Prime Minister Asquith gave notice of three resolutions which will
probably for some time or until carried out constitute the platform of
the Liberals and their allies. The first declares it expedient that the
House of Lords be disabled by law from rejecting any money bill. The
second that it is expedient that the powers of the House of Lords over
other bills be restricted so that any such bill which has passed the
House of Commons for three successive sessions and has been rejected by
the House of Lords in each of these sessions shall become a law without
the consent of the House of Lords provided that not less than two years
have elapsed between the introduction of a bill and its becoming law.
The third resolution proposes to limit the duration of each Parliament
to five years. These proposals possess the advantage of definiteness
which the Rosebery resolutions lack. They are obviously open to the
charge of proposing a one-chambered government. Late dispatches seem
to indicate that these resolutions have been approved by the leaders
of the Nationalists and Laborites, and that at no distant day Premier
Asquith will again go to the country with these propositions instead of
the budget as the chief issue, for the resolutions are certain to be
rejected by the Lords.
In the interval between the preparation of this article (March 28th)
and its publication, it is probable that events will move rapidly in
Great Britain, but the writer hopes that this and the preceding article
on the budget will furnish in brief form a useful historical background
for such events as may take place.
ANNOUNCEMENTS.
Officers of associations are requested to send notices of meetings to
W. H. Cushing, South Framingham, Mass., as long before the date of
meeting as possible.
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.--December 27, 1910, at Indianapolis,
Ind.
PACIFIC COAST BRANCH OF AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.--November
18-19, 1910, at University of California, Berkeley.
CALIFORNIA HISTORY TEACHERS’ ASSOCIATION.--July 14, 1910, at Berkeley.
INDIANA.--History Section of the State Teachers’ Association, April
29-30, 1910, at Indianapolis.
LOUISIANA STATE HIGH SCHOOL RALLY.--April 29-30, at Baton Rouge.
MIDDLE TENNESSEE PREPARATORY SCHOOL CONFERENCE.--May, at Vanderbilt
University, Nashville, Tenn.
MISSOURI HISTORY TEACHERS’ ASSOCIATION.--May 14, at Kirksville.
MISSISSIPPI ASSOCIATION OF HISTORY TEACHERS.--April 30, at Meridian,
Miss.
MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.--Third annual meeting, May
25-27, 1910, at Iowa City, Iowa.
NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION.--Forty-eighth annual convention, July 2
to 8, 1910, at Boston, Mass.
NEWARK, N. J., EXAMINATION FOR HIGH SCHOOL TEACHERS OF HISTORY.--May
21, 1910.
European History in the Secondary School
D. C. KNOWLTON, PH.D. Editor.
THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY.
Italy in Its Relation to Europe.
The history of the unification of Italy is so closely connected with
developments outside the peninsula that it is difficult to make the
details of the story intelligible, and at the same time preserve the
proper European perspective. In order to link together the various
episodes which mark the appearance of this new state, the teacher must,
of necessity, direct the attention of the class to ground already
traversed, besides anticipating in a measure certain events which call
for fuller treatment later. There is, then, an unparalleled opportunity
for review; but a very real difficulty arises when the instructor
has occasion to refer to such events as the Six Weeks’ War or the
Franco-Prussian War, which have not yet been taken up in their European
setting. In view of these problems it might be advisable to review some
of these details after the story of German unification has been told,
making the year 1871 an occasion for a retrospect of the history of
the preceding quarter of a century. In this way the importance of this
period may be brought home forcibly to the class. “With the Crimean
War began a period of wars and territorial changes. In sixteen years
there were four European wars between great powers, not to mention the
local wars in Italy and Denmark; all central Europe was rearranged.”
(Seignobos, p. 787.) “Indeed the changes made in the map of Europe
between 1850 and 1871 were in some respects greater than the final
results of the warfare which ended in that great pacification.” (The
reference here is to the Congress of Vienna.)[2]
The Central Theme.
The main points which call for emphasis at the hands of the instructor
have been summed up by Seignobos in the following statement: “The
union of Italy was accomplished by all the Italian advocates of unity,
royalists and republicans, working in harmony with the Piedmontese
government, aided by a great European power, first France, then Prussia
(p. 351).” Possibly additional interest may be aroused by suggesting
the thought that here was the unusual spectacle of a nation made one,
“not by conquest, but by consent.” This idea may be brought out best by
comparison.
Obstacles to Union.
The chief obstacles to a union of the various states of Italy
afford a proper introduction to the story. The most important of
these was undoubtedly the presence of the foreigner. Italy had long
been “a geographical expression,” controlled in the interest of an
extra-Italian power. Dismemberment was its normal condition. A series
of maps might be prepared to illustrate this fact, using a vivid color
to indicate the territory controlled, first by Spain, then by Austria,
then by France, and again by Austria, according to the arrangements
made at Vienna. The following subjects are suggested:
(1) The Spanish Hegemony; (2) Beginning of Austria’s power in Italy
(1715); (3) Restoration of Spain’s power in Italy, including the
Austrian possessions in the peninsula (1735); (4) Italy in the time of
Napoleon (1810); and (5) Power of Austria in Italy after the Congress
of Vienna, showing the Sardinian territories (1815). These maps will
serve the purpose best if not over three colors are used in their
construction. The atlases of Dow and Putzger, and such text-books as
Robinson and West will supply the necessary details. The constant
reappearance on each of these maps of a black band stretching across
the peninsula will serve to emphasize the importance of another
hindrance to Italian unity, namely, the temporal power of the papacy.
Italy After the Revolution of 1848.
The discussion of Italian politics from 1815 to 1840 will be determined
in part by the plan which the teacher has adopted for the treatment
of this period in its general European aspect. Whatever line of
treatment has been pursued, 1840 marks the real point of departure for
presenting the facts connected with the formation of the kingdom of
Italy. This date affords an opportunity for summing up the condition
of the peninsula and for pointing out some of the lessons taught by
the February Revolution. The next ten years constitute “the period of
preparation.” Ten more were consumed before the hopes of the advocates
of unity had been fully realized--if indeed they can be said to have
been altogether realized. One of the first problems confronting the
makers of modern Italy was the welding together of the widely scattered
territories, occupied by diversified elements and possessing but few
interests in common, which were known as the kingdom of Sardinia.
(Read Seignobos, p. 346.) If Sardinia was to lead in the movement for
unity and independence she must be thoroughly organized and prepared
to assume the financial and military burdens involved. Not the least
of her problems was that of “convincing all Italian Liberals that she
could be trusted;” that she was their Heaven-sent leader. The task was
all the more difficult because of the humiliation she had so recently
undergone at the hands of Austria. Piedmont, however, had “failed
heroically,” and, in spite of Novara, still remained “the center of
nationalist hopes.” Two things were patent to the keen student of
affairs, first, that Sardinia alone could not drive out the foreigner,
and second, that any attempt at union must not be imperiled in the
future by differences of opinion as to the nature thereof.
The Great Personalities.
Four great personalities fill the period from 1840 to 1860--“each
was complementary in his life work to the other”--Mazzini, Cavour,
Garibaldi, and behind them all, displaying rare wisdom and common sense
at every crisis, the warrior king, Victor Emmanuel II. Mazzini has
been called the Prophet of Italian unity; Cavour, its Statesman; and
Garibaldi, its Knight-Errant. Of these three, Mazzini is most difficult
to understand. The secondary student will find it next to impossible
to enter into the far-reaching, although somewhat Utopian, schemes of
this great Italian publicist. It is enough perhaps to point out how, by
organizing Young Italy, he created the necessary enthusiasm among his
countrymen to make possible the work of Cavour and Garibaldi.
Neither is Cavour’s public career devoid of difficulties. The attention
of the class should be confined here to his efforts to place Sardinia
on a sound economic basis, and at the same time secure for her the
support and friendship of the great powers of Europe. The ambitions
of Napoleon III, who dominated European politics prior to 1870, were
utilized by the great state-maker in the furtherance of these plans.
(See also Cesaresco, Cavour, Preface, for an outline of the policy of
Cavour.)
The Attainment of Unity.
When the “epoch of realization” (1859-1870) has been reached, several
plans are open to the instructor for presenting the various steps in
the process of state-making. Beginning with the Crimean War, it is
possible to associate the various acquisitions of territory with the
wars which fill the period, namely, the Austro-Sardinian War, the
Six Weeks’ War and the Franco-Prussian struggle; or to deal with the
successive additions of territory as such, emphasizing the date and
circumstances attending each. (See Seignobos, p. 351.) In the first
case, emphasis is placed on the means employed; in the second, on the
end attained. In either case reference should be made to the eagerness
of the people to join with Sardinia, as shown in the plebiscites. If
the second plan be followed, it will be easier to introduce Garibaldi.
The episode of the Thousand offers material for an interesting report.
In this connection mention might be made of a recent work by G. M.
Trevelyan, Garibaldi and the Thousand.
Literature.
Out of the great mass of material on this subject mention might be made
of the following: Seignobos, Europe since 1814, Chaps. XI and XXVII
(one of the best accounts); Judson, Europe in the Nineteenth Century,
Part II, Chap. X, and Part III, Chap. XIV (clear and interesting);
Phillips, Modern Europe, Chap. XV; Cesaresco, Liberation of Italy;
Cesaresco, Cavour; and Stillman, Union of Italy, 1815-1895. The two
authors last mentioned represent somewhat different points of view. The
Countess Cesaresco waxes eloquent as she unfolds her story. Stillman is
inclined to take a less roseate view of the manner and means whereby
Italy won her place among the nations. Marriott, “Makers of Modern
Italy,” will also be found very helpful and suggestive. The list might
be increased materially, but the books which have been cited will not
only be found helpful, but may readily be secured from most libraries.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XI., Preface.
Ancient History in the Secondary School
WILLIAM FAIRLEY, Ph.D., Editor.
Choice of Material.
There remain to us but two of these studies of the Roman world; but
two short months of school in which to cover tragic centuries of
European development. A stern self-restraint in the choice of topics to
be treated is necessary therefore, both for the articles and for the
school. The welter of detail is all but overwhelming; and the teacher
must select a few salient features of these eight centuries. For the
present month we may consider what is worth while down to the so-called
“fall of Rome.”
The Two Good Centuries.
From the time when the new empire settled down into peace under
Augustus to the death of Marcus Aurelius in 180 A.D. there came a
period, when, as has been well said, the Mediterranean basin was
probably more prosperous, more happy and better governed than at any
time before or since. This is not always understood and accepted. The
evil side of Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, the turmoil under
Galba and his two successors, have been unduly emphasized. Probably
there has been too much “muck-raking” even by eminent historians. Under
the worst of the rulers named it is to be remembered that tyranny and
cruelty were almost totally confined to the capital and its cliques.
The provinces were on the whole well administered, especially in
comparison with the corruption of later republican times. Within this
period, too, fall the Golden and the Silver Ages of Roman literature.
The Disastrous Third Century.
From Marcus Aurelius to Diocletian stretches an evil century. The
rocks upon which Rome was finally to be shipwrecked began to show
their heads. Government again became a prey instead of a service. The
“barrack emperors”--“the thirty tyrants” cursed the imperial chair. The
German barbarians began to press hard upon the borders of the empire.
Pestilence, imported from the East, thinned the already weakened
population. The army came to be almost wholly recruited, and in a
large degree officered by Germans. It was almost as if Great Britain
depended solely for her defense upon Hindoo troops, for lack of men
and mettle among the English themselves. Then came the spasm of reform
under Aurelian. And meantime the barbarians by scores of thousands at
first, and soon by hundreds of thousands, came drifting down from the
north and east. Their comings were quiet enough at the first. They
simply moved in where Romans had largely died out. We might compare it
in some ways to what would happen if our country should allow a free
immigration of Orientals into our Pacific slope.
Reorganization.
The fourth century saw the great reforms under Diocletian and
Constantine. The empire was reorganized and, for the time being,
strengthened. But the new vigor was vicious in type. It was oriental
despotism thinly disguised, as shown by the strange new garb of the
emperors, no longer great generals and first citizens; and by the
horde of office-holders with novel, high-sounding titles fitted to the
various grades of the new bureaucracy.
A line of cleavage was developed by the establishment of the double
capital and the joint emperors. East and West began to separate. The
division was in part dictated by the difficulty of administering
the vast empire from one center in a period when communication was
incredibly slow as compared with our modern facilities of steam and
electricity. And in this division was a double seed. From one kernel
was to spring disaster for Italy and the West. From the other was to
germinate the Eastern Empire, destined to be the fortunate and stupid
conservator of culture and learning throughout the dark ages.
Christianity.
With the fourth century the Christian faith began to assert itself as
never before. Its persecution, off and on, for three centuries, and its
triumph need a little study. Why was it that the Roman system could
tolerate the excesses of the licentious Eleusinian and Bacchic orgies
and the foul superstitions of Egypt, but could find no charity for a
pure and gentle faith? Because Christianity was itself righteously
intolerant. Very early in the history of the empire it became the
fashion and then the law that the genius of the emperor should be
adored. To the already polytheistic citizen of the empire this was no
added hardship. One god more made no difference to him, and the cynical
Roman magistrate could not understand why the wretched Christian was so
stubborn about a pinch of incense in honor of the emperor. It meant so
little to him religiously--but everything to the Christian. And so the
Christians died by thousands. Yet the persecuted faith spread apace,
drawing into its fold of hope and inward peace the wayworn travelers
upon the cruel road of life in those weary years. Then came the
conversion of Constantine and the gradual disintegration of paganism.
For a study of the brighter side of pagan life and a proof that the
whole Roman world, as so often taught, was not thoroughly rotten, read
Pater’s “Marius, the Epicurean,” and Dill’s “Roman life in the Fourth
Century.”
The Barbarians.
It is surprising to the judicious what can be the effect of a word or
phrase. Probably the term “barbarian” has caused as much confusion in
the minds of young students of history as any other term. It signifies
to him at least a semi-savage. Yet we know that to the Greek it meant
only a non-Hellene. In the later Roman times it meant Goth or German.
And yet, long before these people finally disrupted the Western Empire,
they had ceased to be barbarian in any common conception of the term.
If we substitute for the word migration the longer word immigration,
it will give a better idea of their earlier comings, to which allusion
has already been made. Humbler neighbors from without the pale, they
slowly crept into the southern space and glow out of their crowded
and unlovely north. With no ideas of conquest at first, but seeking
betterment for themselves, as to-day come the peoples from the same
Russia; or, pressed out of their own hunting grounds by the atrocious
Hun, they poured steadily in. And long before they became a menace,
most of them had become at least half civilized by contact with the
finer south. Their men had many of them served in the Roman legions.
And Christianity had early made way among them. And at length, when
the weakness of the West made it an easy prey to their greater vigor,
it was not as bands of whooping savages falling upon a peaceful white
settlement that they came, but they simply took up the scepter of
destiny which nerveless and unworthy hands had let fall. Emerton’s
“Introduction to the Middle Ages,” and the early chapters of Adams’
“Civilization during the Middle Ages,” furnish the best of reading for
topics like these just suggested.
The Fall of Rome.
There never was such a thing. That is putting it bluntly. But no
contemporary historian uses such a phrase. It is another of the fables
of history which need correction. To the Italian the sending of the
imperial insignia from Rome to Constantinople meant no more than the
Rhode Islander understood when Newport ceased to be one of the capitals
of his State. There was no longer need for an emperor at Rome; that was
all. The Goth who was in control there had been so for a generation,
and considered himself just as good a subject of the emperor at
Constantinople after the deposition of Augustus as he had been before.
In teaching children it will be hard to treat the subject in the way
just indicated. Probably a little analysis of the causes of this “fall
of Rome” will seem logically necessary. Some such outline as the
following might be tolerated. But let the teacher bear in mind that no
historian has yet succeeded in giving such a set of reasons for this
fall as will satisfy any other historian. The child mind, however, is
not critical, and may be helped by a catalogue of forces.
A. As political causes:
Failure to govern justly.
Growth of militarism.
Lack of home rule, and of representation.
The administrative division of the empire.
B. As social and economic causes:
Steady decline in population, resulting from vice, war, pestilence and
Christian asceticism.
Slavery, as depicted in the preceding article, and now grown still more
dreadful.
Taxation, so oppressive that a Christian writer says there were more
collectors than payers of taxes.
C. As military causes:
The cessation of military service by Italians and the use of Germanic
soldiers.
D. As moral and religious causes:
The vice fostered by a corrupt court.
The general decline of morals among a weakened and disheartened people.
Over against all these are to be set the numbers, the virility, the
comparative freedom from civilized vices, of the sturdy barbarians; and
most of all their capacity for absorbing the worthiest things among the
people whom they conquered.
American History in the Secondary School
ARTHUR M. WOLFSON, PH.D., Editor.
RECENT AMERICAN HISTORY.
The New Era.
By the year 1876 or 1877, the period of Reconstruction may be said
to have come to an end. From that time on the people of the United
States were busy developing new ideas and attempting to settle new
problems. Only gradually, however, did they recognize this fact; not
till the end of the nineteenth century did the country awake to a full
realization that the old order was no more, that a new order had come
into existence. Just because this new order has been so recently born,
however, because so many of its elements are so imperfectly understood,
the teacher will probably find special difficulties in teaching it to
his classes.
The Age of Extra-Continental Expansion and of New Economic Development.
To begin with, the student must be taught that this last generation in
America has witnessed two almost entirely new developments: (1) the
extra-continental expansion of the United States, and (2) the growth of
enormous combinations of labor and of capital. The first reached its
climax in the Spanish-American War, the acquisition of the Philippines
and of Porto Rico, the assumption of a quasi-protectorate over the
republics of Central America, and the interference in the affairs of
China and Japan. With the details of this movement we shall not attempt
to deal in this article. Instead we shall devote all of our space to a
consideration of the second series of events.
The history and the results of the growth of these large combinations
of labor and of capital present themselves in three more or less
distinct phases: (a) the struggle of the laborer for his full share
in the distribution of wealth; (b) the development of capitalistic
enterprise through the large corporations; and (c) the effort of the
consumer to keep from being crushed by the weight of the two contending
forces.
Though the interest of the consumer in these new economic problems is
destined, in the opinion of many students, to become the paramount one,
up to the present time it has received but little direct attention
from constructive statesmen, and it does not, therefore, properly
belong among the subjects to be discussed in the history class room.
The teacher may, nevertheless, call the attention of his students to
the evidences of the beginning of the definite movement to protect the
interests of the consumer: the recent Pure Food Acts, the legislation
of the various states designed to limit the profits of railway and
other public service corporations, and the widespread agitation of the
present day over the high cost of living.
The Labor Problem.
In studying the labor problem, our investigations must begin as far
back as the middle of the last century when the first trade unions
were organized in the United States. Since then they have grown
steadily till to-day they number their members in the millions. In the
beginning, these unions were limited to one locality and to men who
were working in the same trade; gradually, however, they broadened
their scope till they became national in their limits and universal in
the class of workmen who were eligible to membership. In presenting the
movement, it will be well for the teacher to select some thoroughly
typical trade union, such as the Brotherhood of Railway Engineers, some
thoroughly typical amalgamated union, such as the American Federation
of Labor, for purposes of illustration. To get the class to investigate
the history of these unions as far as possible, and to confine the
discussion to their activities will be the teacher’s duty, else the
study will result in hopeless confusion.