THE BUILDUP AND THE OPENING ROUND
With the beginning of the new year, Khe Sanh again became the focal
point of enemy activity in I Corps. All evidence pointed to a North
Vietnamese offensive similar to the one in 1967, only on a much larger
scale. From various intelligence sources, the III MAF, 3d Marine
Division, and 26th Marines Headquarters learned that NVA units, which
usually came down the "Santa Fe Trail" and skirted the combat base
outside of artillery range, were moving into the Khe Sanh area and
staying.[11](33) At first, the reports showed the influx of individual
regiments, then a division headquarters; finally a front headquarters
was established indicating that at least two NVA divisions were in the
vicinity. In fact, the =325C NVA Division= had moved back into the
region north of Hill 881N while a newcomer to the area, the =304th
NVA Division=, had crossed over from Laos and established positions
southwest of the base. The =304th= was an elite home guard division
from Hanoi which had been a participant at Dien Bien Phu.[12](34) The
entire force included six infantry regiments, two artillery regiments,
an unknown number of tanks, plus miscellaneous support and service
units. Gradually, the enemy shifted his emphasis from reconnaissance
and harassment to actual probes and began exerting more and more
pressure on Allied outposts and patrols. One incident which reinforced
the belief that something big was in the wind occurred on 2 January
near a Marine listening post just outside the main perimeter.(35)
The post was located approximately 400 meters from the western end of
the airstrip and north of where the Company L, 3/26 lines tied in with
those of 1/26. At 2030, a sentry dog was alerted by movement outside
the perimeter and a few minutes later the Marines manning the post
reported that six unidentified persons were approaching the defensive
wire. Oddly enough, the nocturnal visitors were not crawling or
attempting to hide their presence; they were walking around as if they
owned the place. A squad from L/3/26, headed by Second Lieutenant Nile
B. Buffington, was dispatched to investigate. Earlier in the day the
squad had rehearsed the proper procedure for relieving the listening
post and had received a briefing on fire discipline. The training was
shortly put to good use.
Lieutenant Buffington saw that the six men were dressed like Marines
and, while no friendly patrols were reported in the area, he challenged
the strangers in clear English to be sure. There was no reply. A second
challenge was issued and, this time, the lieutenant saw one of the
men make a motion as if going for a hand grenade. The Marines opened
fire and quickly cut down five of the six intruders. One enemy soldier
died with his finger inserted in the pin of a grenade. The awesome
hitting power of the M-16 rifle was quite evident since all five men
were apparently dead by the time they hit the ground. The lone survivor
was wounded but managed to escape after retrieving some papers from a
mapcase which was on one of the bodies. Using a sentry dog, the Marines
followed a trail of blood to the southwest but gave up the hunt in the
darkness. The direction the enemy soldier was heading led the Marines
to believe that his unit was located beyond the rock quarry.
The importance of the contact was not realized until later when
intelligence personnel discovered that all five of the enemy dead were
officers including an NVA regimental commander, operations officer, and
communications officer. The fact that the North Vietnamese would commit
such key men to a highly dangerous, personal reconnaissance indicated
that Khe Sanh was back at the top of the Communists' priority list.(36)
This series of events did not go unnoticed at higher headquarters.
General Cushman saw that Colonel Lownds had more on his hands
than could be handled by two battalions and directed that 2/26 be
transferred to the operational control of its parent unit. On 16
January, 2/26, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Francis J. Heath, Jr.,
landed at the Khe Sanh Combat Base; its arrival marked the first time
that the three battalions of the 26th Marines had operated together
in combat since Iwo Jima. The rapid deployment of Lieutenant Colonel
Heath's unit was another example of the speed with which large number
of troops could be committed to battle. The regimental commander knew
that he would be getting reinforcements but he did not know exactly
when they would arrive; he was informed by telephone just as the lead
transports were entering the landing pattern. The question that then
arose was: "Where could the newcomers do the most good?"(37)
Outside of the combat base itself, there were several areas which
were vital. The most critical points were the hill outposts, because
both General Tompkins and Colonel Lownds were well aware of what had
happened at Dien Bien Phu when the Viet Minh owned the mountains
and the French owned the valley. It was essential that the hills
around Khe Sanh remain in the hands of the Marines. Shortly after its
arrival in mid-December 1967, 3/26 had relieved 1/26 of most of this
responsibility. Company I, 3/26, along with a three-gun detachment of
105mm howitzers from Battery C, 1/13, was situated atop Hill 881S;
Company K, 3/26, with two 4.2-inch mortars, was entrenched on Hill
861; and the 2d Platoon, A/1/26 defended the radio-relay site on Hill
950. This arrangement still left the NVA with an excellent avenue of
approach through the Rao Quan Valley which runs between Hills 861 and
950. The regimental commander decided to plug that gap with the newly
arrived 2d Battalion.(38)
At 1400 the day it arrived, Company F, 2/26, conducted a tactical
march to Hill 558--a small knob which sat squarely in the middle of
the northwestern approach. The rest of the battalion spent the night
in an assembly area approximately 1,300 meters west of the airstrip.
The following day, Lieutenant Colonel Heath moved his three remaining
companies and the CP group overland to join Company F. Once the Marines
were dug in, the perimeter completely encompassed Hill 558 and blocked
enemy movement through the Rao Quan Valley.(39)
Even with 2/26 in position, there was still a flaw in the northern
screen. The line of sight between K/3/26, on Hill 861, and 2/26 was
masked by a ridgeline which extended from the summit of 861 to the
northeast. This stretch of high ground prevented the two units from
supporting each other by fire and created a corridor through which
the North Vietnamese could maneuver to flank either Marine outpost.
About a week after his arrival on Hill 558, Captain Earle G. Breeding
was ordered to take his company, E/2/26, and occupy the finger at a
point approximately 400-500 meters northeast of K/3/26. From this new
vantage point, dubbed Hill 861A, Company E blocked the ridgeline and
was in a good position to protect the flank of 2/26. Because of its
proximity to K/3/26, Company E, 2/26, was later transferred to the
operational control of the 3d Battalion. Although these units did not
form one continuous defensive line, they did occupy the key terrain
which overlooked the valley floor.(40)
With the primary avenue of approach blocked, Colonel Lownds utilized
his remaining assets to provide base security and conduct an occasional
search and destroy mission. The 1st Battalion was given the lion's
share of the perimeter to defend with lines that extended around three
sides of the airstrip. Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson's Marines occupied
positions that paralleled the runway to the north (Blue Sector),
crossed the eastern end of the strip, and continued back to the west
along the southern boundary of the base (Grey Sector). The southwestern
portion of the compound was manned by Forward Operating Base-3 (FOB-3),
a conglomeration of indigenous personnel and American advisors under
the direct control of a U. S. Army Special Forces commander. FOB-3 tied
in with 1/26 on the east and L/3/26 on the west. Company L, 3/26, was
responsible for the northwestern section (Red Sector) of the base and
was thinly spread over approximately 3,000 meters of perimeter. The
remaining company from the 3d Battalion, M/3/26, was held in reserve
until 19 January when two platoons and a command group were helilifted
to 881S. Even though it held a portion of the perimeter, Company D,
1/26 became the reserve and the remaining platoon from M/3/26 also
remained at the base as a reaction force.[13](41)
In addition to his infantry units, the regimental commander had an
impressive array of artillery and armor. Lieutenant Colonel John A.
Hennelly's 1/13 provided direct support for the 26th Marines with
one 4.2-inch mortar battery, three 105mm howitzer batteries, and one
provisional 155mm howitzer battery (towed). The 175mm guns of the U. S.
Army's 2d Battalion, 94th Artillery at Camp Carroll and the Rockpile
were in general support. Five 90mm tanks from the 3d Tank Battalion,
which had been moved to Khe Sanh before Route 9 was cut, were attached
to the 26th Marines along with two Ontos platoons from the 3d Antitank
Battalion.[14] These highly mobile tracked vehicles could be rapidly
mustered at any threatened point so Colonel Lownds generally held his
armor in the southwestern portion of the compound as a back-up for
L/3/26 and FOB-3. All told, the Khe Sanh defenders could count on
fire support from 46 artillery pieces of varied calibers, 5 90mm tank
guns, and 92 single or Ontos-mounted 106mm recoilless rifles. With an
estimated 15,000 to 20,000 North Vietnamese lurking in the surrounding
hills, the Marines would need it all.(42)
Ironically, the incidents which heralded the beginning of full-scale
hostilities in 1968 occurred in the same general area as the encounter
which touched off the heavy fighting in 1967. On 19 January 1968,
the 3d Platoon, I/3/26 was patrolling along a ridgeline 700 meters
southwest of Hill 881N where, two days before, a Marine reconnaissance
team had been ambushed. The team leader and radioman were killed and,
while the bodies had been recovered, the radio and a coded frequency
card were missing. The 3d Platoon was scouring the ambush site for
these items when it was taken under fire by an estimated 25 NVA troops.
The Marines returned fire, then broke contact while friendly artillery
plastered the enemy positions.
[Illustration: Five M-48 tanks of the 3d Tank Battalion lent the weight
of their 90mm guns to the defense of the combat base. (USMC Photo
A190884)]
[Illustration: Two Ontos platoons of the 3d Antitank Battalion were on
hand at Khe Sanh. The Ontos sports six 106mm recoilless rifles with
coaxially mounted .50 caliber spotting rifles. (USMC Photo A369169)]
The next morning, Company I, commanded by Captain William H. Dabney,
returned to the scene in force. The captain actually had two missions:
first, to try and make contact with the enemy, and, second, to insert
another reconnaissance team in the vicinity of the ambush site. Two
platoons and a command group from Company M, 3/26, commanded by Captain
John J. Gilece, Jr. were helilifted to 881S and manned the perimeter
while Company I moved out to the north.[15] The terrain between 881S
and its northern twin dropped off into a deep ravine and then sloped
gradually upward to the crest of 881N. The southern face of 881N had
two parallel ridgelines about 500 meters apart which ran up the hill
and provided the company with excellent avenues of approach. These two
fingers were dotted with a series of small knobs which Captain Dabney
had designated as intermediate objectives.
The Marines moved out at 0500 proceeding along two axes with the 1st
and 2d Platoons on the left ridgeline and the 3d Platoon on the right.
The ground fog was so thick that the men groped along at a snail's pace
probing to their front with extended rifles much the same way a blind
man uses a walking cane. For that reason, Captain Dabney had placed
Second Lieutenant Harry F. Fromme's 1st Platoon and Second Lieutenant
Thomas D. Brindley's 3d Platoon in the lead because both units had
patrolled this area frequently and the commanders knew the terrain
like the back of their hands. In spite of this, by 0900 the entire
force had covered only a few hundred meters but then the fog began to
lift enabling the Marines to move out at a brisker pace. The company
swept out of the draw at the northern base of 881S, secured its first
intermediate objective without incident, and then advanced toward a
stretch of high ground which was punctuated by four innocent-looking
little hills. These formed an east-west line which ran perpendicular
to and bisected the Marines' intended route of march. As it turned out
this area was occupied by elements of an NVA battalion and each mound
was a link in a heavily-fortified defensive chain.(43)
As the element on the right moved forward after a precautionary 105mm
artillery concentration, the enemy opened up with small arms, .50
caliber machine guns, and grenade launchers (RPGs). The resistance was
so stiff that Captain Dabney ordered Lieutenant Brindley to hold up his
advance and call for more artillery while the force on the left pushed
forward far enough to place flanking fire on the NVA position. The 1st
and 2d Platoons, however, fared no better; volleys of machine gun fire
from the other enemy-owned hills cut through the Marine ranks like
giant scythes and, in less than 30 seconds, 20 men were out of action,
most with severe leg wounds. Caught in a cross fire, the captain
ordered Fromme to hold up and evacuate his wounded. Again, Lieutenant
Brindley's men on the right surged forward in the wake of 155mm prep
fires. The assault, as described by one observer, was like a "page out
of _[_the life of_]_ Chesty Puller."[16]
[Illustration: The ambush of a Marine reconnaissance team near 881N on
17 January 1968 was the prelude to the opening battle three days later.
(USMC Photo A188243)]
[Illustration: A view of Hill 881N (1) from its southern twin. Action
on 20 January took place on ridgelines (2) and (3). (Photo courtesy
Major William H. Dabney)]
Brindley was everywhere; he moved from flank to flank slapping his
men on the back and urging them on. The lieutenant led his platoon up
the slope and was the first man on top of the hill but, for him, the
assault ended there--he was cut down by a sniper bullet and died within
minutes.[17](44)
During the advance, the recon team, which had volunteered to join the
attack, veered off to the right into a small draw and became separated
from the rest of the platoon. When the enemy troops were finally driven
off the hill, they fled to the east and inadvertently smashed headlong
into the isolated team. After a brief but savage fight, the North
Vietnamese overran the team and made good their escape; most of the
recon Marines were seriously wounded and lay exposed to direct fire
from the enemy on the easternmost hill. Several other men in the 3d
Platoon were hit during the wild charge and by the time the objective
had been taken, the radioman--a corporal--discovered that he was the
senior man in the platoon. He quickly reported that fact to Captain
Dabney.(45)
The company commander saw that the enemy defense hinged on the center
hill which the 3d Platoon had just taken. If he could consolidate that
objective, Dabney would have a vantage point from which to support,
by fire, assaults on the other three NVA positions. Second Lieutenant
Richard M. Foley, the Company I Executive Officer, had moved up to take
command of the 3d Platoon and he reported that while the unit had firm
possession of the hill, there were not enough men left to evacuate
the casualties. In addition, he could not locate the recon team and
his ammunition was running low. Dabney, therefore, ordered Lieutenant
Fromme's 1st Platoon to remain in place and support the left flank of
the 3d Platoon by fire. With Second Lieutenant Michael H. Thomas' 2d
Platoon which had been in reserve on the left, the company commander
pulled back to the south, hooked around to the east and joined Foley's
unit on its objective. The officers tried to evacuate the wounded and
reorganize but this attempt was complicated by the fact that one half
of the hastily formed perimeter was being pelted by .50 caliber machine
gun and sniper fire from the enemy's easternmost position.
At this point, there were two acts of extraordinary heroism. Lieutenant
Thomas, who was crouched in a crater alongside the company commander,
was informed of the wounded recon Marines who lay in the open at the
eastern base of the hill. Even though it was courting certain death to
do so, Thomas jumped out of the hole without hesitation and started
down the hill. He had only gotten a few steps when an enemy sniper
shot him through the head killing him instantly.[18] In spite of what
happened to the lieutenant, Sergeant Daniel G. Jessup quickly followed
his lead. While the NVA hammered away at the exposed slope with
continuous machine gun and sniper fire, the sergeant slithered over
the crest and crawled down the hill to locate the recon unit. Once at
the bottom, he found the team in a small saddle which was covered with
elephant grass; two of the Marines were dead and five were seriously
wounded. Jessup hoisted one of the wounded men onto his back and made
the return trip up the fire-swept slope. Gathering up a handful of
Marines, the sergeant returned and supervised the evacuation of the
entire team. When all the dead and wounded had been retrieved, Jessup
zig-zagged down the hill a third time to gather up weapons and insure
that no one had been left behind. For his calm courage and devotion to
his comrades, Sergeant Jessup was later awarded the Silver Star.
The heavy fighting raged throughout the afternoon. Lieutenant Colonel
Alderman, his operations officer, Major Matthew P. Caulfield, and
representatives of the Fire Support Coordination Center (FSCC) flew
from Khe Sanh to Hill 881S by helicopter so they could personally
oversee the battle. During the action, Company I drew heavy support
from the recoilless rifles, mortars, and 105mm howitzers on Hill 881S,
as well as the batteries at Khe Sanh. In addition, Marine jets armed
with 500-pound bombs streaked in and literally blew the top off of
the easternmost enemy hill, while other fighter/bombers completely
smothered one NVA counterattack with napalm. A CH-46 helicopter from
Marine Aircraft Group 36 was shot down while attempting to evacuate
casualties but another Sea Knight swooped in and picked up the pilot
and copilot. The crew chief had jumped from the blazing chopper while
it was still airborne and broke his leg; he was rescued by Lieutenant
Fromme's men. This, however, was the only highlight for the North
Vietnamese because Company I had cracked the center of their defense
and, under the savage air and artillery bombardment, the rest of the
line was beginning to crumble.(46)
Lieutenant Colonel Alderman realized that his men were gaining the
advantage and requested reinforcements with which to exploit the
situation. Colonel Lownds, however, denied the request and directed
the 3/26 commander to pull Company I back to Hill 881S immediately.
The order was passed on to Captain Dabney and it hit him like a
thunderbolt. His men had been fighting hard all day and he hated
to tell them to call it off at that point. Nonetheless, he rapidly
disengaged, collected his casualties, and withdrew. The struggle
had cost the enemy dearly: 103 North Vietnamese were killed while
friendly losses were 7 killed, including two platoon commanders, and
35 wounded. As the weary Marines trudged back to Hill 881S, they were
understandably disappointed at not being able to continue the attack.
It wasn't until later that they learned why they had been halted just
when victory was in sight.[19](47)
Colonel Lownds' decision to break off the battle was not born out of
faintheartedness, but was based on a valuable piece of intelligence
that he received earlier in the afternoon. That intelligence came in
the form of a NVA first lieutenant who was the commanding officer of
the =14th Antiaircraft Company=, =95C Regiment=, =325C NVA Division=;
at 1400, he appeared off the eastern end of the runway with an AK-47
rifle in one hand and a white flag in the other. Under the covering
guns of two Ontos, a fire team from the 2d Platoon, Company B, 1/26,
took the young man in tow and, after Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson
had questioned him briefly, the lieutenant was hustled off to the
regimental intelligence section for interrogation. The lieutenant
had no compunction about talking and gave the Marines a detailed
description of the forthcoming Communist offensive. As it turned out,
the accuracy of the account was surpassed only by its timeliness,
because the first series of attacks was scheduled for that very
night--against Hills 861 and 881S. At the time Colonel Lownds received
this news, Company I was heavily engaged 1,000 meters north of its
defensive perimeter and he definitely did not want Captain Dabney
and his men to be caught away from their fortified outpost when the
NVA struck. Consequently, Lieutenant Colonel Alderman's request for
reinforcements to press his advantage was denied.(48)
When the first enemy rounds began falling on Hill 861 shortly
after midnight, Marines all along the front were in bunkers and
trenches--waiting. The heavy mortar barrage lasted
about 30 minutes and was supplemented by RPG, small arms,
and automatic weapons fire. This was followed by approximately 300
NVA troops who assaulted Hill 861. The van of the attacking force was
made up of sapper teams that rushed forward with bangalore torpedoes
and satchel charges to breach the defensive wire. Assault troops then
poured through the gaps but were met and, in most sectors, stopped cold
by interlocking bands of grazing machine gun fire.
In spite of the defensive fire, enemy soldiers penetrated the K/3/26
lines on the southwestern side of the hill and overran the helo landing
zone. The Company K perimeter encompassed a saddle, thus the crest of
861 was actually two hills; the landing zone was on the lower one and
the company CP was perched atop a steep rise to the northeast. Before
the enemy could exploit the penetration, the Marines counterattacked
down the trenchline and pinched off the salient. After vicious
hand-to-hand fighting, the men of Company K isolated the pocket and
wiped out the North Vietnamese. Had the enemy been able to flood the
breach with his reserves, the situation might have become extremely
critical. When the fighting subsided, 47 NVA bodies were strewn over
the hilltop while four Marines died holding their ground.[20](49)
During the attack on 861, the 3d Battalion command group remained on
Hill 881S because bad weather prevented Lieutenant Colonel Alderman
and his operations officer from returning to the combat base.[21](50)
Major Caulfield contacted the Company K command post by radio and found
out that the fighting was indeed heavy. The company commander, Captain
Norman J. Jasper, Jr., had been hit three times and was out of action;
the executive officer, First Lieutenant Jerry N. Saulsbury, was running
the show. The company gunnery sergeant was dead, the first sergeant was
badly wounded, and the radio operator had been blinded by powder burns.
Major Caulfield later recalled that the young Marine remained at his
post for almost two hours before being relieved and was "as calm,
cool, and collected as a telephone operator in New York City," even
though he could not see a thing.(51)
Some men on the hill had a rather unusual way of keeping their spirits
up during the fight as First Sergeant Stephen L. Goddard discovered.
The first sergeant had been hit in the neck and was pinching an artery
shut with his fingers to keep from bleeding to death. As he moved
around the perimeter, the Top heard a sound that simply had no place
on a battlefield--somebody was singing. After tracing the sound to a
mortar pit, Goddard peered into the emplacement and found the gunners
bellowing out one stanza after another as they dropped rounds into the
tubes. The "ammo humpers" were also singing as they broke open boxes of
ammunition and passed the rounds to the gunners. Naturally, the name of
the song was "The Marines Hymn."(52)
One decisive factor in this battle was that Hill 881S was not attacked.
Company I did not receive a single mortar round and the reprieve left
the Marines free to lend unhindered support to their comrades on 861.
The bulk of this fire came from the Company I 81mm mortar section.
Since Lieutenant Colonel Alderman and Major Caulfield were concerned
about the possibility of their position being attacked, they were
careful not to deplete their ammunition. Major Caulfield personally
authorized the expenditure of every 20-round lot so he knew exactly how
many mortar rounds went out that night--680. The mortar tubes became
so hot that the Marines had to use their precious drinking water to
keep them cool enough to fire; after the water, the men used fruit
juice. When the juice ran out, they urinated on the tubes. The spirited
support of Company I and its attached elements played a big part in
blunting the attack.(53)
There are two plausible explanations for the enemy's failure to
coordinate the attack on Hill 861 with one on 881S. Lieutenant Colonel
Alderman and Major Caulfield felt that Captain Dabney's fight on the
afternoon of 20 January had crippled the NVA battalion which was slated
for the attack on Hill 881S and disrupted the enemy's entire schedule.
On the other hand, Company I had emerged from the engagement with
relatively light casualties and was in fighting trim on the morning
of the 21st. Another possibility was the manner in which Colonel
Lownds utilized artillery and aircraft. The regimental commander
did not use his supporting arms to break up the attack directly; he
left that job up to the defenders themselves. Instead, the colonel
called in massive air and artillery concentrations on points where the
enemy would more than likely marshal his reserves. Much of the credit
belong to Lieutenant Colonel Hennelly's batteries at the base. One
infantry officer on Hill 881S, who observed the fire, described the
Marine artillery as "absolutely and positively superb." Throughout the
battle, the North Vietnamese assault commander was heard frantically
screaming for his reserves--he never received an answer. The fact that
the initial attack on 861 was not followed up by another effort lent
credence to the theory that the backup force was being cut to pieces to
the rear while the assault troops were dying on the wire.(54)
The Marines did not have long to gloat over their victory because at
0530 on the 21st the KSCB was subjected to an intense barrage. Hundreds
of 82mm mortar rounds, artillery shells, and 122mm rockets slammed into
the compound as Marines dived into bunkers and trenches.[22](55) Damage
at "ground zero" was extensive: several helicopters were destroyed,
trucks and tents were riddled, one messhall was flattened, and fuel
storage areas were set ablaze. Colonel Lownds' quarters were demolished
but, fortunately, the regimental commander was not in his hut at the
time. One of the first incoming rounds found its mark scoring a direct
hit on the largest ammunition dump, which was situated near the eastern
end of the runway. The dump erupted in a series of blinding explosions
which rocked the base and belched thousands of burning artillery and
mortar rounds into the air. Many of these maverick projectiles exploded
on impact and added to the devastation. Thousands of rounds were
destroyed and much of this ammunition "cooked off" in the flames for
the next 48 hours. In addition, one enemy round hit a cache of tear gas
(CS) releasing clouds of the pungent vapor which saturated the entire
base.(56)
The main ammunition dump was just inside the perimeter manned by
Company B, 1/26, and the 2d Platoon, commanded by
Second Lieutenant John W. Dillon, was in the
hotseat throughout the attack. The unit occupied a trenchline which,
at places, passed as close as 30 meters to the dump. In spite of the
proximity of the "blast furnace," Lieutenant Dillon's men stayed in
their positions, answered with their own mortars, and braced for the
ground attack which never came. Throughout the ordeal, the 2d Platoon
lines became an impact area for all sizes of duds from the dump which
literally filled the trenchline with unexploded ordnance. In addition,
the men were pelted by tiny slivers of steel from the exploding
antipersonnel ammunition which became embedded in their flak jackets,
clothing, and bare flesh.(57)
The fire raging in the main dump also hampered the rest of the
1st Battalion. The 81mm mortar platoon fired hundreds of rounds
in retaliation but the ammo carriers had to crawl to and from the
pits because of the exploding ammunition. Captain Kenneth W. Pipes,
commanding officer of Company B, had to displace his command post three
times when each position became untenable. Neither was the battalion CP
exempt; at about 1000, a large quantity of C-4 plastic explosives in
the blazing dump was touched off and the resulting shock waves cracked
the timbers holding up the roof of Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson's
command bunker. As the roof settled, several members of the staff were
knocked to the floor. For a moment it appeared that the entire overhead
would collapse but after sinking about a foot, the cracked timbers
held. With a sigh of relief, the men inside quickly shored up the roof
and went about their duties.(58)
The sudden onslaught produced a number of heroes, most of whom went
unnoticed. Members of Force Logistics Group Bravo, and other personnel
permanently stationed at the ammunition dump, charged into the inferno
with fire extinguishers and shovels to fight the blaze. Motor transport
drivers darted from the safety of their bunkers to move trucks and
other vehicles into revetments. Artillerymen quickly manned their guns
and began returning fire. The executive officer of 1/13, Major Ronald
W. Campbell, ignored the heavy barrage and raced from one shell hole to
another analyzing the craters and collecting fragments so that he could
determine the caliber of the enemy weapons as well as the direction
from which they were being fired. Much of the counterbattery fire was a
direct result of his efforts.(59)
Three other artillerymen from Battery C, 1/13, performed an equally
heroic feat in the midst of the intense shelling. When the dump
exploded, the C/1/13 positions, like those of 1/26, were showered with
hundreds of hot duds which presented a grave danger to the battery. The
battery commander, Captain William J. O'Connor, the executive officer,
First Lieutenant William L. Everhart, and the supply sergeant, Sergeant
Ronnie D. Whiteknight, immediately began picking up the burning rounds
and carrying them to a hole approximately 50 meters behind the gun
pits. For three hours, these Marines carried out between 75 and 100
duds and disposed of them, knowing that any second one might explode.
When the searing clouds of tear gas swept over the battery, many
gunners were cut off from their gas masks. Lieutenant Everhart and
Sergeant Whiteknight quickly gathered up as many masks as they could
carry and distributed them to the men in the gun positions. The "cannon
cockers" donned the masks and kept their howitzers in action throughout
the attack.(60)
By this time, most of 1/13 had ceased firing counterbattery missions
and was supporting the defense force at Khe Sanh Village. An hour after
the KSCB came under attack, the Combined Action Company (CACO) and a
South Vietnamese Regional Forces (RF) company stationed in the village
were hit by elements of the =304th NVA Division=. The enemy troops
breached the defensive wire, penetrated the compound, and seized the
dispensary. Heavy street fighting ensued and, at 0810, the defenders
finally drove the enemy force from the village. Later that afternoon,
two NVA companies again assaulted the village but, this time, artillery
and strike aircraft broke up the attack. Upon request of the defenders,
Lieutenant Colonel Hennelly's battalion fired over 1,000 artillery
rounds with variable time fuzes which resulted in airbursts over the
defensive wire. During the action, a single Marine A-6A "Intruder"
knifed through the ground fire and killed about 100 of the attackers.
Those enemy soldiers who persisted were taken care of by close-in
defensive fires and, when the fighting subsided, an American advisor
counted 123 North Vietnamese bodies on or around the barbed wire.(61)
Following the second attack, Colonel Lownds decided to withdraw these
isolated units to the confines of the KSCB. The village, which was
the seat of the Huong Hoa District Headquarters, was not an ideal
defensive position. The Allies were hampered by restricted fields of
fire and there was a temple just outside the village which overlooked
the perimeter. Most important, a regiment of the =304th NVA Division=
was operating in the immediate vicinity. The colonel decided that he
would rather evacuate the village while he could, instead of waiting
until its occupants were surrounded and fighting for their lives.
Helicopters flew in and picked up the Marines and U. S. Army advisors;
the Vietnamese troops and officials of the local government moved
overland. Upon arrival, the CACO and RF companies, which totaled about
250 men, took up positions in the southwestern sector of the base and
were absorbed by FOB-3.[23](62)
There was one other encounter on the 21st. At 1950, the 2d Platoon,
L/3/26, reported 25-30 enemy soldiers crawling toward the wire
bordering Red Sector. The Marines opened fire and, within an hour,
killed 14 North Vietnamese. Remnants of the attacking force were seen
dragging dead and wounded comrades from the battlefield. Cumulative
friendly casualties for the day, including those incurred on Hill 861,
were 9 killed, 37 wounded and evacuated (Medevaced), plus 38 wounded
but returned to duty.(63)
When the events of the 21st were flashed to the world via the news
media, many self-appointed experts in the United States began to
speak out concerning the feasibility of maintaining the garrison at
Khe Sanh. Those who opposed the planned defense felt that the Marines
had been able to remain there only at the pleasure of the NVA. They
pointed out that, in the preceding months, the installation had been
of little concern to the North Vietnamese because it was ineffective
as a deterrent to infiltration. The undermanned 26th Marines could
not occupy the perimeter, man the hill outposts, and simultaneously
conduct the constant, large-unit sweeps necessary to control the area.
Therefore, the enemy could simply skirt the base and ignore it. A
build-up, however, would make the prize worthwhile for the NVA, which
badly needed a crushing victory over the Americans for propaganda
purposes. By concentrating forces at Khe Sanh, the theory went, the
Allies would be playing into the enemy's hands because the base was
isolated and, with Route 9 interdicted, had to be completely supplied
by air. Fearing that Khe Sanh would become an American Dien Bien Phu,
the critics favored a pull-out.
[Illustration: General William C. Westmoreland,
ComUSMACV (Photo courtesy Office of
the Chief of Staff, U. S. Army)]
[Illustration: Lieutenant General Robert E. Cushman,
Jr., CG, III MAF (USMC Photo A190016)]
In Vietnam, where the decision was being made, there was little
disagreement. The two key figures, General Westmoreland and General
Cushman, "after discussing all aspects of the situation, were in
complete agreement from the start."(64) There were several reasons
they decided to hold Khe Sanh at that time. The base and adjacent
outposts commanded the Khe Sanh Plateau and the main avenue of approach
into eastern Quang Tri Province. While the installation was not 100
percent effective as a deterrent to infiltration, it was a solid block
to enemy invasion and motorized supply from the west. Had the Allies
possessed greater strength in the northern provinces, they might have
achieved the same ends with large and frequent airmobile assaults--a
concept which General Cushman had advocated for some time. In January
1968, he had neither the helicopter resources, the troops, nor the
logistical bases for such operations. The weather was another critical
factor because the poor visibility and low overcasts attendant to the
monsoon season made helicopter operations hazardous to say the least.
Even if the III MAF commander had the materiel and manpower for such
large airmobile assaults, the weather precluded any such effort before
March or April. Until that time, the job of sealing off Route 9 would
have to be left up to the 26th Marines.(65)
An additional consideration for holding the base was the rare and
valuable opportunity to engage and destroy an, heretofore, elusive
foe. Up to this time, there was hardly a commander in Vietnam who, at
one time or another, had not been frustrated in his attempts to box in
the slippery NVA and VC units. At Khe Sanh, the enemy showed no desire
to hit and run but rather to stand and fight; it was a good idea to
oblige him. In effect, the 26th Marines would fix the enemy in position
around the base while Allied air and artillery battered him into
senselessness. Furthermore, the defense was envisioned as a classic
example of economy of force. Although there was conjecture that the NVA
was trying to draw American units to the DMZ area, the fact remained
that two crack NVA divisions, which otherwise might have participated
in the later attacks on Hue and Quang Tri City, were tied down far from
the vital internal organs of South Vietnam by one reinforced Marine
regiment.(66)
Thus, with only two choices available--withdraw or reinforce--ComUSMACV
chose the latter. In his "Report On The War In Vietnam," General
Westmoreland stated:
The question was whether we could afford the troops to reinforce,
keep them supplied by air, and defeat an enemy far superior in
numbers as we waited for the weather to clear, build forward bases,
and made preparations for an overland relief expedition. I believed
we could do all of those things. With the concurrence of the III
Marine Amphibious Force Commander, Lieutenant General Robert E.
Cushman, Jr., I made the decision to reinforce and hold the area
while destroying the enemy with our massive firepower and to
prepare for offensive operations when the weather became favorable.
General Westmoreland reported his decision to Washington and more
troops began to pour into the combat base.(67)
On 22 January, the 1st Battalion, 9th Marines, commanded by Lieutenant
Colonel John F. Mitchell, was transferred to the operational control
of the 26th Marines and arrived at 1900 the same day. Ever since the
three high ranking NVA officers were killed outside Red Sector, General
Tompkins and Colonel Lownds were concerned over the unhealthy interest
that the North Vietnamese were showing in the western perimeter. When
1/9 arrived, the colonel directed the battalion commander to establish
defensive positions at the rock quarry, 1,500 meters southwest of the
strip. Lieutenant Colonel Mitchell moved his unit overland and set up
a kidney-shaped perimeter around the quarry with his CP perched atop a
hill. In addition, he dispatched a platoon from Company A approximately
500 meters further west to set up a combat outpost on a small knob.
The 1/9 lines curved near, but did not tie in with, those of L/3/26;
the small gap, however, could easily be covered by fire. The western
approach was firmly blocked.(68) (See Map 6).
General Tompkins and Colonel Lownds also discussed plans for the
opposite side of the compound. This approach would have been the
most difficult for the North Vietnamese to negotiate because the
terrain east of the runway dropped off sharply to the river below.
This steep grade, however, was heavily wooded and provided the enemy
with excellent concealment. The NVA troops, masters at the art of
camouflage, could have maneuvered dangerously close to the Marine lines
before being detected.
The main reason for concern, however, was the testimony of the
cooperative NVA lieutenant who had surrendered on the 20th. According
to the lieutenant, the eastern avenue of approach was the key with
which the Communists hoped to unlock the Khe Sanh defenses. First, the
NVA intended to attack and seize Hills 861 and 881S, both of which
would serve as fire support bases. From these commanding positions, the
enemy would push into the valley and apply pressure along the northern
and western portion of the Marines' perimeter. These efforts, however,
were simply a diversion to conceal the main thrust--a regimental ground
attack from the opposite quarter. An assault regiment from the =304th
Division= would skirt the base to the south, hook around to the east,
and attack paralleling the runway through the 1/26 lines.
[Illustration: Two key figures in the defense of Khe Sanh: Major
General Rathvon McC. Tompkins (L), CG, 3d MarDiv, and Colonel David E.
Lownds (R), CO, 26th Marines. (Photo courtesy Colonel David E. Lownds)]
[Illustration: General Tompkins (L) made helicopter trips into Khe Sanh
almost daily in spite of heavy enemy fire. (Photo courtesy David D.
Duncan)]
[Illustration:
MAP 6
LOCATION OF OUTPOSTS
E. L. WILSON]
Once the compound was penetrated, the North Vietnamese anticipated that
the entire Marine defense system would collapse.(69)
On 27 January, the 37th ARVN Ranger Battalion, the fifth and final
battalion allotted for Khe Sanh, arrived.[24](70) Understandably,
Colonel Lownds moved the ARVN unit into the eastern portion of the
perimeter to reinforce the 1st Battalion. Actually, the Marines were
backing-up the South Vietnamese because the Ranger Battalion occupied
trenches some 200 meters outside the 1/26 lines. Lieutenant Colonel
Wilkinson's men had already prepared these defensive positions for the
new arrivals. The new trenchline extended from the northeast corner of
Blue Sector, looped across the runway, paralleled the inner trenchline
of 1/26, and tied back in with the Marine lines on the southeastern
corner of Grey Sector. (See Map 7) The only gap was where the runway
extended through the ARVN lines; this section was covered by two
Ontos. At night, the gap was sealed off with strands of German Tape--a
new type of razor-sharp barbed wire which was extremely difficult to
breach. The North Vietnamese would now have to penetrate two lines of
defense if they approached from the east.(71)
As January drew to a close, the situation at Khe Sanh could be summed
up in three words--enemy attack imminent. As a result of rumblings of a
large-scale Communist offensive throughout South Vietnam, the scheduled
Vietnamese Lunar New Year (TET) ceasefire was cancelled in I Corps and
the 26th Marines braced for the inevitable. While they waited, they
filled sandbags, dug deeper trenches, reinforced bunkers, conducted
local security patrols, and, in general, established a pattern which
would remain unbroken for the next two months. The NVA also established
a routine as enemy gunners daily shelled the base and hill outposts
while assault units probed for a soft spot. Thus the two adversaries
faced each other like boxers in a championship bout; one danced around
nimbly throwing jabs while the second stood fast waiting to score the
counterpunch that would end the fight.(72)
[Illustration:
E. L. WILSON
MAP 7
KHE SANH COMBAT BASE]
FOOTNOTES:
[11] The Santa Fe Trail is a branch of the Ho Chi Minh Trail which
closely parallels the South Vietnam/Laos border.
[12] In addition, one regiment of the =324th Division= was located
in the central DMZ some 10-15 miles from Khe Sanh and maintained a
resupply role. In the early stages of the siege, the presence of the
=320th Division= was confirmed north of the Rockpile within easy
reinforcing distance of Khe Sanh; thus, General Westmoreland and
General Cushman were initially faced with the possibility that Khe Sanh
would be attacked by three divisions plus a regiment. General Tompkins,
however, kept constant pressure on these additional enemy units and
alleviated their threat.
[13] On the 21st, a platoon from A/1/26 reinforced K/3/26 on Hill 861
and a second platoon from Company A later followed suit. Throughout
most of the siege the line up on the hill outpost remained as follows:
Hill 881S--Company I, 3/26 plus two platoons and a command group from
Company M 3/26; Hill 861--Company K, 3/26 plus two platoons from
Company A, 1/26; Hill 861A--Company E, 2/26; Hill 558--2/26 (minus the
one company on 861A); Hill 950--one platoon from 1/26.
[14] The Ontos is a lightly armored tracked vehicle armed with six
106mm recoilless rifles. Originally designed as a tank killer, it is
primarily used in Vietnam to support the infantry.
[15] Captain Gilece was wounded by sniper fire and on 1 February, First
Lieutenant John T. Esslinger, the executive officer, assumed command.
[16] Lieutenant General Lewis B. "Chesty" Puller, a legendary figure
in Marine Corps history, is the only Marine to have won the Navy Cross
five times.
[17] Lieutenant Brindley was posthumously awarded the Navy Cross.
[18] For his actions throughout the battle, Lieutenant Thomas was
posthumously awarded the Navy Cross.
[19] NVA casualties were obviously much greater than 103 dead because
the Marines counted only those bodies found during the withdrawal.
[20] Many more North Vietnamese died that night than were found. The
stench from the bodies decaying in the jungle around the hill became so
strong that the men of K/3/26 were forced to wear their gas masks for
several days.
[21] Throughout the night, Lieutenant Colonel Alderman supervised
defensive operations from 881S and was assisted by an alternate
battalion command group at the base which was headed by the 3/26
Executive Officer, Major Joseph M. Loughran, Jr.
[22] On Hill 881S, Captain Dabney watched several hundred 122mm rockets
lift off from the southern slope of 881N--a scant 300 meters beyond
the farthest point of his advance the day before. The enemy defensive
positions between the two hills were obviously designed to protect
these launching sites. At the combat base, the barrage did not catch
the Marines completely by surprise; the regimental intelligence section
had warned that an enemy attack was imminent and the entire base was on
Red Alert.
[23] The Huong Hoa District Headquarters operated from within the KSCB
throughout the siege.
[24] ARVN battalions were considerably smaller than Marine battalions
and the 37th Ranger was no exception. Even by Vietnamese standards, the
unit was undermanned; it had 318 men when it arrived.