was a Puritan and a theocrat; Benjamin Franklin, a patriot and a
philosopher; George Washington, a great general and a model man; Thomas
Jefferson, a true democrat and a wise statesman; Andrew Jackson, a hero
at New Orleans, and a Jupiter in the Presidential chair; and Abraham
Lincoln, a man of destiny, who crushed rebellion, and proclaimed freedom
to four millions of slaves. These were the men of power in the hands of
Divine Power; and yet they did not comprehend the sequence of their
mission. Their achievements marked the age in which they lived, and will
doubtless exercise a living influence, more or less controlling,
throughout the coming ages of the civilized world.
Nations, as well as individuals, have their destiny in their own hands.
It is the character of the individuals constituting the nation which
gives to the nation its true character. America began her career by
laying the foundations of her character, not in the sand, but on the
rock of free schools, free churches, and a free public press. Without
these institutions true freedom can neither be acquired, nor be
preserved. They are the only legitimate nurseries of a healthful and
vigorous public sentiment. Preserve these institutions, and the nation
will continue to be free and prosperous and happy and powerful and
glorious. And yet there may be corrupting influences growing out of the
manner in which a popular government is administered, or growing out of
the exercise and extent of the right of popular suffrage.
Indeed, it has already become a grave question how far it is safe to
extend the right of suffrage. It cannot be denied that our American
population is but an intermixture of different nationalities, thrown
together by a common desire to become free men in a free land. Yet
immigrants continue to come from the Old World, differing as widely in
their political and religious education and predilections as in their
language, customs, and social habits. It is this foreign element that
makes our population what it is,--an assimilating, and yet an
unassimilated mass. A five-years residence, under our present
naturalization laws, entitles aliens to citizenship and the right of
suffrage. When they have acquired citizenship, demagogues assume to be
their best friends, only to deceive them and advance their own selfish
aspirations. In this way the original peculiarities of the different
nationalities are wrought into political subserviency, and employed as
an element of power in securing the balance of power. It is in this way
that the people are first corrupted, and then the government. It is in
this way that we, as a nation, allow demagogues to educate the masses
into a low and degrading estimate of what constitutes a popular
government, and of what are its true legitimate objects.
The right of suffrage is clearly a political, not a natural, right. It
should be exercised with wisdom, and only with reference to the
"greatest good to the greatest number." The ignorant cannot exercise
this right with safety, for the reason that they are not sufficiently
intelligent. A certain degree of education should therefore be regarded
as an indispensable prerequisite. A mere residence of five years in the
country, without the ability to read and write the English language,
should not be accepted as a presumptive qualification, though
strengthened by an oath of allegiance.
There are some statesmen, as well as other persons, both in this country
and in Europe, who are earnestly engaged in agitating the question of
extending the right of suffrage to women, on the ground that women are
citizens, and often own taxable property, and consequently have the same
interest as men in securing and maintaining a just and proper
administration of the government under which they live. While this is
true, it is equally true that men are endowed by nature with more
physical, if not more mental, strength than women, and have a higher
regard for the diviner sex than they have for themselves, and
consequently were created to be their protectors and guardians. In fact,
the two sexes are but counterparts of each other. In Nature's
arithmetic, the two count but one, and should be but one in heart and in
life. But somehow or other, many of these counterparts get strangely
mismatched, or are never matched at all. This is not a fault of Nature,
but a defect in our social system. If it were considered as proper for
women as for men to be the first to propose marriage, it would doubtless
lead to the happiest results. But taking things as they are, the thought
has occurred to me that it would be wise for the State to limit the
right of suffrage to married men, for the reason that such men would
naturally feel the deepest interest in sustaining a good government. Let
the right to vote and to hold office depend on marriage, let the honors
of State and of society be conferred on none but those who have honored
themselves by assuming the duties and responsibilities of wedded life,
and I doubt not that all marriageable bachelors would aspire to the
honors of full citizenship, while marriageable women would soon find
their proper places in their proper sphere, and the government become
what it should be,--pure in its principles and just in its
administration. America is in a transition state, and will in all
probability continue to trust in the success of untried experiment,
rather than rely on her past experience. But still there survives within
the American breast a popular sentiment, which, like the magnetic
needle, ever points to an unerring polar star. It is only amid clouds
and storms that dangers arise, or become alarming. It is therefore
important that the ship of State should be intrusted to none but skilful
mariners. The pilot should appreciate the dignity of his position, and
comprehend the extent of his responsibilities. Whether the "golden age"
of America terminated with the outbreak of her great Civil Rebellion, or
commenced at the date of its final suppression, remains, perhaps, an
undecided question; yet there are thousands who believe that her golden
age has passed, never to return. This may or may not be true.
It is hardly to be expected, however, that a happier age will ever
arrive than that which existed prior to the Southern Rebellion. The
people generally, both North and South, before an appeal to arms
occurred, were characterized by a genial sincerity in the expression of
their political views and in the recognition of their constitutional
obligations, as well as in their ecclesiastical connections and social
relations. They, in fact, felt that they were akin to each other, and
regarded each other as a common brotherhood, having mutual interests in
sustaining a common government,--a government which their fathers had
framed, and bequeathed to them and to coming generations. In this genial
relation, for nearly a century, the North and the South enjoyed
uninterrupted peace and prosperity; and America took her position as one
of the great and powerful nations of the earth.
It is to be hoped, however, that the result of the late Civil War will
prove a "blessing in disguise," though laden with many unpleasant
memories.
If we cannot obliterate the "dark spots" in the sunlight of our past
history as a republic, we can at least cultivate friendly relations and
a liberal spirit, such as will give to our future history a spotless
character.
It now becomes a grave question whether the freedom of the emancipated
slaves will prove a boon or a curse to them. As yet they cannot
comprehend their relative position; nor can they foresee their ultimate
though not distant destiny. As a race, they differ widely in their
natural characteristics from the Saxon race among whom they have been
diffused. They belong to Africa. The two races, being distinct in the
conditions of their origin and physical structure, as well as in their
temperament and tastes, can never harmonize as one people, either in
their social or political relations, on the basis of a perfect equality.
The thing is impossible, simply for the reason that the law of
antagonism which exists between the two races is founded in Nature, and
is therefore a divine law, which can neither be controlled nor
essentially modified by legislation or education. In fact, a "war of
races" has already become imminent, and must, when it does come,
terminate in the expulsion, if not extinction, of the African race.
In the future of America there are mystic events which time only can
disclose. "Onward" is the watchword of the living present. Every
American believes there is "a tide in the affairs of men which, taken at
the flood, leads on to fortune." The "almighty dollar" is his leading
star. Hoards of gold and silver glitter in the distance. In acquiring
wealth he acquires power. He knows that wealth is power; and hence the
acquisition of wealth has become the ruling passion of the age. In other
words, money supersedes merit, while moral honesty is held at a
discount. Lamentable as the fact may be, it is evident that an
unscrupulous desire to obtain wealth and political honors pervades all
classes of American society, from the highest to the lowest.
In order to facilitate the accumulation of wealth, and achieve their
ambitious aims, individuals consolidate their capital in corporations,
and corporations consolidate themselves into overgrown monopolies. In
this way almost every leading branch of trade and of manufactures, as
well as railroad interests, shipping interests, and telegraph lines, are
merged in corporations,--in fact, nearly all that remains of
individuality is lost in corporationality. Of course the mere
individual, however meritorious, becomes literally powerless unless
recognized by a corporation. Though a trite saying, it is nevertheless
true that corporations are "soulless," and therefore devoid of human
feeling and of human sympathies. Among the most formidable of these
monopolies are the railroad corporations, ever busy in weaving their
spider-like webs over the entire continent. In discharging their duties
to the public they seldom subordinate their own interests.
Almost every man of wealth in America is a stockholder in one or more
incorporated companies, and will of course act politically, as well as
individually, in accordance with his interests. Both the commercial and
financial operations of the country are essentially in the hands of
corporations. They in fact monopolize the banking institutions; and if
they do not control, they evidently desire to control, the legislation
and government of the entire country. Indeed, the time has already
come, when in quite too many instances the popular voice yields to the
corporative voice, while personal merit and qualification for office
become questions of secondary importance. It is easy to be seen that
corporative interests have become not only gigantic, but are engaged,
with pick and spade, in undermining the very foundations of the
Republic. If the people would preserve their equal rights, and enjoy the
blessings of a free government, they must not only remember, but act on
the principle, that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty."
It is owing to the tendency of capital to combine its productive
energies that working-men, as they are pleased to designate themselves,
conceive the idea that capital and labor are antagonistic in their
interests. Hence working-men, especially miners and mechanics, combine
against capitalists for the purpose of securing higher rates of wages.
In doing this, they resort to "strikes," violate their contracts, and
dictate their own prices. If their terms are not accepted, they refuse
to work, and the great leading industries of the country are crippled,
if not suspended. A train of moral and physical evils follows, which are
more seriously felt by the "strikers" than by capitalists. If movements
of this kind are continued, the obvious result will be to drive capital
out of the country to seek a more reliable investment. It is labor that
produces capital, and capital that furnishes labor. The one must depend
on the other. Their interests are therefore mutual, and both are
entitled to equal protection; their relations to each other must
necessarily be regulated by the law of supply and demand. There is no
other law or power that can do it. If force be applied, it is certain to
react. Yet the field is alike open to all. The laborer often becomes a
capitalist, and the capitalist a laborer. What are known as "strikes,"
therefore, can effect no lasting good to any one. They are but elements
of social discord, which demagogues seize and control for their own
aggrandizement. In fact, "Trades Unions" are nothing more nor less than
organized conspiracies against capitalists and the best interests of the
country. If tolerated, the government itself is in danger of being
ultimately subverted. It is clear that the tendency of these unions is
to produce disunion. They have already become so formidable in numbers
and in political influence as to render it doubtful whether any
legislation could be obtained, or military power enforced, which would
either control or restrain them in their action and ultimate aims. In
view of this state of things, it would seem that the time has come when
the American people, as a nation, should pause and "take the sober
second thought."
It is often said that the world is governed too much. But so far as this
country is concerned, the reverse seems much nearer the truth. Our
government is presumed to be the creature of public opinion. In theory
it is so; but in practice we generally find that what is called public
opinion is manufactured by a few scheming politicians, through the
instrumentalities of packed conventions and a subservient public press.
And hence candidates for office are selected with a view to their
availability rather than for their known capacity and integrity. This
failure to select the best men of the country to govern it, and
administer its laws, has already resulted in degrading American
character by the corrupt practices which it has generated, if not
sanctioned, in every department of government, whether federal, State,
or municipal.
In fact, dangers lurk on every side. There is no safety, unless it can
be found in the virtue and intelligence of the people. If in this
respect the people are deficient, it is the fault of their education.
The rights of citizenship should depend on education, and the masses, if
need be, should be educated by compulsion. As it now is, the learned
professions are regarded as the main pillars that sustain the social
fabric. They in fact give tone to public sentiment, and erect the
standard of public morals. The masses accept their opinions, and seldom
question their accuracy; and yet the masses are often misled. The few
corrupt the many. Hence it is that we so often see the lawyer, the
doctor, and even the clergyman, swayed in their action by political
incentives; and especially is this true of professed politicians and
official dignitaries. As a matter of course, public sentiment becomes
demoralized, and almost every species of fraud and corruption comes to
be regarded as quite respectable. If for this state of things there be a
remedy, it is only to be found in our public schools and in the moral
teachings of our churches. It is here that the work of reform must
begin, the sooner the better. It should begin by re-laying the
foundations of the Republic deeper and broader, and with principles as
solid and permanent as the masonry of the everlasting hills. When this
great radical work has been accomplished, the threatening clouds which
now cast their shadows over our national future
"Will fold their tents like the Arabs,
And as silently steal away."
While in the tendencies of the age we see much to admire, we also see
much to be regretted. In a word, there is too much friction in the
complicated machinery that spins and weaves the web and woof of American
character. In religion, morals, and politics, wide differences of
opinion are to be expected, yet they should be honest. While a free
public press may be regarded in theory as the "palladium of American
liberty," it seems to proceed practically on the belief that its own
interests are the public interests. Especially is this true of the
political press. Money, instead of principle, is too often its guiding
star. By its influence, men in office and out of office are made and
unmade at pleasure. And this will ever be the case so long as editorial
utterances are accepted as oracular. And yet there is hope, and perhaps
safety, even in the freedom of our partisan prints, so long as they
continue to expose the falsities of each other, whatever may be their
motives. If, as in China, the head of every editor who knowingly
publishes an untruth were demanded as a forfeit, it is to be feared that
gentlemen of the "tripod" would soon become "few and far between" in
this broad land of the free. Yet the newspaper is the controlling power
of the government, and the mouth-piece of public sentiment. Editors
should therefore appreciate their responsibility, as well as "take the
responsibility."
Though rotation in office may be regarded as a wholesome principle in
the administration of a popular government, it is evident from the
history of the past that frequent elections tend to disturb the peace
and harmony of society. One political campaign scarcely ends before
another begins. Especially is this true of our Presidential elections.
The spirit of these elections extends to all our local elections, and
often renders them equally bitter and intolerant.
These are growing evils which seem to threaten the stability of the
Republic, and which require the application of a radical remedy. In the
first place, the right of suffrage should be made uniform in all the
States, and extend to none except citizens who can read, write, and
speak the English language. This must be done, if we would preserve our
American nationality from a confusion of tongues and the contamination
of disloyal principles. In the next place, the President should be
elected by a direct popular vote for a term of eight or ten years, and
be rendered ineligible thereafter.
If provisions of this character were incorporated into the federal
Constitution, the President would have no other motive in the discharge
of his official duties than a desire to make for himself a good record;
while professional politicians would disappear, and our county be saved
from the demoralizing influences of a constant partisan warfare.
In regard to the Presidential question, the keynote is usually sounded
by the friends of the administration, who wish to retain its patronage,
or by opponents, who seek to overthrow it for the sake of the "spoils."
Though candidates for office contend loudly for principles and reform,
it is evident that with many of them the public treasury is the centre
of attraction. It is true, however, that there are some honorable
exceptions,--some men who are influenced by patriotic motives, who love
their country and desire to promote its real welfare, and who would
rather "do right than be President of the United States."
In a government like ours, which is essentially partisan in its
character, there exists a manifest want of promptitude in the exercise
of its central power. In other words, it takes a republic too long to
move and execute in a crisis. It is prevented from doing this by the
popular trammels which environ it. And yet it is often as difficult to
ascertain what is the popular will as it is to comply with it. For this
reason it is often a slavish fear, rather than a sense of right, that
controls the administration of the government. Even our best men, when
placed in power, become so sensitive to public opinion that their moral
courage "oozes out at their fingers' ends." They see lions in their
path, and therefore fear to do their duty. So long as a love of office,
rather than a love of country, influences the action of the politician
and the statesman, there can be neither strength nor stability in the
framework of democratic institutions. For an illustration of this, we
need only appeal to the histories of Greece and Rome. America has
produced, however, many model men, and doubtless will produce many more
of a like character. It is men that we want,--men of nerve and pluck, as
well as men of wisdom, not only to enact our laws, but to administer
them. All conspiracies of one class against the rights of another class,
or against the rights of individuals, should by Congressional enactment
be declared crimes, and the perpetrators promptly punished, no matter by
what name their associations may be known. It is the prompt enforcement
of criminal law that gives it moral force and overawes the offender.
It is impossible to predict the future, except as we see it from a
standpoint of the present. Hence it is, perhaps, that we apprehend
dangers when there are none. Yet we know that the elements of
dissolution are incorporated into the very material that constitutes the
universe. And so it is with the nations of the earth. The law of change
is universal. It affects alike both the moral and the physical world. In
his desires, man, as an individual, is insatiable; and so are nations.
It is a prominent trait of Americans to want territory, and to acquire
territory. They must have elbow-room; but the misfortune is, they do not
know when they have enough. It seems as if they aspired to grasp the
world and to govern the world.
It is doubtless true that we, as a nation, have already acquired too
much territory. The result is, the government has become unwieldly, and
the danger great that it will break down, sooner or later, of its own
weight. So vast is the national domain, and so various is it in its
climate, productions, and population, that its central power cannot so
legislate as to do equal justice to all interests, and at the same time
harmonize the conflict of public sentiment. This state of things had its
influence in producing the outbreak of the late Rebellion. For
grievances of this character there would seem to be no other remedy than
that of revolution.
We can but hope, however, that the States now known as the United States
will continue to increase in numbers, and to harmonize as one people,
one nation, and one government. Yet it is quite possible that the time
will come when they will sever into groups and become independent of
their present federal relation to each other, in accordance with their
peculiar sectional interests, "peaceably if they can, forcibly if they
must." Then, instead of one, we shall probably have several independent
American confederacies, whose future boundaries are clearly indicated,
not only by differences of climate and productions, but by Nature, as
marked by her great intervening rivers, lakes, and mountain ranges.
These confederacies, when organized, will doubtless consist of those
groups of States now known as the Eastern, Western, Southern, and
Pacific States.
In addition to sectional interests and geographical differences, there
are other considerations tending to induce a division of the Union.
Among these are an almost unlimited number of political aspirants, and a
rapidly increasing population. In Europe, and in many parts of Asia, an
overgrown population, in connection with geographical differences and
tribal distinctions, is doubtless the original cause which led to
subdivisions of empire, and the establishment of so many petty kingdoms
as now exist in those countries. The same causes are evidently at work
on the American continent, and must ultimately produce similar results.
In little more than a century our population has increased from seven to
sixty millions. In the next century, at present rates, the increase from
natural growth and the influx from foreign emigration will in all
probability approximate two or three hundred millions. Europe alone,
judging from present indications, will transfer to this continent within
that period a large share of that number. If this be assumed as worthy
of credence, is it not time that we, as American citizens, should look
ahead, as well as go ahead, and if possible, preserve our national
character?