The Conference at Olmütz--The Turks declare War--Lord Palmerston's
Views--Lord Palmerston lauded by the Radicals and the
Tories--Failure of the Pacific Policy--Lord Aberdeen desires to
resign--Lord John to be Prime Minister--Obstacles to Lord John's
Pretensions--Danger of breaking up the Government--Lord John's
Wilfulness and Unpopularity--Alliance of the Northern Powers
defeated by Manteuffel--Conflict of the two Policies--Meeting of
Parliament discussed--French Refugees in Belgium--General Baraguay
d'Hilliers sent to Constantinople--Mr. Reeve returns from the
East--Lord John's Reform Bill--The Emperor of Russia writes to the
Queen--Sir James Graham's Views on Reform, &c.--Opponents of the
Reform Scheme--Abortive Attempts at Negotiation--The Four Powers
agree to a Protocol--Lord Palmerston threatens to secede--Lord
Palmerston resigns on the Reform Scheme--Lord Palmerston opposed to
Reform--Effects of Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Conciliatory
Overtures--Lord Lansdowne's Position--Lord Aberdeen's Account--Lady
Palmerston makes up the Dispute--Lord Palmerston withdraws his
Resignation--Baraguay d'Hilliers refuses to enter the Black
Sea--War resolved on--Review of the Transaction.
_October 4th._--I went to The Grove on Saturday, and spent great part of
the afternoon on Sunday reading the Eastern Question despatches, printed
in a Blue Book to be laid by-and-by before Parliament. On Sunday came
Westmorland's account of his interviews with the Emperor of Russia and
Nesselrode at Olmütz, which sounded very satisfactory, for the Emperor
was very gracious and pacific, and Nesselrode in his name disclaimed in
the most positive terms any intention of aggrandising himself at the
expense of Turkey or of claiming any protectorate, or asserting any
claims inconsistent with the sovereignty and independence of the Sultan,
and moreover signified his willingness to make a declaration to that
effect in such form and manner as might be hereafter agreed upon. All
this was very well, and served to confirm the notion that, if some
sensible men, really desirous of settling the question, could be
brought together, the accomplishment would not be difficult; but the
distance which separates the negotiating parties from each other, and
the necessity of circulating every proposition through so many remote
capitals, and the consequent loss of time, have rendered all conferences
and pacific projects unavailing.
TURKISH DECLARATION OF WAR.
Yesterday morning a messenger arrived, bringing the telegraphic despatch
from Vienna, which announced the determination of the Turks to go to
war, and that a grand Council was to be assembled to decide on the
declaration, news which precluded all hope of adjustment;[1] and
yesterday afternoon the further account of the decision of the Council
was received. Such of the Ministers as are in town met in the afternoon,
and it was decided that all the rest should be summoned, and a Cabinet
held on Friday next.
It will be no easy matter to determine what part we shall take, and how
far we shall mix ourselves up in the quarrel as belligerents. It will be
very fortunate if the Cabinet should be unanimous on this question.
Palmerston has hitherto acted very frankly and cordially with Clarendon,
but the old instincts are still strong in him, and they are all likely
to urge him to recommend strong measures and an active interference.
Granville told me last night he thought Palmerston was not at all
displeased at the decision of the Turks, and as he still clings to the
idea that Turkey is powerful and full of energy, and he is quite
indifferent to the danger to which Austria may be exposed, and would
rejoice at her being plunged in fresh difficulties and threatened with
fresh rebellions and revolutions, he will rather rejoice than not at the
breaking out of hostilities. He will not dare to avow his real
propensities, but he will cloak them under other pretences and pretexts,
and give effect to them as much as he can. He has been speechifying in
Scotland, where, though he spoke very handsomely of Clarendon, he did
not say one word in defence of Aberdeen, or anything calculated to put
an end to the notion and repeated assertions that he and Aberdeen had
been at variance on the Eastern Question. I find Aberdeen feels this
omission very much, and it would certainly have been more generous, as
well as more just, if he had taken the opportunity of correcting the
popular error as to Aberdeen, after having been reaping a great harvest
of popularity at his expense.
Palmerston's position is curious. He is certainly very popular, and
there is a high idea of his diplomatic skill and vigour. He is lauded to
the skies by all the Radicals who are the admirers of Kossuth and
Mazzini, who want to renew the scenes and attempts of 1848, and who
fancy that, if Palmerston were at the head of the Government, he would
play into their hands. On the other hand, he is equally an object of the
flattery and praise of the Tories, who cannot get over their being
succeeded by a Peelite Prime Minister, and they cling to the belief that
there can be no real cordiality, and must be complete difference of
opinion, between Aberdeen and Palmerston, and they look forward to the
prospect of their disunion to break up this odious Government, and a
return to office with Palmerston at their head. These are the political
chimeras with which their brains are filled, and which make them take
(for very different reasons) the same part as the Radicals on the
Eastern Question. My own conviction is that both parties reckon without
their host. Palmerston is sixty-nine years old, and it is too late for
him to look out for fresh political combinations and other connexions,
nor would any object of ambition repay him for the dissolution of all
his personal and social ties. He will, therefore, go on as he does now,
accepting such popularity as is offered him as a means of enhancing his
own importance in this Cabinet; and, in the event of any accident
happening to it, of making his own pretensions available.
[Footnote 1: The declaration of the Turkish Council or Divan, held on
October 3, was to the effect that, if the Principalities were not
evacuated in fifteen days, a state of war would ensue. To this the
Emperor of Russia responded on October 18 by a formal declaration of
war. War being declared, the Straits were opened, and, at the request of
the Sultan, the allied fleets entered the Dardanelles on October 22.]
_October 6th._--Delane was sent for by Lord Aberdeen the night before
last, when they had a long conversation on the state of affairs, and
Aberdeen told him that he was resolved to be no party to a war with
Russia on such grounds as the present, and he was prepared to resign
rather than incur such responsibility. This was the marrow of what he
said, and very important, because not unlikely to lead to some
difference in the Cabinet, and possibly to its dissolution.
FAILURE OF THE PACIFIC POLICY.
_October 7th._--Clanricarde called here yesterday morning; he is very
strong against the Government and their policy, and maintains that if we
had joined France and sent the fleet up when she did, the Emperor of
Russia would then have receded, as his obstinacy was entirely caused by
his conviction that France and England would never remain united, and
that nothing would induce the latter to make war on Russia. He said this
idea had been confirmed by the language of Aberdeen, who had continually
spoken of his determination to avoid war to Brunnow and others, and in
his letters to Madame de Lieven--_la paix à tout prix_. Clanricarde,
however, himself said he would not declare war against Russia, and we
might defend Turkey without going that length. I went and told Clarendon
all he had said (in greater detail), and he owned that it was more than
probable that Aberdeen had held some such language as was attributed to
him; indeed, he had more than once had occasion to remonstrate with him
upon it. Clarendon was very uneasy at the prospect of the discussion
about to take place, and contemplates as extremely probable the
breaking-up of the Government on the question of war. Palmerston has
been very reserved, but always on the same friendly terms with his
colleagues, and Clarendon in particular; but Lady Palmerston as usual
talks _à qui veut l'entendre_ of the misconduct of the whole affair, and
affirms that, if Palmerston had had the management of it, all would have
been settled long ago. As matters have turned out, it is impossible not
to regret that we were perhaps too moderate and patient at first; for as
the course we have adopted has not been successful, it seems unfortunate
we did not try another, which might have been more so. But this is
judging _après coup_, and nothing is so easy as to affirm that, if
something had been done, which was not done, success would have
attended it.
_October 8th._--The Cabinet went off very well yesterday, no serious
difference of opinion about anything, and a good concurrence both as to
what had been done and what ought to be done hereafter. Lord Aberdeen is
well pleased.
_Newmarket, October 12th._--This morning I met the Duke of Bedford on
the heath, who told me he wanted very much to speak to me about certain
communications he had received which made him extremely uneasy, and full
of apprehension of coming difficulties, threatening the very existence
of the Government. It seems that a short time ago Lord Aberdeen imparted
to John Russell his wish to resign, and to place the Government in his
hands. He said that he had only taken his present post because his doing
so was indispensable to the formation of the Government, and had always
contemplated Lord John's eventually succeeding him, and he thought the
time was now come when he might very properly do so. He did not
anticipate any insurmountable opposition in any quarter, and he should
himself speak to Gladstone about it, who was the most important person
to be consulted, and he was in fact only prevented doing so, as he had
intended, by not being able to go to Scotland, where he had expected to
meet Gladstone. Whether Aberdeen had spoken to Gladstone since his
return to London, the Duke of Bedford did not know. No steps appear to
have been taken with regard to Palmerston, nor does it appear that any
progress was made in accomplishing this change. The Queen had been
apprised of Aberdeen's intentions. Such was the state of things when a
short time ago the Duke received a letter from Lord John, in which he
said that matters could not go on as they were, and that there must be
some changes; and that very soon he could no longer act without being
primarily responsible for the policy of the Government--in other words,
without resuming his post of Prime Minister. This is all the Duke knows,
as Lord John entered into no explanations or details, and he is in total
ignorance of the grounds of his brusque determination, and of what can
have occurred to produce it. He sees, however, all the difficulties and
embarrassments that in consequence of it are looming in the distance,
and how very possible it is that the Government may be broken up. All
this we very fully discussed, but without either of us being able to
guess what it all means, or what the result will be of Lord John's
putting his intentions into execution.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PRETENSIONS.
_October 16th._--I came to town yesterday morning, and in the afternoon
went to the Foreign Office, and saw Clarendon, to whom I imparted what
the Duke of Bedford had told me. He said he knew it all, Aberdeen having
told him what had passed between John Russell and himself; but having
made Clarendon give his word of honour that he would not say a word of
it to anybody, so he said, 'I would not mention it even to you, to whom
I tell everything.' He then, however, went into the whole question, and
told me what had passed, which did not exactly agree with the Duke's
story. According to Clarendon, Lord John went to Lord Aberdeen before
Parliament was up, and told him he could not consent to go on in his
present position, to which Aberdeen replied, 'Very well, you only meet
my own wishes, and you know I always told you that I should be at any
time ready to resign my place to you.'
Nothing more seems to have taken place at that time, nor till lately,
when Lord John went again to Aberdeen, and repeated his determination
not to go on; but this time the communication does not seem to have been
received by Aberdeen with the same ready acquiescence in the proposed
change, and some plain speaking took place between them. I infer, but as
Clarendon did not expressly say so I put it dubiously, that Aberdeen had
spoken to Gladstone and ascertained that he would by no means agree to
the substitution of John Russell, and should go with Aberdeen if he
retired. At all events, while Aberdeen told him that he was prepared, if
he wished it, to broach the matter to his colleagues, he intimated to
him that it was evident he wanted to turn him out, and put himself in
his place, but that he (Aberdeen) could not agree to retire at this
moment, and before Parliament met, and that Lord John had better well
consider the step he was about to take, as it would in all probability
break up the Government, and asked him if he was prepared to encounter
the odium of doing so, more especially as he must remember that he had
only consented to form this Government on Lord John's own assurance to
him that he was himself unable to form one. He asked him if he was
secure of Palmerston's concurrence in the change he proposed, and he
replied that he did not expect to find any difficulty in that quarter.
This was the substance of what passed between them, Aberdeen being
evidently a good deal nettled, and thinking Lord John is behaving very
ill. This is Clarendon's opinion also, and he thinks, if Lord John
persists, the Government will be inevitably broken up, for a
considerable part of the Cabinet will certainly not consent to have Lord
John again placed at the head of the Government. Clarendon does not
believe a word of Palmerston's being a party to it, and he knows that
both Gladstone and Newcastle would resign. Graham he is not sure of, but
inclines to think he would retire with Aberdeen, especially if Aberdeen
has any compulsion or ill-usage to complain of. For the moment, however,
this storm has blown over, as Lord John has signified to Aberdeen that
he does not mean to press the matter again for the present. The Queen,
when it was mentioned to her, was anything but approving of or
consenting to the change.
THEIR MISCHIEVOUS EFFECTS.
In all this matter there is little doubt that Lord John has been
instigated by his connexions, and they none of them, Lord John himself
included, have sense enough to see that the course he is adopting is
quite suicidal, and would be not less fatal to his own reputation and
popularity than to the Government he belongs to. He failed as Prime
Minister, and no credit attended his Administration, and no regret his
fall. The popularity he lost, he in good measure regained by his conduct
on the formation of this Government, when he waived his own pretensions,
and for the public good consented, after having held the first place, to
accept the second; but the world does not know how reluctantly and
grudgingly he did this, and how sorely his pride and vanity suffered on
that occasion. The position he occupied of leader of the House of
Commons without an office was anomalous, and many thought it
objectionable, but he himself insisted on it, and it proved successful.
The House of Commons not only accepted it, but were pleased to see a man
so eminent eschewing office with its functions and emoluments, and
gratuitously devoting himself to the service and the business of
Parliament. He became popular again in the House, and would have been
more so if he had not chosen to quit the Treasury Bench early every
afternoon, and go down to Richmond, leaving Palmerston to do his work,
and ingratiate himself with the House. Aberdeen reminded Lord John that
this position, which he now found intolerable, was one he had chosen to
make for himself; that he had not only declared he could not form a
Government, but that every office had been at his disposal, and he had
been invited to take the greatest offices, or, if he preferred it, any
smaller one, but that he had insisted on holding none. Aberdeen is quite
right not to resign now, or before Parliament meets, where he must
appear as Minister to defend his own policy.
I expect that Lord John will not renew his demands for some time, if at
all; but if he does, this is what will probably take place. The
Government will be broken up, Lord John will try to form one and will
fail, and the Government will again be constituted minus Lord John.
Nobody would, I think, go out with him. This is supposing (which I think
certain) that Palmerston would not make common cause with him, but
prefer to remain with the rest. There would then remain the great
difficulty of the lead of the House of Commons and the part Palmerston
would play; but, dangerous as it would be, it would probably be found
necessary to trust him with the lead, most distasteful though it would
be both to Aberdeen and to the Queen.
_October 18th._--The Emperor of Russia moved heaven and earth to bring
about a new Holy Alliance between himself, Austria, and Prussia, in
which he would have succeeded if it had not been for the wisdom and
firmness of Manteuffel,[1] who was proof against all his seductions.
Austria consented, but only on condition that Prussia did likewise. The
King of Prussia would have given way with his characteristic weakness,
but Manteuffel would not hear of it, and contrived to keep his master
straight. In an interview of two hours between the Emperor and
Manteuffel _tête-à-tête_, the Emperor employed all the means he could
think of to prevail on the Prussian Minister, but all in vain; he
refused positively to allow Prussia to depart from her neutrality. This
had the effect of keeping Austria neutral also, and that of making the
Emperor more inclined to peace; but the Turkish declaration of war and
peremptory summons to him to quit the Principalities leave him no
alternative but that of taking up the gauntlet thus thrown down.
[Footnote 1: Count Manteuffel was the Prussian Minister for Foreign
Affairs, and the leading member of the Prussian Cabinet. He was accused
of sacrificing Prussian interests to those of Austria at the Conference
of Olmütz; but in fact he succeeded in defeating what would have been a
very formidable confederacy of the German Powers with Russia.]
OBJECTIONS OF LORD PALMERSTON.
_November 2nd._--All last week at Newmarket, during which nothing of
moment occurred but the renewed attempts at negotiation, and the consent
of the Turks to defer the commencement of hostilities. I saw Clarendon
the day before yesterday, who told me how matters stood, and showed me a
despatch just received from Vienna with a copy of a very moderate and
pacific Note from Nesselrode to Buol, showing that there is every
disposition at St. Petersburg to patch matters up. Clarendon told me
that he was heartily sick of the whole question, in which the double
trouble and difficulty were cast upon him of reconciling the Russians
and the Turks and of preserving agreement in the Cabinet, where Aberdeen
was always opposing measures of hostility towards Russia, and Palmerston
for pushing them forward. He said he steered between the two, and that
he and John Russell were more nearly agreed than any of the others; he
told me at the same time a characteristic trait of Palmerston. The Turks
having determined to plunge into war against the advice of their
protectors, especially against our's, and it having been made known to
us that the Sultan and his Ministers were not disinclined to be guided
by us, but that they were themselves overruled and driven to this
extreme course by the Grand Council, it became necessary in Clarendon's
opinion to notify to the Turkish Government that, since they had thought
fit to take their own independent course, we should reserve to ourselves
the right of acting according to our own discretion, and not consider
ourselves bound to be dragged into a war at the heels of the Grand
Council, which is an assembly of ruffians and fanatics, by whom it would
be utterly inconsistent with the dignity of our Crown that our policy
should be governed and influenced. It seems too that this is a point on
which the Queen feels very strongly, and is exceedingly anxious that the
honour and dignity of the Crown should not be compromised. Accordingly
Clarendon drew up a despatch to this effect, to which the Cabinet
acceded, and Palmerston also, though with some reluctance. However, he
not only saw the proposed despatch, but he made some alteration in it
with his own hand, thereby of course subscribing to it. Just after this
Clarendon went to Windsor, and submitted the despatch to the Queen and
the Prince; they objected to it that it was not strong enough in their
sense, but Clarendon prevailed upon them to waive their objections, and,
as it had been agreed to in the Cabinet, to let it go. But before it was
gone Clarendon received a letter from Palmerston, strongly objecting to
the despatch altogether, and desiring Clarendon to inform Lord Aberdeen
that he would be no party to such a communication. This was extremely
embarrassing. Clarendon spoke to Aberdeen, and afterwards (at Aberdeen's
suggestion) informed the Queen what had occurred. Her Majesty said, 'I
advise you not to attach much importance to this communication. I know
Lord Palmerston from much experience, and it is probably only an attempt
to bully, which, if you take no notice of it, you will hear no more of.'
The result justified the Queen's sagacity, for Clarendon sent off the
despatch, and at the same time wrote word to Palmerston that he had done
so, giving him sundry reasons why he could not do otherwise, to which
he received in reply a very good-humoured letter, merely saying that, as
it was gone, it was useless to say any more about it, and probably it
would do no harm.
There has been talk abroad and discussion in the Cabinet about the
meeting of Parliament. Lord John and Lord Aberdeen both wished
Parliament to meet, the first because he is always hankering after the
House of Commons, the latter because he wished Parliament to decide on
the question of peace or war, so that in the one alternative his hands
might be strengthened, or in the other he might have a pretext for
resigning. But both Clarendon and Palmerston were much against it, and
now that there is a fresh prospect of peace, it is rendered more
unnecessary and undesirable.
King Leopold is here, still uneasy (though less than he was) upon the
subject of his _démêlés_ with the Emperor of the French. The cause of
them is the libellous publications of the French refugees in Belgium.
They compose the most outrageous attacks of a personal nature on him and
the Empress, which they have printed in Belgium, and get these papers
smuggled into France, and disseminated amongst the lower classes, and
particularly the troops. This naturally gives the Emperor great offence,
and Leopold would afford him redress if he could; but the Constitution
was made by journalists, and the unrestrained liberty of the press is so
interwoven with the Constitution, that the Legislature itself has no
power to deal with the case, nor any power short of a Constituent
Assembly. All this Leopold has submitted to his powerful neighbour, and
their relations seem to be more amicable; for very civil letters have
passed between the two monarchs, through the Prince de Chimay, whom
Leopold sent to compliment the Emperor when he went lately to Lille.
LORD STRATFORD'S INFLUENCE.
_November 10th._--All attempts at settling the Eastern Question by
_Notes_ have been rudely interrupted by the actual commencement of
hostilities. Meanwhile the Notes sped their way, but at Vienna it was
deemed no longer possible to settle it in this manner, but that there
must now be a regular treaty of peace, the terms of which the Allies
might prescribe, and there is now a question of having a Congress or
Conference here, to carry on the affair. It is, however, difficult to
make out what the French are at, and, with all our intimacy, we must
keep on our guard against all contingencies on the part of our Imperial
neighbour. Nobody knows what is his real motive for sending Baraguay
d'Hilliers to Constantinople. Francis Baring, when I told him of this
appointment, said it could be only for the purpose of quarrelling, for
he was the most violent of men, and was certain to quarrel with
whomsoever he had to deal. If this be so, his quarrelling with Lord
Stratford is inevitable, and it is by no means improbable that Louis
Napoleon is tired of playing second fiddle to us, and sends this General
there for the express purpose of counteracting our superior influence,
and, by the tender of military counsel and aid, to substitute his own
for ours.
Reeve is just returned from the East, having spent some time at
Constantinople, and he came home by Vienna. Lord Stratford treated him
with great kindness and hospitality, and talked to him very openly. He
says that Stratford exercised a great but not unlimited influence and
control over the Turkish Government, and of course is very jealous of
the influence he possesses; for example, he boasted to Reeve that he had
carried a great point, and had procured the appointment of the candidate
he favoured as Greek Patriarch, an interference which, if it had been
made by the Emperor of Russia, whose concern it is much more than our's,
would have excited in us great indignation. Such an exercise of
influence and in such a matter, of which the Russians are well aware, is
calculated to exasperate them, and it is not unnatural that the Emperor
should feel that, if any foreign influence is to prevail in Turkey, he
has a better right than any other Power to establish his own. Reeve has
a very poor opinion of the power, resources, and political condition of
Turkey, and does not doubt the military success of the Russians. He says
that the corruption is enormous--everybody bribes or is bribed. The
Greek Patriarch whom Stratford got appointed had to pay large sums to
Redschid Pasha and his son. The whole State is rotten to the core.
EFFECTS OF DEMOCRATIC REFORM.
_November 12th._--This morning John Russell breaks ground on the Reform
plan, by referring his scheme to a Committee of the Cabinet, which is to
meet at his house, consisting, besides himself, of Granville, Newcastle,
Graham, Charles Wood, and Palmerston. I am afraid he will propose a
lower franchise, probably 5_l._, in spite of many warnings and the signs
of the times, which are very grave and alarming--nothing but strikes and
deep-rooted discontent on the part of the working classes. I am in
correspondence with Ellesmere on the subject, and have sent his letters
to John Russell, who does not appear disposed to admit the force of his
reasoning against lowering the franchise. This Committee will probably
be on the whole favourable to a democratic measure, Lord John from old
prejudices and obstinacy, Graham from timidity, Newcastle because he has
espoused Liberal principles; Granville will be inclined to go with Lord
John, and Palmerston alone is likely to stand out against a democratic
scheme, unless Charles Wood should go with him, of whose opinions on the
question of Reform I know nothing. Aberdeen is himself a Reformer, but I
hear he is resolved not to consent to a 5_l._ franchise. I confess to
great misgivings about this project in the present state of the country,
and dread the further progress of democratic power. The success of the
great Reform Bill and the experiences of twenty years without any of the
apprehensions of the anti-Reformers having been realised, are now in my
opinion sources of danger, as they create an opinion that progress, as
it is called, is not only necessary, but perfectly safe. It consoles me
for growing old that I shall not live to see the confusion in which this
well-ordered State is likely to be involved, the period of peril and
suffering it will have to go through, and the reaction, which will
restore order and tranquillity at the expense of that temperate and
rational freedom, which we alone of all the nations of the earth are in
possession of. I see no reason why, if we choose recklessly, and without
any cause, to cast away the good we enjoy, we should be exempted from
paying the penalty which our folly and wickedness would so richly
deserve. The above question in all its ramifications is infinitely more
important than the Russian and Turkish quarrel, but there is no saying
how the former may be indirectly and consequentially affected through
the latter by means of the political differences which may arise out of
it. Everything now looks black in the political horizon, and the war
which has begun between the principals can hardly fail to extend itself
sooner or later to the collateral parties.
_November 15th._--Yesterday morning having met Clarendon on the railway,
he from Windsor, I from Hillingdon, I got into the carriage and went
home with him. He told me all he had to tell, of what he had to go
through with the conflicting proposals of Palmerston and Aberdeen in the
Cabinet: the latter as averse as ever to any strong measures, and always
full of consideration for the Emperor; the former anxious for war, and
with the same confidence and rashness which were so conspicuous in him
during the Syrian question, insisting that nothing will be so easy as to
defeat Russia, and he now goes the length of urging that none of the old
treaties between her and the Porte should be renewed. All this
_jactance_, however, does not go much beyond words, for he evinces no
disposition to separate from his colleagues or to insist on any course
which the majority of the Cabinet object to.
The Emperor of Russia has taken the unusual step of writing an autograph
letter to the Queen. Brunnow, who was rather puzzled, took the letter to
Aberdeen, and asked what he was to do with it. Aberdeen told him to take
it to Clarendon, who sent it to the Queen. She sent it to him to read,
and he suggested certain heads of an answer, but did not communicate the
letter, nor the fact of its having been received, to any one but
Aberdeen. The Queen wrote an answer in French, and he says a very good
one.
Cowley has sent him an account of a conversation he lately had with the
Emperor Napoleon, in which he said that the condition of France and the
rise in the price of provisions, so deeply affecting the working
classes, made him more than ever bent upon preserving peace, and he
proposed that the Powers should be invited to concur with England and
France in drawing up a scheme of pacification and arrangement, which
should be tendered to the belligerents, and whichever should refuse to
accept it should be treated as an enemy. Clarendon said that there were
many objections to this plan, but he seemed to believe in the sincerity
of the Emperor's desire for peace, in spite of the opposite presumption
afforded by Baraguay d'Hilliers' mission, and its accompaniment of
French officers. He attributes that mission to the wounded vanity of
France, and the determination of the Government to send some man who
shall dispute the influence of Stratford, and assert that of France. The
character of Stratford had been fully explained to Baraguay d'Hilliers,
and he went, ostensibly at least, with instructions and an intention to
act with him in harmony, but this the character of the two ambassadors
will probably render quite impossible.
The Queen told Clarendon an anecdote of Palmerston, showing how
exclusively absorbed he is with _foreign_ politics. Her Majesty has been
much interested in and alarmed at the strikes and troubles in the North,
and asked Palmerston for details about them, when she found he knew
nothing at all. One morning, after previous enquiries, she said to him,
'Pray, Lord Palmerston, have you any news?' To which he replied, 'No,
Madam, I have heard nothing; but it seems certain the _Turks have
crossed the Danube_.'
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REFORM BILL.
In the afternoon I called on Graham at the Admiralty, and had a long
talk with him about the Government and its prospects, and the
disposition and intentions of John Russell and of Palmerston. He is,
contrary to custom, very cheerful and sanguine on these points; he was
apprised of all that Lord John has said and done, but except on one
occasion, just about the time of the prorogation, has had no
communication with Lord John himself on the subject. He is now satisfied
that Lord John has abandoned his designs, and has made up his mind to go
on as he is, and he infers this from his frank and friendly conduct
about the Reform Bill, which he has not kept to himself, but submitted
to a Committee for the purpose of bringing it before all his colleagues
in a very good spirit, and quite willing to have Palmerston on this
Committee, from whom the greatest opposition was to be expected. Graham
said their first meeting had gone off very pleasantly, and Palmerston
had urged much less objection than he had expected; he thinks therefore
that his own reflexions and his knowledge of the difficulties which
would oppose themselves to his purpose have determined Lord John to
acquiesce in his present position, nor is he afraid of Palmerston
separating himself from this Cabinet, thinking that at his age he will
not speculate so deeply for the chance of greater power and a higher
place, to be purchased at the certain sacrifice of all his social
relations and personal connexions, and he therefore expects Palmerston
will conform to the general sentiments and decisions of his colleagues,
both as to foreign policy and to Reform. Graham said he approved
entirely of Lord John's scheme, and thought his proposed measure good
and safe.
_November 27th._--Council at Windsor on Friday 25th. The Queen was
afflicted by the Queen of Portugal's death, though they never saw each
other but once when they were children. I heard the particulars of the
Reform Bill, which (if there is to be one at all) seems as little
mischievous as can be. It seems to have encountered little or no
opposition in the Cabinet, and Lord John considers it as having been
accepted and settled there. Lord Lansdowne has not pronounced himself
positively; but though, no doubt, he dislikes it exceedingly, they think
he will not retire upon it, and up to the present time he has indicated
no such intention. Graham, who is always frightened, told me on Friday
he was very uneasy lest Lansdowne should decline to be a party to it.
Palmerston has written a letter to Lord John, strong in the beginning,
denouncing the measure as unnecessary and unwise, and complaining of his
having originally committed his colleagues to it, by declaring his own
opinion without any previous consultation and concert with them. Then,
after criticising the Bill (ably, as I am told), he ends by announcing
that he shall consent to it. He sent copies of this letter to Aberdeen
and to Lansdowne.
I brought Clarendon from the station to Downing Street, when he told me
that he had begun some fresh attempts at renewing negotiations. The
proposal of the Emperor Napoleon to force terms on the two parties would
not do, but he had sent a proposal of some sort (I could not exactly
make out what), which, contrary to his expectation, Buol had agreed to;
but he did not seem very sanguine about any result from this beginning.
He said nothing could exceed the difficulties of the case, nor the
embarrassments of his own position. The Turks are now indisposed to
agree to anything, or to make any concessions whatever, and of course
the Emperor of Russia neither will nor can make peace and withdraw,
without some plausible satisfaction. Then at home the difficulty is just
as great between Palmerston, who is all for going ahead, and wants
nothing less than war with Russia, and Aberdeen, who is in the other
extreme--objecting to everything, and proposing nothing. John Russell is
very reasonable, and agrees almost entirely with Clarendon; but whenever
he thinks he is going to be outbid by Palmerston, is disposed to urge
some violent measures also. He said he had a regular scene with Aberdeen
the other day. After this Note (or whatever it was) had been discussed
and agreed to in the Cabinet, and all settled, Aberdeen came into his
room, and began finding fault with it, and raising all sorts of
objections, when Clarendon, out of all patience, broke out: 'Really,
this is too bad. You come now, after it has all been settled in the
Cabinet where you let it pass, and make all sorts of objections. And
this is the way you do about everything; you object to all that is
proposed, and you never suggest anything yourself. What is it you want?
Will you say what you would have done?' He declares he said all this
with the greatest vivacity, being really exasperated. Aberdeen had
nothing to say, and knocked under. The truth seems to be that the
attacks upon him in the newspapers (though they don't know it) are
pretty well justified, and very little exaggerated; nor is the idea of
Palmerston's real inclination much mistaken. They have by accident very
nearly hit upon the truth. Aberdeen, it seems, objects particularly to
have any Conference _here_, and if there is to be anything of the kind,
it seems likely to take place at Vienna, where, however, somebody would
be sent to assist, if not to supersede, Westmorland.
PROTOCOL OF THE FOUR POWERS.
_December 10th._--The Protocol just signed at Vienna brings the four
Powers together again, and Austria not only signed it with alacrity, but
Buol told Westmorland, if the Emperor of Russia was found unmanageable,
'Nous irons avec vous jusqu'au bout.' The Turks are now desired to say
on what terms they will make peace, and I expect they will reply that
they will not make peace at all till the Principalities are evacuated.
It seems very doubtful whether this fresh opening will lead to any
result between two Powers so impracticable as the belligerents.
The Duke of Bedford has been endeavouring to persuade Lord John to
reconsider the franchise in his Reform Bill, and Lord John tells him not
to be afraid of its going too low, and that there is more chance of its
appearing too niggardly. Aberdeen said it was not yet settled.
Meanwhile, the Bill is drawn and privately printed. Lord John considers
it to have been accepted by the Cabinet, and that he is sure of the
acquiescence of the two principal dissentients--Lansdowne and
Palmerston. The former went out of town, only saying that he hoped the
landed interest would have its due share of influence. Palmerston's
letter I have already mentioned; but the other day Lady Palmerston held
forth to the Duke against the Bill, and said that it was not settled at
all, but was still under the consideration of the Cabinet; from which he
infers that Palmerston is still making or prepared to make objections
and difficulties. Between Reform and the Eastern Question, I think this
Government would infallibly be broken up but from the impossibility of
another being formed. I am still persuaded Palmerston will not try a new
combination, and break with all his old friends and associates for the
purpose of putting himself at the head of some fresh but unformed
combination. Great as his ambition is, he will not sacrifice so much to
it, and risk so much as this would oblige him to do.
_December 12th._--I begin to think that I am after all mistaken as to
Palmerston's intentions, and that his ambition will drive him to
sacrifice everything and risk everything, in spite of his age and of all
the difficulties he will have to encounter. I have said what passed
between the Duke of Bedford and Lady Palmerston about Reform. This
morning the Duke of Bedford came here, and told me he had called on
Clarendon on Saturday, when he said to Clarendon that he was very uneasy
about Palmerston, and thought he was meditating something, though he did
not know exactly what he was at. Clarendon interrupted him--'Certainly,
he is meditating breaking up the Government; in fact, he told me so.' At
this moment it was announced that two or three foreign Ministers were
waiting to see him, when he abruptly broke off the conference, and they
parted. I said, 'Depend upon it, what Clarendon alluded to was not the
Reform Bill, but the Eastern Question; and it is on that that Palmerston
is making a stir.' The Duke said he thought so too; indeed, he was sure
of it, because Clarendon did not trouble himself about Reform, and he
had already told him more than once what excessive trouble and annoyance
he had had between the widely opposite views and opinions of Aberdeen
and Palmerston, and that he had only been able to go on at all from the
agreement between Lord John and himself. However, Lord John is to see
Aberdeen this morning, and his brother afterwards; and before the day is
over we shall learn something more of this disagreeable matter. My
belief is that the differences between Aberdeen and Palmerston have
arrived at a height which threatens a break up, and that, with reference
to this occurring, Palmerston is also going back on the Reform question;
that if he does separate from the Government, he may reserve to himself
to work _both_ questions. But I refrain from further speculations, as in
a few hours they will be resolved into certainty of some sort.
LORD PALMERSTON'S RESIGNATION.
_Panshanger, December 14th._--It turned out that Palmerston had _struck_
on account of Reform, and not (ostensibly, at least) about foreign
affairs. John Russell was indignant, and inveighed to his brother
against Palmerston in terms of great bitterness, saying he was
absolutely faithless, and no reliance to be placed on him. Of this fact
these pages contain repeated proofs, but I own I am amazed at his making
this flare up on the question of Reform. But his whole conduct is
inexplicable, and there is no making out what he is at. The news of the
Turkish disaster in the Black Sea is believed, but Government will do
nothing about it till they receive authentic intelligence and detailed
accounts of the occurrence.[1] So Clarendon told Reeve on Monday, but he
is disposed to take a decisive part if it all turns out to be true; and
yesterday Delane had a long conversation with Aberdeen, who owned that
if the Russians (as they suppose) attacked a convoy of transports at
anchor, it is a very strong case, and he thought war much more probable
than it was a few days ago, and he did not speak as if he was determined
in no case to declare it. This does not surprise me, in spite of his
previous tone; for he has gone so far that he may be compelled in common
consistency to go farther.
[Footnote 1: The Russian fleet in the Black Sea attacked and destroyed
the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope on November 30. This
decisive event, which was at variance with the previous declarations of
the Emperor of Russia, compelled the British and French Governments to
order their fleets to enter the Black Sea and occupy it. The Russian
fleet withdrew within the harbours of Sebastopol.]
_London, December 17th._--Yesterday morning the news of Palmerston's
resignation was made public. It took everybody by surprise, few having
been aware that he objected to the Reform measure in contemplation. I
received the intelligence at Panshanger, and as soon as I got to town
went to Clarendon to hear all about it. He had been quite prepared for
it, Palmerston having told him that he could not take this Bill.
Clarendon says Palmerston behaved perfectly well, and in a very
straightforward way from first to last. When he was invited to join the
Government, he told Aberdeen and Lansdowne that he was afraid the
Reform Bill would bring about another separation between them. When the
time arrived for discussing the Bill, and John Russell proposed to him
to be on the Committee, he said that he accepted, because, although he
saw no necessity for any Reform Bill, and he entirely disapproved of
John Russell's having committed himself to such a measure, he would not
(as matters stood) absolutely object to any measure whatever, but would
join the Committee, discuss it, state all his objections, and endeavour
to procure such alterations in it as might enable him to accept it.
Finding himself unable to do this with the Committee, he still waited
till the measure had been brought before the whole Cabinet; and when he
found that his objections were unavailing, and that the majority of his
colleagues were resolved to take Lord John's scheme, nothing was left
for him but to retire. He said he might have consented to a smaller
measure of disfranchisement, and the appropriation of the disposable
seats to the counties, but to the enlarged _town_ representation, and
especially to the proposed franchise, he could not agree; and moreover
he said he was not prepared, _at his time of life_, to encounter endless
debates in the House of Commons on such a measure. The first time,
Clarendon said, he had ever heard him acknowledge that he had _a time of
life_. Clarendon showed me a very friendly letter Palmerston had written
to him, expressing regret at leaving them, and saying he (Clarendon) had
a very difficult task before him, and, 'as the Irishman said, I wish yer
Honner well through it.' He has never hinted even at any dissatisfaction
as to foreign affairs as forming a part of his grounds for resigning.
Clarendon said he thought it would ere long be the means of breaking up
the Government, and I thought so too; but, on reflecting more
deliberately upon the matter, I am disposed to take a different view of
the political probability, and of the part which Palmerston will play.
As I have been so constantly opposed to him, and have both entertained
and expressed so bad an opinion of him on a great many occasions, I feel
the more both bound and inclined to do justice to his conduct upon this
one, in which, so far as I am informed, he really has been
irreproachable. The first thing which seems to have suggested itself to
everybody is that he has resigned with the intention of putting himself
at the head of the opponents of Reform, of joining the Derbyite party,
and ultimately coming into office with Derby, or forming, if possible, a
Government of his own. I doubt all this, and judge of his future conduct
by his past. If he had been actuated by selfish and separate objects of
ambition, and really contemplated transferring himself from the Whig to
the Tory party, or setting up an independent standard, instead of
breaking with this Cabinet on the question of Reform, he would certainly
have done so upon the Turkish war, as he easily could. He would then
have gone out amidst shouts of applause; he would have put the
Government into an immense difficulty, and he would have reserved to
himself to take whatever course he thought fit about Reform. He has
acted much more honestly, but less cunningly for his own interest,
supposing that he has the views and projects that are attributed to him.
Lord Lansdowne is placed in great embarrassment, for he agrees entirely
with Palmerston; and if he acts consistently on his own convictions, he
will retire too--that is, cease to form a part of the Cabinet. Clarendon
expects he will do so.
MOTIVES OF LORD PALMERSTON'S RESIGNATION.
_Hatchford, December 21st._--On Monday when I came to town from
Goodwood, where I went on Sunday, I found a letter from Lady Palmerston,
very friendly indeed. She said her son William had told her what I had
said to him about Palmerston and his resignation, which had gratified
her. She then went on to explain why he had resigned, and why at this
moment instead of waiting longer; she said he would have accepted a
Reform Bill, but wanted Lord John's to be altered, had proposed
alterations, and written to Aberdeen to urge them, and upon Aberdeen's
reply that his suggestions could not be taken, he had no alternative but
to resign, and he had thought it fairer to the Government to do so at
once, and give them time to make their arrangements, than to put it off
till the last moment, when Parliament was on the point of meeting. I
confess I think he was right in so doing, and I was greatly provoked
with the 'Times' for attacking him, twitting and sneering at him, and
finding fault with him for his desertion; so provoked that I wrote a
letter to the 'Times,' which appeared on Tuesday, with my opinion
thereupon.
On Tuesday morning I was surprised at receiving a letter from Lord
Lansdowne, entreating I would tell him what was said, and what was the
state of public opinion about Palmerston's resignation, giving me to
understand that he was as yet undecided what course he should adopt, and
should not decide at all events till he had seen the Queen next Friday;
he also said that he had been greatly surprised at this happening '_so
soon_, whatever might have been the case later, having occurred
(marvellous to say) before there had been any decision taken by the
Government as such on the whole matter, or any ground for me at least to
think that issue would be joined upon it without that apparently
essential preliminary.' I wrote to him in reply all I had heard of the
reports and notions floating about, and said I hoped his determination
would eventually be not to withdraw, and I sent him Lady Palmerston's
letter to me, which I said seemed to me somewhat at variance with his
statement, in as much as Palmerston evidently considered that the matter
was settled. I don't understand, however, why he wrote to Aberdeen, if
the question was still before the Cabinet, and not yet definitively
settled. Assuming Lord Lansdowne's statement to have been correct,
Palmerston ought to have disputed the matter in the Cabinet, and if
overruled there, he might have resigned, and not till then.
Delane went to Aberdeen, and asked him for his version of the affair,
when he said at once he had no hesitation in saying that the Eastern
Question was the cause and the sole cause of Palmerston's resignation;
that he had all along been opposing what was done, and might have
resigned upon it any time for months past, and that but for that
question he would have swallowed the Reform Bill. Delane observed, if
this was true, Palmerston had acted a very highminded and disinterested
part. It has been imprudent of the Government papers to insist so
strenuously that Palmerston resigned solely on account of Reform, and
that there was no difference on foreign policy, because this elicited a
violent article in the 'Morning Post,' insisting in turn that the
Eastern Question was the real cause of his retirement, and everybody
will believe that this was inserted or dictated by himself. It is
strange to find myself the advocate and apologist of Palmerston, when
the preceding pages are brimful of censure of his acts and bad opinion
of his character; but, whatever prejudices I may have or have had
against him, they never shall prevent my saying what I believe to be
true, and doing him ample justice, when I think that he is acting
honourably, fairly, and conscientiously. This letter of Lord Lansdowne's
has a little shaken my convictions, but still I am struck with the fact
of his having refrained from resigning on the Eastern Question, when by
so doing he might have damaged the Government immensely, and obtained
for himself increased popularity and considerable power if these were
his objects.
LADY PALMERSTON'S STATEMENT.
_London, December 22nd._--I went to town this morning, called on Lady
Palmerston, found her in good spirits and humour, and vastly pleased at
all the testimonies of approbation and admiration he has received. She
exclaimed with exultation, 'He is always in the right in everything he
does,' a position I could not confirm, and which I did not care to
dispute. We then talked of the present crisis, when to my no small
amazement she said that she saw no reason now why it should not be made
up, and he should not remain, that he left the Government with regret,
liked his office, and had no wish to quit his colleagues, but could not
consent to such a measure as Lord John had proposed. She then
recapitulated what she wrote to me, and complained of Aberdeen's having
replied to Palmerston's note in such a style of peremptory refusal; if
he had only expressed regret at the difference, and proposed a fresh
reference to the Cabinet, it might have been avoided. Still, she thought
if they were disposed to be reasonable it was possible to repair the
breach. Palmerston had never had any answer to his letter of
resignation, no notice had been taken of it, nor had the Queen's
acceptance of his resignation ever been conveyed to him. She talked with
bitterness of the articles in the 'Times,' and of his resignation having
been so hastily published, and said he had all along been very much
dissatisfied with the conduct of the Eastern Question, and convinced
that, if his advice had been taken at first, we should not be in our
present dilemma and embarrassing position, and he had only consented to
stay in the Government, when overruled in his suggestions, because he
thought he could nevertheless effect some good by remaining, and tender
essential aid to Clarendon. I expressed the strongest desire that the
matter might be patched up, and entreated her to try and bring it about.
Palmerston was gone out, so I did not see him.
I then went to the Office, and directly wrote to Graham, who was at the
Cabinet, begging him to see me, and telling him I had reason to believe
Palmerston was not disinclined to stay. Meanwhile Bessborough called on
me, and told me all the reports from Marylebone and other parts of the
metropolis, as well as the country; all represented Palmerston's
popularity to be immense, great enthusiasm about the Eastern Question,
and profound indifference about Reform; and he said there was a report
that Palmerston was not unlikely to stay in, and that it was of the
greatest importance that he should. He also said that Hayter declared
there was no chance whatever of their carrying the Reform Bill in the
House of Commons, especially if Palmerston headed the opposition to it.
He was hardly gone when Graham came to me. I told him all that had
passed between Lady Palmerston and me, and entreated him to see if
something could not be done. He said he himself should be too happy to
bring it about if possible, and he had no personal ground of complaint,
but he did not know how Lord John might be disposed, particularly as
Palmerston in one of his letters had spoken in very uncourteous terms of
him and Aberdeen. He said it was wonderful how Palmerston, quite unlike
most men, was often intemperate with his pen, while he was always very
guarded in his language. In reply to some of the things Lady Palmerston
had said, he told me that the difficulty was that Palmerston's
objections went to the _principle_ of the measure, and though the
details might still be open to discussion, it was impossible they could
concede the principles of the measure without dishonour, and this was
not to be thought of. That with regard to fresh reference to the
Cabinet, Palmerston had stated all his objections to the Cabinet, when
they had been considered and overruled, therefore another reference to
the _Cabinet_ would have been useless. He asked me if Palmerston was
prepared to give up his objections. I said I presumed not, but he must
understand that I did not know what he was prepared to concede or
require, only what I had repeated, that he was not disinclined still to
remain if the matter admitted of adjustment. He said the office was
still open, and that the Cabinet then going on was not about filling it
up, but entirely on the Eastern Question. After a good deal of talk we
parted, he promising to see what could be done to bring about a
compromise and reconciliation.
A RECONCILIATION.
I then wrote to Lord Lansdowne telling him what had passed, and
suggested that, as he is to see the Queen tomorrow, he should invoke her
assistance to settle this affair, and so the matter stands. I am
satisfied that at this moment Palmerston would prefer staying where he
is to anything else, present or prospective, and he does not wish to
embark in fresh combinations; but it is impossible to say what he may
not do under fresh circumstances, and if he is exposed to all the
attractions of excessive flattery and the means of obtaining great
power. If this Government should be overthrown, I see no other man who
could form one. Derby is in such a deplorable state of health that I do
not think he could possibly undertake it, and though Palmerston's
difficulties would be great, they would not be insurmountable, and the
very necessity of having a Government, and the impossibility of any
other man forming one, would give him great facilities, and draw a great
many people from various parties to enlist under him. It is, therefore,
of immense importance that there should be a compromise now, for I am
strongly of opinion that if there is not the Government will not be able
to go on. What I fear is that, if a negotiation should be begun, the
parties will not come to terms, and neither be disposed to make
sufficient concessions. Lady Palmerston hinted at Aberdeen's going out,
which she said he had always professed his readiness to do, but I gave
her to understand that if he did, Lord John would insist on taking his
place, which would not, I apprehend, be more palateable to Palmerston
than the present arrangement.
_December 24th._--I went to town this morning to hear what was going on.
I found Granville who told me there was a negotiation on foot, conducted
by Newcastle, who had been to Palmerston yesterday and discussed the
matter. Palmerston was to give his answer at twelve to-day; Granville
did not think any concessions about Reform were to be made to him, and
nothing more than an agreement that the whole question should be
reconsidered. He was to write a letter, saying there had been 'a
misunderstanding,' said he was evidently dying to remain, full of
interest in foreign politics, and could not bear to be out the way of
knowing and having a concern in all that is going on, and probably by no
means insensible to the difficulties of another position, that of being
the leader of an Opposition, and still more to the having to form and
carry on a Government should that Opposition be successful. All this I
think exceedingly probable. I then went to Clarendon, where I learnt
that Palmerston had given his answer, and that he meant to stay. He had
written a letter, not exactly such a one as they could have wished, but
which must do; and though it was not yet formally settled, it had gone
so far that it could not fail now. Both Clarendon and Granville told me
John Russell had behaved admirably, which I was glad to hear. Granville
thinks Palmerston has no _rancune_ against Aberdeen, but a good deal
against John Russell. Granville said I had made a bad selection in
writing to Graham on Thursday about Palmerston's staying in, as of all
the Cabinet he was the man most against him, and most opposed to his
return; but Clarendon said for that very reason he was very glad I had
addressed myself to Graham, and that I had since written him a strong
letter, as I did yesterday, setting forth as forcibly as I could the
expediency of a reconciliation and the danger of Palmerston's separating
himself from them, and the infallible consequences thereof.
BARAGUAY DECLINES TO ENTER THE BLACK SEA.
Walewski has been making a great flare up about the article in the
'Times,' stating that Dundas wanted to pursue the Russian fleet after
Sinope, and that Baraguay d'Hilliers put his veto on the operation.
Clarendon assured him the statement was inserted without his privity,
and he had nothing to do with it. Walewski then asked him to authorise a
formal contradiction in the 'Globe,' or to let it be officially
contradicted in the 'Moniteur.' Clarendon declined the first, and
advised against the latter course. I offered to speak to Delane about
contradicting it in the 'Times,' which I afterwards did. He said the
fact was true, and he had received it from various quarters, and it was
useless to contradict it; but there was no reason the 'Moniteur' should
not do so if they liked, so I sent him to Clarendon to talk it over and
settle what was to be done to smooth the ruffled plumage of the French.
On Thursday at the Cabinet the resolution was taken which amounts to
war. The French sent a proposal that the fleets should go into the Black
Sea, repel any Russian aggression, and force any Russian ships of war
they met with to go back to Sebastopol, using force in case of
resistance. We assented to this proposal, and orders were sent
accordingly. This must produce hostilities of some sort, and renders war
inevitable. It is curious that this stringent measure should have been
adopted during Palmerston's absence, and that he had no hand in it. It
will no doubt render the reconciliation more agreeable to him. This
incident of his resignation and return, which has made such a hubbub not
only here but all over Europe for several days, is certainly
extraordinary, and will hardly be intelligible, especially as it will
hereafter appear that he has withdrawn his resignation with hardly any,
or perhaps no, conditions. On looking dispassionately at it, it seems to
me Palmerston and Aberdeen have both been somewhat to blame. Lord
Lansdowne left town ten days or a fortnight ago, with a distinct
understanding, as he affirms, that the question of the Reform Bill was
not to be definitively settled till after Christmas, and though he was
aware of Palmerston's objections, he had no idea he would take any
decisive step till then. A few days after he was gone to Bowood,
Palmerston wrote to Aberdeen, a most unnecessary and ill-judged act.
Aberdeen--instead of referring in his answer to the above-named
understanding, and giving no other answer, replies that he has consulted
John Russell and Granville, who think that nothing can be proposed that
will remove his objections, and that he agrees with them, on which
Palmerston sends in his resignation in a letter described to be brief
and peremptory in its tone. All these letters were wrong, and none of
them ought to have been written. I see they (his colleagues or some of
them) think Palmerston never had really any intention of quitting his
post, but _more suo_ tried to bully a little, not without hopes that he
might frighten them into some concessions on the Reform Bill, and
meaning, if he failed, to knock under, as he has so often done upon
other occasions. I am much inclined to suspect there is a great deal of
truth in this hypothesis, being struck by Lady Palmerston's mildness and
abstinence from violence and abuse, and the evident anxiety of both of
them for a reconciliation, and again by the very easy terms on which he
has been induced to stay. There has been no exaction or dictation on his
part, but, so far as appears at present, something very like a
surrender.