are accustomed according to the and according to what has now become
tradition. At present all of them are, as a rule, bestowed upon the
rulers at once, except the title of censor: to the earlier emperors they
were voted separately and from time to time. Some of the emperors took
the censorship in accordance with ancient custom and Domitian took it for
life. This is, however, no longer done at the present day. They possess
its powers and are not chosen for it and do not employ its name except in
the censuses.
[-19-] Thus was the constitution made over at that time for the better
and in a way to provide greater security. It was doubtless absolutely
impossible for the people to be preserved under a democracy. Events after
this, however, can not be said to be similar to those preceding this
period. Formerly everything was referred to the senate and the people
even if it occurred at a distance; hence all learned of it and many
recorded it. Consequently the truth of happenings, no matter with how
much fear and gratitude and friendship and enmity toward any one they
were related, has been found at least In the works of those who wrote of
them and to a certain extent also in the public records. But after this
time business began to be transacted more often with concealment and
secrecy. Nowadays, even if anything is made public, it is distrusted
because it can not be proved. It is suspected that all speeches and acts
are to meet the wishes of the men at the time in power and of their
associates. As a result much that never occurs is noised abroad and
much that really happens is unknown. Nearly everything is reported in a
different form from what really takes place. Yet the magnitude of the
empire and the number of events render accuracy in regard to them most
difficult. In Rome there are many operations going on, and so in its
subject territory, as well as against hostile tribes, always and every
day, so to speak, clear information about which no one can easily get
except those actively concerned. There are great numbers who do not hear
at all of what has taken place. Hence all that follows which will require
mention I shall narrate as it has been published, whether it is so in
truth or is really somewhat different. In addition, however, my own
opinion so far as possible will be stated in matters where I have been
able to deduce something else than the common report from the many things
I have read or heard or seen.
[-20-] Cæsar, as I have said, received the further designation of
Augustus, and a sign of no little moment in regard to him occurred that
very night. The Tiber overflowed and occupied all of Rome that was built
in the plain country so that it was submerged. From this the soothsayers
inferred that he would rise to great heights and keep the whole city
subservient. While different persons were rivals to show him excessive
honors, one Sextus Pacuvius, or, as others say, Apudius[6] surpassed them
all. In the open senate he consecrated himself to him after the fashion
of the Spaniards and advised the rest to do the same. When Augustus
hindered him he rushed out to the crowd standing near by, and (as he was
tribune) compelled them and next all the rest who were wandering about
through the streets and lanes to consecrate themselves; to Augustus. From
this episode we are wont even now to say in appeals to the sovereign
"we have consecrated ourselves to you." Pacuvius ordered all to offer
sacrifice for this occurrence and before the people he once said he
should make Augustus his inheritor on equal terms with his son. This was
not because he possessed anything much, but because he wished to get
more. And his desire was accomplished.
[-21-] Augustus attended with considerable zeal to all the business of
the empire to make it appear that he had received it in accordance with
the wishes of all, and he also enacted many laws. (I need not go into
each one of them in detail except those which have a bearing upon my
history. This same course I shall follow in the case of later events, in
order not to become wearisome by introducing all such matters as not even
those who specialize on them most narrowly know with accuracy.) Not all
of these laws were enacted on his sole responsibility: some of them he
brought before the public in advance, in order that, if any featured
caused displeasure, he might learn it in time and correct them. He urged
that any one at all give him advice, if any one could think of anything
better. He accorded them full liberty of speech and some provisions he
actually did alter. Most important of all, he took as advisers for six
months the consuls or the consul (when he himself also held the office),
one of each of the other kinds of officials, and fifteen men chosen
by lot from the remainder of the senatorial body. Through them he was
accustomed to a certain extent to communicate to all the rest the
provisions of his laws. Some features he brought before the entire
senate. He deemed it better, however, to consider most of the laws and
the greater ones in company with a few persons at leisure, and acted
accordingly. Sometimes he tried cases with their assistance. The entire
senate by itself sat in judgment as formerly and transacted business with
occasional groups of envoys and heralds from both peoples and kings.
Furthermore the people and the plebs came together for the elections, but
nothing was done that would not please Cæsar. Some of those who were
to hold office he himself chose out and nominated and others he put,
according to ancient custom, in the power of the people and the plebs,
yet taking care that no unfit persons should be appointed, nor by
factious cliques nor by bribery. In this way he controlled the entire
empire.
[-22-] I shall relate also in detail all his acts that need mentioning,
together with the names of the consuls under whom they were performed.
In the year previously named, seeing that the roads outside the wall had
become through neglect hard to traverse, he ordered different senators to
repair different ones at their own expense. He himself attended to the
Flaminian Way, since he was going to lead an army out by that route.
This operation was finished forthwith and images of him were accordingly
erected on arches on the bridge over the Tiber and at Ariminum. The other
roads were repaired later either at public expense (for none of the
senators liked to spend money on it) or by Augustus, as one may wish to
state. I can not distinguish their treasures in spite of the fact that
Augustus coined into money some silver statues of himself made by his
friends and by certain of the tribes, purposing thereby to make it appear
that all the expenditures which he said he made were from his own means.
Therefore I have no opinion to record as to whether a ruler at any
particular time took money from the public treasury or whether he ever
gave it himself. For both of these things were often done. Why should any
one list such things as either expenditures or donations, when the people
and the emperor are constantly making both the one and the other in
common?
These were the acts of Augustus at that time. He also set out apparently
to make a campaign into Britain, but on coming to the provinces of Gaul
lingered there. For the Britons seemed likely to make terms with him
and Gallic affairs were still unsettled, as the civil wars had begun
immediately after their subjugation. He made a census of the people and
set in order their life and government.
[ B.C. 26 (_a. u. 728_)]
[-23-] From there he came to Spain and reduced that country also to
quiet. After this he became consul for the eighth time with Statilius
Taurus, and Agrippa dedicated the so-called for he had not promised to
repair any road. This edifice in the Campus Martius had been constructed
by Lepidus by the addition of porticos all about for the tribal
elections, and Agrippa adorned it with stone tablets and paintings, naming
it Julian, from Augustus. The builder incurred no jealousy for it but was
greatly honored both by Augustus himself and by all the rest of the
people. The reason is that he gave his master the most kindly, the most
distinguished, the most beneficial advice and coöperation, yet claimed
not even a small share of the consequent glory. He used the honors which
Cæsar gave not for personal gain or enjoyment but for the benefit of the
giver himself and of the public.--On the other hand Cornelius Gallus
was led to insolent behavior by honor. He talked a great deal of idle
nonsense against Augustus and was guilty of many sly reprehensible
actions. Throughout nearly all Egypt he set up images of himself and he
inscribed upon the pyramids a list of his achievements. For this he
was accused by Valerius Largus, his comrade and intimate, and was
disenfranchised by Augustus, so that he was prevented from living in the
emperor's provinces. After this took place others attacked him, and
brought many indictments against him. The senate unanimously voted that
he should be convicted in the courts, be deprived of his property, and be
exiled, that his possessions be given to Augustus, and that they should
sacrifice oxen. In overwhelming grief at this Gallus committed suicide
before the decrees took effect. [-24-] The false behavior of most men was
evidenced by this fact, that they now treated the man whom they once used
to flatter in such a way that they forced him to die by his own hand.
To Largus they showed devotion because his star was beginning to
rise,--though they were sure to vote the same measures against him, if
anything similar should ever occur in his case. Proculeius, however, felt
so toward him that on meeting him once he clapped his hand over his nose
and his mouth, thereby signifying to the bystanders that it was not safe
even to breathe in the man's presence. Another person, although unknown,
approached him with witnesses and asked if Largus recognized him. When
the one questioned said "no", he recorded his denial on a tablet, thus
making it beyond the power of the rascal to inform against a person at
least whom he had not previously known.
Thus we see that most men emulate the exploits of others, though they be
evil, instead of guarding against their fate. So also at this time there
was Marcus Egnatius Rufus, who had been an ædile: the majority of his
deeds had been good, and with his own slaves and with some others that
were hired he lent aid to the houses that took fire during his year of
office. In return he received from the people the expenses incurred in
his position and by a suspension of the law was made prætor. Elated at
these marks of favor he despised Augustus so much as to record that he
(Rufus) had delivered the City unimpaired and entire to his successor.
All the foremost men, and Augustus himself most of all, became indignant
at this. He prepared therefore to teach the upstart a lesson in the near
future not to exalt his mind above the mass of men. For the time being
he issued an edict to the ædiles to see to it that no building took fire
and, if aught of the kind did happen, to extinguish the blaze.
[-25-] In this same year also Polemon, who was king of Pontus, was
enrolled among the friends and allies of the Roman People; front seats
for the senators were provided in all the theatres of the emperor's whole
domain. Augustus, finding that the Britons would not come to terms,
wished to make an expedition into their country, but was detained by the
Salassi, who had revolted against him, and by the Cantabri and Astures,
who had been made hostile. The former dwell close under the Alps, as
has been herein stated,[7] whereas both of the latter tribes hold the
strongest region of the Pyrenees on the Spanish side and the plain which
is below it. For these reasons Augustus, now in his ninth consulship with
Marcus Silanus, sent Terentius Varro against the Salassi.
[B.C. 25 (_a. u._ 729)]
The latter invaded their territory at many points at once in order that
they might not unite and become harder to subdue, and had a very easy
time in conquering them because they attacked him only in small groups.
Having forced them to capitulate he demanded a fixed sum of money,
allowing it to be supposed that he would impose no other punishment.
After that he sent soldiers everywhere, apparently to attend to the
collection of the indemnity and arrested those of military age, whom he
sold under an agreement that none of them should be liberated within
twenty years. The best of their land was given to members of the
Pretorians and came to include a city called Augusta Prætoria.[8]
Augustus himself waged war upon the Astures and upon the Cantabri at
the same time. These refused to yield, because of confidence in their
position on the heights, and would not come to close quarters owing
to their inferior numbers and the fact that most of them were javelin
throwers, but they caused him much trouble, whenever he made any
movement, by always seizing the higher ground in advance and placing
ambuscades in depressions and in wooded spots. He found himself therefore
quite unable to cope with the difficulty, and having fallen ill from
weariness and worry retired to Tarraco, and there remained sick. Meantime
Gaius Antistius fought against them, accomplishing considerable, not
because he was a better general than Augustus, but because the barbarians
felt contempt for him and thus joined battle with the Romans and were
defeated. In this way he captured some points, and afterward Titus[9]
Carisius took Lancia, the principal fortress of the Astures, which had
been abandoned, and won to his side many towns.
[-26-] At the conclusion of this war Augustus dismissed the more aged of
his soldiers and gave them a city to settle in Lusitania,--the so-called
Augusta Emerita. For those who were still of the military age he arranged
some spectacles right among the legions, through the agency of Tiberius
and Marcellus as ædiles. To Juba he gave portions of Gætulia in return
for the prince's ancestral domain (for the majority of the inhabitants
had been enrolled as members of the Roman polity), and also the
possessions of Bocchus and Bogud. On the death of Amyntas he did not
entrust the country to the children of the deceased but made it a part of
the subject territory. Thus Gaul together with Lycaonia obtained a Roman
governor. The regions of Pamphylia formerly assigned to Amyntas were
restored to their own district.--About this same time Marcus Vinicius
in making reprisals against the Celtæ, because they had arrested and
destroyed Romans who had entered their country to have friendly dealings
with them, himself gave the name of imperator to Augustus. For this and
for the other achievements of the time a triumph was voted to Cæsar;
but as he did not care to celebrate it, an arch bearing a trophy was
constructed in the Alps for his glory and authority was given him to wear
always on the first day of the year both the crown and the triumphal
garb. After these successes in the wars Augustus closed the precinct of
Janus, which had been opened because of the strife.
[-27-] Meanwhile Agrippa had been beautifying the city at his own
expense. First, in honor of the naval victories he built over the
so-called _Portico of Neptune_ and lent it further brilliance by the
painting of the Argonauts. Secondly, he repaired the Laconian sudatorium.
He gave the name Laconian to the gymnasium because the Lacedæmonians had,
in those days, a greater reputation than anybody else for stripping
naked and exercising smeared with oil. Also, he completed the so-called
_Pantheon_. It has this name perhaps because it received the images
of many gods and among them the statues of Mars and Venus; but my own
opinion is that the name is due to its round shape, like the sky. Agrippa
desired to place Augustus also there and to take the designation of the
structure from his title. But, as his master would not accept either
honor, he placed in the temple itself a statue of the former Cæsar and in
the anteroom representations of Augustus and himself. This was done not
from any rivalry and ambition on Agrippa's part to make himself equal to
Augustus, but from his superabundant devotion to him and his perpetual
affection for the commonwealth; hence Augustus, so far from censuring
him for it, honored him the more. For, being unable through sickness
to superintend at that time the marriage of his daughter Julia and his
nephew Marcellus, he commissioned Agrippa to hold the festival in his
absence. And when the house on the Palatine hill, which had formerly been
Antony's but was later given to Agrippa and Messala, was burned down,
he made a grant of money to Messala and gave Agrippa equal rights of
domicile. The latter not unnaturally gained high distinction as a result
of this. And one Gaius Toranius also acquired a good reputation because
while tribune he brought his father, though some one's freedman, into the
theatre and made him sit beside him upon the tribune's bench. Publius
Servilius, too, made a name for himself because while prætor he caused to
be killed at a festival three hundred bears and other Libyan wild beasts
equal in number.
[B.C. 24 (_a. u._ 730)]
[-28-] Augustus now entered upon office for the tenth time with Gaius
Norbanus, and on the first day of the month the senate took oaths,
confirming his deeds. When he was announced as drawing near the city
(his sickness had delayed him), he promised to give the people a hundred
denarii each and issued instructions that the document concerning the
money should not be bulletined until the senate also should approve.
They had freed him from all compulsion of the laws to the end, as I have
stated,[10] that being really independent and possessed of full powers
over both himself and the laws he should follow all of them that he
wished and not follow any that he did not wish. This right was voted to
him while still absent. On his arrival in Rome there were various events
in honor of his preservation and return, and Marcellus was accorded the
right to be a senator of the class of ex-prætors and to be a candidate
for the consulship ten years earlier than was customary. Tiberius was
permitted in a similar fashion to be a candidate five years before the
age set for each office. The latter was at once appointed quæstor and
the former ædile. As the quæstors needed to serve in the provinces were
proving insufficient, all drew lots for the places who for ten years
previous had been named quæstors without the duties of the office. These,
then, were the occurrences in the City worthy of note that year.
[-29-] As soon as Augustus had departed from Spain, leaving behind Lucius
Æmilius[11] as governor of it, the Cantabri and Astures made an uprising.
They sent to Æmilius before anything about it became known to him and
said they wished to give the army grain and some other presents. Then,
having secured a number of soldiers, who were presumably to carry the
supplies, they led them to suitable places and butchered them. Their
pleasure, however, did not last long. When their country had been
devastated and some forts burned and, chiefest of all, the hands of every
one that was caught were cut off, they were quickly subdued. While this
was going on, another new campaign had its beginning and end. It was
led by Ælius Gallus, governor of Egypt, against the so-called _Arabia
Felix_[12] of which Sabos was king. At first he encountered no one at
all, yet did not proceed without effort. The desert, the sun, and the
water (which had some peculiar nature), distressed them greatly so that
the majority of the army perished. The disease proved to be dissimilar
to any ordinary complaint, and fell upon the head, which it caused
to wither. This killed most of them at once, but in the case of the
survivors it descended to the legs, skipping all the intervening parts of
the body, and wrought injury to them. There was no remedy for it except
by both drinking and rubbing on olive oil mixed with wine. This was in
the power of only a few of them to do, for the country produces neither
of these articles and the men had not provided a large supply of them
beforehand. In the midst of this trouble the barbarians also fell upon
them. For a while the enemy were defeated whenever they joined battle and
lost some places: later, however, with the disease as an ally they won
back their own possessions and drove the survivors of the expedition out
of the country. These were the first of the Romans (and I think the only
ones) who traversed so much of this part of Arabia in warfare. They had
advanced as far as the so-named Athlula, a famous locality.
[B.C. 23 (_a. u._ 731)]
[-30-] Augustus was for the eleventh time consul with Calpurnius Piso,
when he fell so sick once more as to have no hope of saving his life. He
accordingly arranged everything in the idea that he was about to die, and
gathering about him the officials and the other foremost senators and
knights he appointed no successor, though they were expecting that
Marcellus would be preferred before all for the position. After
conversing briefly with them about public matters he gave Piso the list
of the forces and the public revenues written in a book, and handed his
ring to Agrippa. The emperor became unable to do even the very simplest
things, yet a certain Antonius Musas managed to restore him to health by
means of cold baths and cold drinks. For this he received a great deal
of money from both Augustus and the senate, as well as the right to wear
gold rings,--he was a freedman,--and secured exemption from taxes for
both himself and the members of his profession, not only those then
living but also those of coming generations. But he who assumed the
powers of Fortune and Fate was destined soon after to be well worsted.
Augustus had been saved in this manner: but Marcellus, falling sick not
much later, was treated in the same way by Musas and died. Augustus gave
him a public burial with the usual eulogies, placed him in the monument
which was being built, and honored his memory by calling the theatre,
the foundations of which had already been laid by the former Cæsar, the
Theatre of Marcellus. He ordered also that a gold image of the deceased,
a golden crown, and his chair of office be carried into the theatre at
the Ludi Romani and be placed in the midst of the officials having charge
of the function. This he did later.
[-31-] After being restored to health on this occasion he brought his
will into the senate and wished to read it, by way of showing people that
he had left no successor to his position. He did not, however, read it,
for no one would permit that. Quite every one, however, was astonished
at him in that since he loved Marcellus as son-in-law and nephew yet he
failed to trust him with the monarchy but preferred Agrippa before him.
His regard for Marcellus had been shown by many honors, among them his
lending aid in carrying out the festival which the young man gave as
ædile; the brilliance of this occasion is shown by the fact that in
midsummer he sheltered the Forum by curtains overhead and introduced a
knight and a woman of note as dancers in the orchestra. But his final
attitude seemed to show that he was not yet confident of the youth's
judgment and that he either wanted the people to get back their liberty
or Agrippa to receive the leadership from them. He understood well that
Agrippa and the people were on the best of terms and he was unwilling to
appear to be delivering the supreme power with his own hands. [-32-] When
he recovered, therefore, and learned that Marcellus on this account was
not friendly toward Agrippa, he immediately despatched the latter to
Syria, so that no delay and desultory dispute might arise by their being
in the same place. Agrippa forthwith started from the City but did not
make his way to Syria, but, proceeding even more moderately than usual,
he sent his lieutenants there and himself lingered in Lesbos.