burned. Some of them as a matter of
fact had perished, but the majority of them he took pains to preserve and
did not even hesitate to use them later.
[-43-] Besides these acts related he also settled Carthage anew, because
Lepidus had laid waste a part of it and for that reason he maintained
that the colonists' rights of settlement had been abrogated. He summoned
Antiochus of Commagene to appear before him because this prince had
treacherously slain an envoy despatched to Rome by his brother, who was
at variance with him. Cæsar brought him before the senate, where he was
condemned and the sentence of death imposed. Capreæ was also obtained
from the Neapolitans, to whom it had anciently belonged, in exchange for
other land. It lies not far from the mainland opposite Surrentum and is
good for nothing but has a name even now on account of Tiberius's sojourn
there.--These were the events of that period.
[Footnote 1: Reading [Greek: anagchastae] (Boissevain)]
[Footnote 2: The same Strabo who is mentioned in the early part of
chapter 28, Book Forty-four.]
[Footnote 3: There is a gap here in the Greek text. The conclusion of
Agrippa'a speech is missing, as is also the earlier portion of Mæcenas's,
with some brief preface thereto. In the next chapter we are full in the
midst of the opposite argument,--in favor, namely, of the assumption of
supreme power by Octavius Cæsar.]
[Footnote 4: Cobet prefers to read "fearlessly" (substituting [Greek:
hadeos] for [Greek: aedeos]).]
[Footnote 5: Dio seems here to be imitating, in his phraseology,
Thukydides (VII, 25). The proper reading is [Greek: peri herma] (two
words), not [Greek: perierma] as in some of the MSS.]
[Footnote 6: Dindorf's reading (Greek: _gunaichon te ton prosaechouson
autois_).]
[Footnote 7: Compare Suetonius, _Augustus_, chapter 37. In practice there
were six of them,--three to nominate senators, and three to make a review
of the knights.]
[Footnote 8: Here some words have evidently fallen out of the text.]
[Footnote 9: Reading [Greek: hapo] with Dindorf.]
[Footnote 10: Reading [Greek: archousi] (MSS. and Boissevain) instead of
[Greek: archomenois] (Xylander).]
[Footnote 11: Adopting Boissevain's reading (Greek: diagein estai).]
[Footnote 12: A reference particularly to the ludi Capitolini, founded by
Domitian.]
[Footnote 13: Latin, _præfectus annonæ_.]
[Footnote 14: Latin, _præfectus vigilum_.]
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
53
The following is contained in the Fifty-third of Dio's Rome:
How the temple of Apollo on the Palatine was consecrated (chapters 1, 2).
How Cæsar delivered in the senate a speech as if retiring from the
sovereignty; and thereafter assigned to that body its proper provinces
(chapters 3-12).
About the appointment of the governors sent to the provinces (chapters
13-15).
How Cæsar was given the title of Augustus (chapter 16).
About the names which the emperors assume (chapters 17-22).
How the Sæpta were consecrated (chapters 23, 24).
How Cæsar fought against Astures and Cantabri (chapter 25).
How Gaul began to be governed Romans (chapter 26).
How the Portico of Neptune and the Baths of Agrippa were dedicated
(chapter 27).
How the Pantheon was dedicated (chapter 27).
How Augustus was released from the obligation of obeying the laws
(chapter 28).
How an expedition was made into Arabia Felix (chapters 29-33).
Duration of time six years, in which there were the following magistrates
here enumerated.
Cæsar (VI), M. Vipsanius L.F. Agrippa (II). (B.C. 28 = a. u. 726.)
Cæsar (VII), M. Vipsanius L.F. Agrippa (III). (B.C. 27 = a. u. 727.)
Cæsar Augustus (VIII), T. Statilius T.F. Taurus (II). (B.C. 26 = a. u.
728.)
Augustus (IX), M. lunius M.F. Silanus. (B.C. 25 = a. u. 729.)
Augustus (X), C. Norbanus C.F.C.N. Flaccus. (B.C. 24 = a. u. 730.)
Augustus (XI), Cn. Calpurnius Cn.F.Cn.N. Piso. (B.C. 23 = a. u. 731.)
_(BOOK 53, BOISSEVAIN.)_
[B.C. 28 (_a. u._ 726)]
[-1-] The following year Cæsar held office for the sixth time and did
everything according to the usage approved from very early times,
delivering to Agrippa his colleague the bundles of rods which belonged
to an incumbent of the consulship, while he himself used the others. On
completing his term he had the oath administered according to ancestral
custom. Whether he ever did this again I do not know. Agrippa he honored
exceedingly, even going so far as to give him his niece in marriage and
to provide him with a tent similar to his own whenever they went on a
campaign together; and the watchword was given by both of them. At that
particular time besides attending to the ordinary run of business he
finished the taking of the census, in which he was called _Princeps
Senatus_, as had been deemed proper under the real democracy. He further
completed and dedicated the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, the
precinct surrounding it, and the stores of books. And he celebrated in
company with Agrippa the festival in honor of the victory won at Actium,
which had been voted: in it he had the horse-race between boys and
between men of the nobility. This celebration every five years, as long
as it lasted, was in charge of the four priesthoods in succession,--I
mean the pontifices and augurs and the so-called septemviri and
quindecimviri. A gymnastic contest was also held at that time,--a wooden
stadium being built in the Campus Martius,--and there was an armed combat
of captives. This continued for several days without a break, in spite of
Cæsar's falling sick; for even so Agrippa filled his place.
[-2-] Cæsar spent some of his private means upon the festivals, and when
money was needed for the public treasury he borrowed it and supplied the
want. For the management of this branch of the service he ordered two
annual magistrates to be chosen from among the ex-prætors. To the
populace he distributed a quadruple allowance of grain and made a present
of money to some of the senators. For many of them had grown so poor as
not to be willing to be even ædile on account of the great expenses.
Moreover the courts which belonged to the ædileship were to be assigned
to the prætors as had been the custom, the more important to the prætor
urbanus and the others to the prætor peregrinus. Again, he himself
appointed the prætor urbanus, as he often did subsequently. The pledges
deposited with the public treasury before the battle of Actium he
released, save any that involved house property, and burned the old
acknowledgments of those who owed the State anything. Egyptian rites
he did not admit within the pomerium, but paid great attention to
the temples of Egyptian deities. Such as had been built by private
individuals he ordered their children and descendants, if any survived,
to repair, and the rest he restored himself. He did not, however,
appropriate the credit for their building but allowed it to rest with
those who had originally constructed them. And since very many unlawful
and unjust ordinances had been passed during the internecine strifes and
in the wars, and particularly in the dual reign of Antony and Lepidus, he
abolished them all by one promulgation, setting his sixth consulship as
the limit of their existence. As he obtained approbation and praise for
this act he desired to exhibit another instance of magnanimity, that by
such a policy he might be honored the more and that his supremacy might
be voluntarily confirmed by the people, which would enable him to
avoid the appearance of having forced them against their will. As a
consequence, after apprising those senators with whom he was most
intimate of his designs, he entered the senatorial body in his seventh
consulship and read the following document.
[B.C. 27 (_a. u._ 727)]
[-3-] "I am sure that I shall seem to some of you, Conscript Fathers, to
have made an incredible choice. For what each one of my hearers would not
wish to do himself, he does not like to believe when another states it as
accomplished. This is chiefly because every one is jealous of every one
who surpasses him and is more or less inclined to distrust anything said
that is higher than his own standard.[1] Moreover I know this, that those
who make apparently untrustworthy statements not only persuade nobody but
further have the appearance of cheats. And, indeed, if it were a case of
announcing something that I was not intending to do immediately, I should
hesitate very much about making it public, for fear of obtaining some
unworthy charge against me instead of gratitude. But, as it is, when
the performance will follow the promise this very day, I feel entirely
confident not only of avoiding any shame for prevarication but of
surpassing all mankind in good repute. [-4-] You all see that I am so
situated that I could rule you perpetually. All the revolutionists either
have been disciplined and been made to halt or have had pity shown them
and so have come to their senses. My helpers have been made devoted by
a recompense of benefits and steadfast by a participation in the
government: therefore they do not desire any political innovations, and
if anything of the sort should take place, the men to assist me are even
more ready for it than the instigators of rebellion. My military is in
prime condition, we have good-will, strength, money, and allies, and
chiefest of all you and the people are so disposed toward me that you
would be quite willing to have me at your head. However, I will lead you
no longer, nor shall any one say that all the acts of my previous career
have been with the object of sole rulership. I give up the entire domain,
and I restore to you absolutely everything,--the arms, the laws, and the
provinces,--not only all those which you committed to me but also all
that I myself subsequently acquired for you. Thus by my deeds themselves
you may ascertain that I did not from the outset desire any position of
power, but wished in very truth to avenge my father cruelly murdered and
to extricate the city from great and continuous evils. [-5-] I would that
I had never taken charge of affairs even to the present extent. That is,
I would that the city had never needed me for any such purpose, but that
we of this age had from the outset lived in peace and harmony as our
fathers once did. But since an inflexible fate, as it seems, brought you
to a place where there was need even of me, though I was still young,
and I was put to the test, I was always ready to labor zealously at
everything even beyond what was expected of my years, so long as the
situation demanded my help, and I accomplished everything with good
fortune, even surpassing my powers. There was not one consideration out
of all that might be cited which could turn me from aiding you when you
were in danger, not toil or fear or threats of foes or prayers of friends
or the numbers of the confederates or the desperation of our adversaries.
I gave myself to you unsparingly for all the tasks that fell to our
lot, and my performances and sufferings you know. From it I myself have
derived no gain except that I caused my country to survive, but you are
both preserved and in your sober senses. Since, then, the gracious act
of Fortune has restored to you by my hands peace without treachery and
harmony without turmoil, receive back also liberty and democracy.
Take possession of the arms and the subject nations, and conduct the
government as has been your wont.
[-6-] "You should not be surprised at my attitude when you see my right
conduct in other ways, my mildness and freedom from meddling, and reflect
moreover that I have never accepted any extraordinary privilege, beyond
what the majority might gain, though you have often voted many of them to
me. Do not, again, condemn me for folly because, when it is in my power
to rule over you and hold so great a sovereignty over this great world, I
am unwilling. Examining the merits of the situation I deem it most just
for you to manage your own affairs: examining the advantages, I regard it
as most advantageous to myself to be free from trouble, from jealousy,
from plots, and for you to conduct a free government with moderation and
love: examining where the glory lies (for the sake of which men often
choose to enter war and danger), will it not add most to my reputation
to resign so great a dominion? Will it not be most glorious to leave so
exalted a sovereignty and voluntarily become a plain citizen? So if any
one of you doubts that any one else could show true moderation in this
and bring himself to speak out, let him at all events believe me. For,
though I could recite many great benefits which have been conferred upon
you by me and by my father for which you would naturally love and honor
us above all the rest, I could say nothing greater and I should take
pride in nothing else more than this, that he would not accept the
monarchy which you strove to give him, and that I, holding it, lay it
aside.
[-7-] "What need to set side by side his separate exploits,--the conquest
of Gaul, the subduing of Moesia, the subjugation of Egypt, the enslaving
of Pannonia? Or again Pharnaces, Juba, Phraates, the campaign against
the Britons, the crossing of the Rhine? Yet these are greater and more
important deeds than all our forefathers performed in all previous time.
Still, any of these accomplishments scarcely deserves a place beside my
present act, nor yet, indeed, does the fact that the civil wars, the
greatest and most diverse that have occurred in the history of man, we
fought to a successful finish, and that we made humane terms, overcoming
all who withstood us, as enemies, and saving alive all who yielded, as
friends; (so that if our city should ever again be fated to suffer from
disaffection, we might pray that the quarrel should follow this same
course). For that in spite of our possessing such great power and
standing at the summit of excellence and good fortune so that we might
govern you willing or unwilling, we should neither lose our heads nor
desire sole supremacy, but that instead he should reject it when offered
and I return it when given is a superhuman achievement. I speak in this
way not for idle boasting,--I should not have said it at all if I were
to derive any advantage whatever from it,--but in order that you may see
that whereas there are many public benefits to our credit and we have
in private many lofty titles, we take greatest pride in this, that what
others desire to gain even by doing violence to their neighbors we
surrender without any compulsion.