merely to vegetate. Of course such persons do not live in earnest, and
hence do nothing in earnest. They have life, but no lofty aspirations.
They may have souls; but if so, they remain undeveloped. In fact,
persons of this character have no character, no earnest work, no
significance. And for this reason, though living, they are literally
dead. If we would make the world what it should be, we must first make
ourselves what we should be. The work must begin at home in our own
hearts, and with a view to our own moral needs.
In the cultivation of a pure heart-life, we should begin by cultivating
"a conscience void of offence." If we would unlock the gate of paradise,
we must look for the key where it is to be found. We may rest assured
that it cannot be found in an uncultivated field of brambles and briers,
nor amid the rubbish of a misspent life; yet to find it, only requires
diligent search. Though everything beautiful, everything noble,
everything sublime, may lie in the distance, yet it is attainable; it is
the _ultimatum_ that we should seek,--something substantial, something
eternal. Mere fame is nothing worth. It is a thing of earth, and not of
heaven.
There may be an innate feeling or principle that constitutes what is
called conscience; yet it must be conceded that conscience is
practically but the product or outgrowth of education, and may
therefore be so moulded as to become the just or unjust judge of the
moral questions which involve both our present and future welfare. How
important, then, that this judge should not only be a righteous, but an
educated judge, familiar with the principles of right and wrong, and
stern in the application of them! In a word, conscience is the central
life of character,--the silent monitor within our own breasts, whose
moral influence controls our destiny.
The law of love may be regarded as the great law which underlies all
law, because it is divine. In fact, love is the law that pervades the
universe, and in itself is sufficiently indicative of our moral
obligations. He who is governed by it, cannot err. It is not, however,
what we do for ourselves, but rather what we do for others, that can
afford the most substantial happiness. If you would receive, you must
give, influenced by a kind and generous spirit. "Overcome evil with
good." In this way, like a moral Alexander, you may conquer the world.
It is doubtless true that conscience, being essentially the outgrowth of
education, is ever in a formative state, and may therefore be
strengthened and elevated in its moral perceptions by culture. The more
perfect its judgment, the more perfect the man or woman. There can be
no religion without conscience; nor can there be conscience without
religion. The one is a counterpart of the other; and equally true is it
that the character of the one reflects the character of the other.
A true religion does not consist in a mere profession of faith, nor in
church membership, but in that which is the leading principle of our
lives; in that which binds us to achieve an ultimate aim; in that which
calls into exercise all our moral powers, and harmonizes our lives with
the requisitions of the divine law. Yet any religion is better than
none. Even the pagan is not destitute of a religion of some sort,
however debased it may be. It is simply the refinement of a higher
civilization which has made the difference between the pagan and the
Christian. Nothing can be more important, therefore, than the kind of
education which is bestowed on us in childhood, or the kind of
self-culture which we choose to bestow on ourselves. And though
circumstances may be adverse to our interests, it is our duty to conquer
circumstances, and take into our own hands the fabrication of our
fortunes. In this life every day brings with it new lessons; and though
some of them may be pernicious, all of them have their value. If there
were nothing evil, there would be nothing good,--for the reason that
there would be no contrast, no standard of comparison. And yet between
good and evil there is no halfway house, no "happy medium."
In every question of right and wrong there are but two sides. The one or
the other we must take, either directly or indirectly. We cannot take a
neutral stand if we would; nor can we identify ourselves with both
sides. Sincerity and hypocrisy are not born of the same parentage, and
cannot therefore walk hand in hand, nor take the same social position.
They are marked by a different sign, and by their sign they are readily
recognized. Appear where they will, the one will be respected, the other
despised.
If you would excel in anything, in any particular pursuit, you must
first resolve to excel, and then persevere, cost what it will. If you
encounter lions in your path, exterminate them. In ascending mountains,
make difficulties your stepping-stones, and never look back until you
reach the summit, and can breathe freely in a pure atmosphere. If you
would reach the stars, construct your own ladder, and climb until you
not only reach them, but are crowned with them. The soul never becomes
truly heroic until it becomes truly godlike in its aspirations and
purposes.
It is only in the practice of the cardinal virtues--prudence, justice,
temperance, fortitude--that we acquire that divine power which alone can
make us divine. It is only in the adoption of lofty aims that we can
expect to reach a lofty ideal. Everything is possible to him who has
resolved to make it possible. In other words, where there is a will
there is a way. The will is the motive-power; if this be wanting, then
all is wanting that goes to make up the character of an heroic soul. The
world needs moral as well as physical heroes,--heroes who know their
duty, and dare do it. In the battle of life none but the wise and the
valiant can be safely intrusted with the command. The hostile powers of
darkness, of ignorance, of superstition, challenge the field, and cannot
be overcome without a severe conflict. The crisis has come. Whether
armed or unarmed, you must meet the foe; for results you must trust in
yourselves. It will never do to trust in shields, in breastplates, in
fire-arms, or in faith without works. If you would conquer, you must go
into battle inspired with lofty aims, and with a divine enthusiasm; then
will victory perch on your standard, and the eagle of freedom,
fire-eyed, pierce the sun.
And yet you should remember that in your attempts to achieve success,
you must deserve success. It is only in severe moral discipline that
you can see what you need, and acquire what you need,--eminent virtue,
industry, and sagacity. In social life, be social, amiable, and
accomplished; in domestic life, be something more,--be kind,
considerate, and sympathetic. Whether you have one or more talents,
improve them; they will grow brighter by constant use. Whatever may be
your capacities, never indulge in vain aspirations. However seductive
the temptations which may beset you, never compromise your integrity.
However ambitious you may be in your ultimate aims, regard a good moral
character as of infinite value. Always true to yourselves, be true to
others. Place implicit confidence in no one, but confide in the strength
of your own individuality. In adversity be hopeful, and always look on
the bright side of things.
In selecting a profession or business for life, be governed by your
natural taste or capacity,--your peculiar talent for this or that
pursuit. If embarrassed by circumstances, never yield to them, but
resolve to excel in whatever you undertake. Perseverance is the secret
of success. If born with the gift of genius, make it available; do
something new; invent something new; and in this way bequeath something
valuable to mankind. In other words, live for mankind, and if need be,
die for mankind. Adopt this as the religious sentiment of your life, and
act in accordance with it, and your works will sufficiently attest the
purity of your faith.
And yet you are not required to crucify yourselves; but on the contrary,
it is your duty, while striving to live for others, to live for
yourselves, and thus make yourselves and your homes as happy as
possible. It is not in the shade, but in the sunshine, that you should
seek to live. It is only the _now_ of life, the fleeting present, of
which you are certain. If, then, you would be prosperous, if you would
be happy, if you would look to the future with a pleasing hope, so live
as to feel that you are sustained, in all you do, by an approving
conscience, and by the divine counsels of Infinite Wisdom. It is only by
living thus that you can make life on earth what it should be,--a
heaven-life.
He who made all things has made no distinction between heaven and earth.
It is man that has made the distinction. The natural atmosphere which
surrounds the earth is pure and healthful; it is only the moral
atmosphere that has become impure and deleterious. It needs no chemical
agencies to purify it; it must be purified, if at all, by moral
agencies. In other words, we must recognize our obligations to our
fellow-men, and obey the "Golden Rule," as prescribed by the law of
love, if we would succeed in making earth a heaven.
Almost every American of culture has an object in view for which he
lives,--some ultimate aim or aspiration which stimulates him to effort.
It may be a desire to excel in some one of the learned professions, or
to become a millionnaire, a hero in the battle-field, a Solon in the
halls of legislation, perhaps President of the United States. In
attempting achievements of this character, it should be remembered that
knowledge is the basis of success. It is knowledge that gives power, and
wisdom that should direct us in wielding it. Yet a man may be learned,
and still be a cipher in the world. God gave to man a divine outline,
and then left him to perfect himself, at least in a mental sense. This
he must do, or remain an animal, and "feed on husks."
Nearly all our great men are self-made men. This is true of Washington,
Franklin, Jefferson, and scores of others who, like them, have acquired
an enviable renown. Thus, in all ages of the world, have men of noble
aspirations reached eminent positions and immortalized their names.
It is somewhat surprising, however, that most of our American graduates
look to the learned professions, rather than to a practical business
life, as affording the widest field for the acquisition of wealth and
high social position. This, it seems to me, is a great mistake. Not more
than one professional man in ten ever rises above mediocrity in his
profession, though he may prove to be useful, and succeed in acquiring a
comfortable livelihood.
In fact, the learned professions have yet to learn that the supply
exceeds the demand. And hence there is but little use in attempting to
shine as a "star" in any of the professions, unless you have a
sufficient brilliancy to take rank as a "star of the first magnitude."
And yet we cannot have too many men of liberal education; the more the
better. They are needed in every pursuit in life, and in every place. It
is not the occupation that dignifies a man, but the man that dignifies
the occupation. When you have chosen a pursuit, whatever it may be, aim
high. Yes,--
"Give me a man with an aim,
Whatever that aim may be;
Whether it's wealth or whether it's fame,
It matters not to me.
Let him walk in the path of right,
And keep his aim in sight,
And work and pray in faith alway,
With his eye on the glittering height.
"Give me a man who says,
'I will do something well,
And make the fleeting days
A story of labor tell.'
Though aim he has be small,
It is better than none at all;
With something to do the whole year through,
He will not stumble or fall.
"But Satan weaves a snare
For the feet of those who stray
With never a thought or care
Where the path may lead away.
The man who has no aim
Not only leaves no name
When this life is done, but, ten to one,
He leaves a record of shame.
"Give me a man whose heart
Is filled with ambition's fire;
Who sets his mark in the start,
And keeps moving higher and higher.
Better to die in the strife,
The hands with labor rife,
Than to glide with the stream in an idle dream,
And lead a purposeless life.
"Better to strive and climb
And never reach the goal,
Than to drift along with time,
An aimless, worthless soul.
Ay, better to climb and fall,
Or sow, though the yield be small,
Than to throw away day after day,
And never strive at all."
AMERICA AND HER FUTURE.
There is something in the very name of America, when applied to the
United States, which carries with it an inspiring influence,--an ideal
of freedom and of true manhood. In referring to the incidents of her
origin, in connection with the events of her subsequent career, it would
seem that America is none other than a "child of destiny."
She was born amid the storms of a revolution, and commenced at birth to
work out the great problems of civil and religious liberty. She has an
abiding faith in herself, and believes it to be her mission to originate
new views and discover new principles, as well as to try new experiments
in the science of popular government. The greatest peculiarity in her
character is that her past cannot be safely accepted as an index of her
future; in other words, her past is not likely to be repeated. In fact,
she does not wish to repeat or perpetuate anything that can be improved.
Her political creed is as simple as it is brief,--the "greatest good to
the greatest number;" and yet it is the most complex creed, perhaps,
that ever existed, involving questions which have not been, and cannot
be, satisfactorily settled.
America knows what she has been, but does not know what she will be. It
is doubtful if she knows what she would be. She has several favorite
watchwords, such as progress, freedom, and equal rights, and but few, if
any, settled opinions. Her present position, unstable as it may be, is
her standpoint of judgment. In attempting to achieve what she most
desires, she relies on experiment rather than precedent. In her forecast
consist her welfare and her political sagacity; yet she can no more
predict than control her future. None but a divine intelligence can
comprehend the extent or grandeur of her future.
One thing is certain, the rapidity of her career approaches railway
speed. What impediments may lie in her track, or what collisions may
occur, it is impossible for man to foresee. It would seem, however, that
she is an instrumentality in divine hands; a nationality, whose task it
is to work out the great problem of a just government,--one in which all
political power is vested in the people, and exercised by the people for
the common purpose of securing the greatest possible good to the
greatest possible number. The right to live under such a government is
a natural right, and should be accorded to every human being, the world
over.
In all human governments there are, and probably ever will be, more or
less imperfections growing out of mistaken theories, or arising from
their practical workings. Though it may not be possible by legislation
or otherwise to remedy every imperfection, yet there can be no political
inequality which may not be so far modified as to extend to every
citizen equal rights and equal justice. There is a natural love of
freedom and of justice implanted within the human breast, which lies at
the foundation, not only of the political, but of the social, fabric.
This love of freedom and of justice is an instinctive feeling, if not an
inspired sentiment, which ennobles the patriot, and converts him into a
hero. When oppressed, the true hero smites his oppressor. This is a law
of his nature--an attempt to redress a wrong--and therefore an element
of human government. When a civil government has been instituted,
positive law becomes the rule of right. But when nations differ, and
diplomacy fails in its mission, there remains no recognized alternative
for adjustment but a reference to the arbitrament of the sword. This
final method of redressing national wrongs has descended to modern times
from the primitive ages of barbarism, and when adopted, as often
terminates in perpetuating the wrong as in redressing it. It is, to say
the least of it, a method which is entirely inconsistent with the
refined civilization of the present age.
There seems to be no good reason why an international code of laws might
not be adopted by all civilized nations for their common government in
redressing their grievances. If such a code could be framed and
accepted, it would not only secure the just rights of nations from
infraction as against each other, but would unite them in their mutual
interests and sympathies by the indissoluble ties of a common
fraternity. Then all differences and dissensions could be settled, as
they should be, by negotiation or voluntary submission to arbitration;
and then wars would cease, and rivers of blood no longer flow.
Nations, in their relations to each other, are but individuals, and
should, as such, be subjected to wholesome restraints by some recognized
authority. The proper authority would seem to be a representative
Congress of Nations. This view of the matter is an American idea, and
one which has been suggested by American experience. The assumption that
every nation is an independent sovereignty, if not absurd in theory, is
by no means true in fact. No civilized nation can live within itself and
for itself, but must and will, in order to supply its wants, hold
commercial intercourse with other nations. The productions of the earth
belong to man, and are essential, whether of this or that clime, to his
health and happiness, and will therefore be sought and distributed. Even
the social relations of one nation with another are hardly less
conducive to the general welfare than their commercial relations,
especially since steam-power and the telegraph-wire have comparatively
made all men next-door neighbors.
In these modern times no government which is not just in its
administration can long survive without provoking a revolution. It is
only as a last resort that revolution becomes an elementary right, and
then it must succeed in order to be recognized as a right. Nations
succeed each other as naturally as individuals, sooner or later. The
interest of all, whether national or individual, is the interest of
each. Hence mankind the world over should be regarded as a common
brotherhood, entitled to the enjoyment of equal rights and equal justice
as the legitimate sequence of their fraternal relationship. And yet
neither in ancient nor in modern times do we find a perfect government.
It is true, however, that we sometimes speak of our own American
Republic as a perfect system of popular government; yet it is nothing
more, in fact, than an unsatisfactory experiment. It is a system which
grew out of circumstances, and one which changes with circumstances.
It was near the close of the eighteenth century when America began to
lose her affectionate regard for her mother England. This change in her
affections grew out of the fact that the mother evinced a sincerer love
for money than for the welfare of her daughter. Remonstrance, though
calmly uttered, proved unavailing. It was then that America for the
first time gave indications of possessing a proud puritanic spirit that
would not brook oppression. The imposition of the Stamp Act had incurred
her displeasure; nor did an invitation to "take tea" restore her to
equanimity. Instead of condescending to take so much as a "sip" of that
favorite beverage, she had the audacity to commit whole cargoes of it to
the voracity of the "ocean wave." This offence provoked England to take
an avowed hostile attitude. America, still unawed, proceeded to beat her
ploughshares and pruning-hooks into broadswords; war, with all its
horrors, ensued. The result was that after a seven-years contest,
liberty triumphed, and American independence became an acknowledged
fact.
America had statesmen in those days who were men of pluck. When they
signed the Declaration of American Independence, and proclaimed it to
the civilized world, they took their lives in their hands, and so far as
human foresight could determine, were as likely to reach the gallows as
to maintain the position they had assumed. But fortune "favored the
brave," and instead of ascending the gallows, they ascended the pinnacle
of fame, and now take rank among
"The few, the immortal names
That were not born to die."
It will be recollected that our Pilgrim Fathers, on landing at Plymouth
Rock, entered into a written compact which contained the germs of a
republic,--principles which were expanded in the subsequent articles of
colonial confederation, and finally were so developed and enlarged in
their sweep and comprehension as to constitute not only the framework,
but the life and spirit, of the federal Constitution, which has been
accepted as the written will of a free and magnanimous people. In a
republic like ours, the popular will, when clearly expressed, commands
respect and must be obeyed. There is no alternative, nor should there
be. As Americans, we believe in the Constitution, and in the "stars and
stripes," and would die, if need be, in their defence. We also believe
in ourselves, and in our capacity to take care of ourselves. This great
fact is sufficiently illustrated in our past history as a nation.
When her population was but a small fraction of what it now is, America
not only compelled England to acknowledge her independence, but also
compelled her, in a subsequent war, to acknowledge the doctrine of "free
trade and sailors' rights."
Ever intent on enlarging the "area of freedom," America next sent out
her armies and took possession of the ancient palaces of the Montezumas,
and finally settled differences by accepting the "golden land" of
California, nor thought it at the time much of a bargain. And last, not
least, she suppressed within her own borders, despite the adverse
influences of England, one of the most formidable rebellions the world
ever beheld, and succeeded in restoring fraternal harmony throughout the
Union.
In the history of the world there have been many forms of human
government, which have arisen at successive periods, and which may be
classed as the patriarchal, the monarchical, the aristocratic, and the
democratic. The last was originally a direct rule of the people, but
from necessity and convenience has now become a representative
government, chosen by the people, and controlled by their will and
action as expressed through the medium of the ballot-box. The doctrine
that "the majority must rule" is evidently based on the scriptural idea
that in a "multitude of counsellors there is safety;" and yet this is
not always true. Minorities are often right, and majorities wrong. What
is right and what is wrong, is a matter of opinion, ever changing with
the advance of civilization.
Take any form of government you please, and analyze it, and you will
find that its vitality and its ability to preserve itself, are based on
physical power,--a power to coerce; and when this power fails, the
government fails, and either anarchy or revolution is the inevitable
consequence. Yet the moral power of a government, though it may not save
it, is not less important than its physical power. When both are
exercised with no other view than a sincere desire to promote the public
welfare, the government is pretty certain of being sustained, and simply
for the reason that it is approved by a generous and healthful public
sentiment. But let public sentiment become corrupted by the influences
of aspiring demagogues, or by men who avow principles in conflict with
the public interests, and no government, however pure and just in its
inception, can long command respect, or preserve its authority.