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The Tower of Knowledge
DESCRIBED BY PROFESSOR PAUL MONROE, TEACHERS’ COLLEGE, COLUMBIA
UNIVERSITY.
Among the many symbolical representations of the world of learning
or schemes of intellectual pursuits or of educational institutions
furnished by the Middle Ages or the Renaissance period, none is more
interesting and few more complete than the accompanying illustration
from the “Margarita Philosophica” of Gregorovius de Reisch (or George
Reisch).
Reisch was prior of the Carthusian monastery at Freiburg and confessor
of the Emperor Maximilian I. Noted for his learning, he published one
of the briefest, but also one of the most popular of the numerous
cyclopedias of learning produced during the late mediæval and early
modern centuries. This work, the “Margarita Philosophica,” first
appeared at Heidelberg in 1496, and went through numerous editions,
eight of them appearing by 1535. While the substance of the work was
mediæval, it was tinged by the dawning modern spirit, as is shown by
the title and by a consciousness of the significance of the Renaissance
period by the claim set forth in the title to the incorporation of
additions to “all known things.” The full title reads: The “Margarita
Philosophica,” or the “Philosophical Pearl: treating of all known
things; with additions, such as are to be found nowhere else.”
(_Aepitoma Omnis Phylosophiae, Alias Margarita Phylosophica Tractans de
omni genere scibili: Cum additionibus: Que in alijs non habentur._)
The first seven books treat of the seven liberal arts, the eighth and
ninth of natural phenomena; the tenth, eleventh and the twelfth of
the soul. These twelve books are divided into 573 chapters containing
an epitome of the knowledge of the day. Much of the value of the
work to present day students depends upon the numerous illustrations
of symbolic character. One of the most important of these is the
accompanying Tower of Knowledge, which gives the whole scheme of
education of that period.
The youthful victim is admitted to the Tower by the Muse of Wisdom, who
presents to him the horn book. Once admitted he begins the toilsome
progress through various chambers of the tower which correspond to the
twelve books of the treatise, namely, the first eight to the seven
liberal arts, grammar being given, not only two chambers but two entire
floors. The first chamber is devoted to Donatus, whose “Eight parts of
speech,” written about 400 A.D., formed the traditional approach to all
studies for many centuries. So nearly universal was the use of this
part of Donatus’ larger work on grammar, that the term _donat_ came
into frequent use as a synonym for an introduction into any subject.
Donatus continued very popular into the 16th or even 17th century,
though its popularity was successfully contested by many later works,
especially that of Alexander de Villa Dei of the 13th century.
The second chamber is devoted to Priscian, whose more elaborate work
on grammar (from about 526 A.D.) formed the source of much of the
common literary knowledge of the middle ages. Priscian was one of the
works most frequently issued from the early press, and yet exists in
more than a thousand manuscripts. In all Priscian quotes more than 250
authors, several of them more than 100 times, the “Æneid” of Vergil
more than seven hundred times. Thus the study of Latin grammar was
of far greater significance than the modern conception of the term
indicates and justifies to Reisch the assignment of two floors of the
Tower.
From the study of grammar the youth proceeds to the study of rhetoric
and poetry, the middle one of the three rooms of the third floor.
Cicero is here the presiding genius. From rhetoric the student proceeds
to the logic of Aristotle, thus completing the trivium.
The first subject of the _quadrivium_ is arithmetic, represented by
Boethius. The remaining three subjects of the quadrivium form the
fourth floor. These are astronomy, represented by Ptolemy; geometry, by
Euclid, and music by Pythagoras.
Following the quadrivium come the subjects which no doubt represent
“the additions to known things” in the mind of the compiler. These are
the physical sciences, typified by Pythagoras, and Moral Philosophy,
by Seneca. Crowning all comes the study of theology and metaphysics,
represented by Peter the Lombard, whose “Sentences” had been the
orthodox theological text now for two centuries.
The symbolic illustrations which accompany the book of the treatise
on these several subjects are of no less interest than the tower of
knowledge itself; for these go into great detail in exposition of the
aim and characteristic features of each study. Such illustrations
present in a concrete way the curricula and the methods of school work
in the past.
Recent History
The Situation in Great Britain
BY JOHN HAYNES, PH.D., DORCHESTER HIGH SCHOOL, BOSTON, MASS.
In the last article of this series it was stated that the rejection
by the House of Lords of the Budget of 1909 brought before the
British people not only a fundamental question of taxation, but the
constitutional question of the position of the Upper House. For
centuries it had been generally conceded that the authority over
finance belonged exclusively to the House of Commons. But the Lords
in 1909, claiming that the new proposals were revolutionary, passed a
resolution respecting the budget, “that this House is not justified
in giving its consent to this bill until it has been submitted to the
judgment of the country.” The Commons answered by another resolution
that this action was “a breach of the Constitution and a usurpation
of the rights of the Commons.” Nevertheless it was necessary for
the ministry to dissolve Parliament in January 1910, and carry the
issue before the voters. In the campaign the Liberals stood for the
budget, the denial of the right of the Lords to reject it, and home
rule for Ireland. The Labor party, in addition to supporting the views
of organized labor on questions affecting working men, were strongly
in favor of the budget. The Irish Nationalists, as always, put Irish
home rule before everything else. The Conservatives, under the name of
Unionists, which they use to emphasize their opposition to home rule,
made their campaign chiefly on the issue of “tariff reform,” which in
Great Britain means the abandonment of her free trade policy. Sentiment
in favor of doing this has greatly increased in recent years, and those
who favor it are supplied with much greater financial resources for
pushing their views than those who uphold the present policy. It would
not surprise the present writer to see Great Britain return to the
“protective” system, though he believes it would be a misfortune of the
greatest magnitude to the British people.
The resolution passed by the Lords when they rejected the budget
implied that an election would be in the nature of a referendum, and so
it was to a certain extent, but it was a very imperfect one. The law
which permits plural voting was, as always, a great disadvantage to the
Liberals, and undoubtedly lost them several seats. Again, there has
been no distribution of seats since 1885, and the present arrangement
is grossly inequitable. As an extreme example the member from Romford
represents over seventeen times as many voters as the member from
Whitehaven. The Liberals and Labor party are the ones who suffer from
this condition. Ireland, whose representation is wholly Nationalist
and Conservative, has one-fourth more members of Parliament than she
is justly entitled to. Another thing which helped the Conservatives
were “three-cornered contests” which gave them at least five seats
as representatives of districts where the Liberal and Labor voters
together far outnumbered the Conservatives. Then, again, the question
was so confused with other matters that there was not a direct issue on
the budget. Doubtless many free traders voted for Unionist candidates
from opposition to Irish home rule or the policy of the Liberals on
the school and liquor questions. It is the misfortune of the Liberals
that their progressive policies at the same time encounter the
three powerful interests represented by the landholders, the liquor
dealers, and the Anglican Church. In Ireland the home rule question
so overshadowed all others that there was no expression whatever of
popular opinion on the budget, though enough is known to make it pretty
certain that the majority would be against it. In England, Wales and
Scotland, the popular majority of the Liberals and Laborites combined in
spite of plural voting, was nearly three hundred thousand. It may be
concluded that notwithstanding the growth of sentiment adverse to free
trade the Lloyd-George budget would be adopted by a safe margin if it
were submitted as a simple question to the British people. The actual
result was the choice of 274 Liberals, 273 Conservatives, 82 Irish
Nationalists and 41 Labor members, a situation which gives the Irish
Nationalists under the leadership of John Redmond the balance of power.
The new Parliament met February 15th. The King’s speech was very brief
and foreshadowed the re-introduction of the budget and proposals for
giving the House of Commons undivided authority over finance and
preponderance in all legislation. This speech from the throne contained
the altogether unusual phrase “in the opinion of my advisers.” The
motion of the Unionists to amend the King’s speech by inserting a
resolution in favor of “tariff reform” was defeated by the votes of the
Liberals and Laborites, the Irish Nationalists abstaining from voting.
From the opening of Parliament till the 24th of March the time has been
occupied with necessary routine work, but it has become evident from
the attitude of Mr. Redmond and the more radical supporters of the
ministry that the question of curbing the power of the Lords must take
precedence of the consideration of the budget. If the Nationalists are
satisfied by the action of the ministry on this question the budget
will probably pass the Commons, the Irish members either voting for it
or abstaining from voting.
For the present, the question of the power of the House of Lords has
become paramount. It is recognized even by the Conservatives that the
present situation is indefensible. The fact that the membership of
the House of Lords is overwhelmingly conservative leads to what is
practically a government by a single chamber when the Conservatives are
in the majority in the Commons. It has been possible for Conservative
ministries to put through measures, like the Education Act of 1902,
which have never been submitted to the country and would probably not
be approved if submitted. On the other hand when the Liberals are in
power the Lords by rejecting and mutilating legislation have prevented
the principal Liberal measures from becoming law. The only recourse of
the Liberals would be to appeal to the country on every question of any
importance. March 23d the House of Lords by a vote of 175 to 17 adopted
a set of resolutions introduced by Lord Rosebery, which are likely to
become the Conservative platform on the question. They are: “First,
that a strong and efficient Second Chamber is not merely an integral
part of the British Constitution, but is necessary to the well-being of
the State and the balance of Parliament.
“Second, that a strong and efficient Second Chamber can best be
obtained by the reform and reconstruction of the House of Lords.
“Third, that a necessary preliminary to such reform and reconstruction
is the acceptance of the principle that the possession of a peerage
should no longer itself give the right to sit and vote in the House of
Lords.”
It will be noticed that this resolution is non-committal on the
question of how the voting members shall be chosen. The suggestions
which have found their way into print are that the Peers should choose
a certain part of their own number, that county councils should elect,
that learned societies should be represented, and that men who had held
high posts should be voting members. It has been stated that there
would be a number of life peers. The proposal is very indefinite, and
furnishes no guarantee on the most necessary point, namely, that the
Second Chamber must be one which will not forever defeat the measures
of the Liberals when they have a majority of the Commons. It would seem
that the only logical position of those who favor a strong upper house
would be to have it elected from larger districts and for longer terms
than the House of Commons.