[19] Clemencin, Elógio de Doña Isabel, p. 127.

[20] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cliii.

[21] Pulgar, Claros Varones de España (Elzevir, 1670, p. 6).--Castillo,

_op. cit._ cap. cxliii.--Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV, pp. 3, 7, 23

(Madrid, 1805). At the Córtes of Segovia, in 1471, Henry ordered the

destruction of all the private mints, but it is not likely that he was

obeyed (Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 830, Madrid, 1866). Garcia

López de Salazar, a contemporary, tells us that the gold Enriques were

originally 23-1/2 carats fine, but those struck in the royal mints

gradually fell to seven carats, while the private mints made them what

they pleased.--Saez, p. 418.

Spanish coinage is an intricate subject, and as some knowledge of it

is necessary for the proper understanding of sums of money referred to

hereafter, I have given a brief account of it in the Appendix.

[22] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV,

59-68.--Novisima Recopilacion, Lib. III, Tit. v, ley 10, 11.--Barrantes,

Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. xxii.--Garibay,

Compendio Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. xvi.--Don Clemencin (_op. cit._ p.

146).

At the death of Henry IV, in 1474, the royal revenue had fallen to

about ten million maravedís. By 1477 it increased to 27,415,626, by

1482 to 150,695,288, and in 1504, at the death of Isabella, it was

341,733,597.--Clemencin, p. 153.

[23] Miscelánea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, T. XI, p. 332).

[24] L. Marinæus Siculus de Reb. Hispan. (R. Beli Rer. Hispan. Scriptt,

p. 774).--Damiani a Goes Hispania (Ibid. p. 1237).

[25] Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xx; Letras No. iii.--Fléchier,

Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, II, 291 (Ed. 1693).

The Córtes of Toledo, in 1462, among their grievances, include the

factious turbulence of the clergy--"bien sabe vuestra alteza commo

algunos obispos e abades e otras eclesiasticas personas se han fecho

y de cada dia se fazen de vandos, e algunos dellos tanto e mas

escandalizan vuestras cibdades e villas que los legos dellas."--Córtes

de Leon y de Castilla, III, 711 (Madrid, 1866).

[26] Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist. español,

T. VI, pp. 156, 190, 193-4, 255, 293-4, 297, 304).

[27] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15,

20, 25 (Aguirre, V, 344-50).

[28] L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib. XIX.--Raynald. Annal. ann.

1483, n. 15; ann. 1485, n. 26.

[29] History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 180

_sqq._

[30] Romancero del Cid, pp. 245, 269 (Francofurto, 1828).

[31] Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. VI, Tit. ix, ley 21.--Villanueva, Viage

Literario, XVII, 256.

[32] Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 1 (Barcelona,

1588, p. 18). Similar laws adopted in 1534 and 1537 show that meanwhile

it had been impossible to prevent papal encroachments.--Ib. cap. 3, 4.

[33] Ayala, Crónica de Don Juan I, año X, cap. vii.--Crónica de Don

Enrique III, año III, cap. xvi.

[34] Alvar Gomez, De Rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio, fol. 3 (Compluti,

1569).--Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, pp. 38-41.

[35] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cv.

[36] Memorial histórico español, T. I, p. 236; II, 22, 25.--Gomez de

Rebus gestis a Fran. Ximenio, fol. 9-11.

[37] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XX, cap. xxii.--Mariana, Historia de

España, Lib. XXIV, cap. xvi.

[38] Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Catolicos, Lib. II, cap. civ.

The right as to bishoprics was finally conceded in 1523 to Charles V by

Adrian VI (Mariana, Lib. XXVI, cap. 5).

[39] Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal de Mendoza (Memorial

histórico español, T. VI, p. 244).

[40] Boletin de la R. Acad. de la Historia, T. XXII, pp. 220, 227.

[41] Coleccion de Privilegios etc. T. VI, p. 117 (Madrid, 1833).

[42] Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta IV, fol. 85, § 3

(Sevilla, 1860).

[43] Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. III, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9,

10.--Novís. Recop. Lib. IV, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5.

[44] Novísima Recop. Lib. XII, Tit. xxvi, leyes 3-5.

[45] Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 113 (Madrid, 1829)

[46] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 246.

[47] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. xxiv (Aguirre, V, 350).

[48] Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 539; III, 33, 57, 122, 172,

192-6, 287, 328, 408.

[49] Pulgar, Crónica, III, lxvi.

[50] Coleccion de Cédulas, II, 49, 50 (Madrid, 1829).

[51] La Puente, Epit. de la Crónica de Juan II, Lib. V, cap. xxxiii.--L.

Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib. XIX.--Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap.

li.--Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. i (Sevilla, 1869).

[52] Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de

España, XVIII, 254).

[53] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XVIII, cap. 20, 21.--Castillo,

Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxiv.--Valera, Memorial de diversas

Hazañas, cap. xx.--Pulgar, Crónica P. I, cap. ii; P. II, cap.

xci.--Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrrey (Mem. hist. español, T.

VI, p. 94).--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII,

cap. xxi.

[54] Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxxvii.--Clemencin, Elógio

de la Reina Isabel, Append. I.

[55] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. ii; Letra xii.--L. Marinæi Siculi de

Reb. Hisp. Lib. XIX.

[56] Machiavelli's judgement was as usual correct when he remarked (Il

Principe, cap. xvi) "Il Re di Spagna presente se fusse tenuto liberale

non avrebbe fatto nè vinto tante imprese."

[57] Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro II, fol.

22

[58] "Con gran dificultad perdonava los yerros que se le

hazian."--Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc., Lib. VIII, cap. xii.

[59] Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, T. VII, p. 333 (Madrid, 1762).--Ochoa,

Epistolario Español, II, 14.

[60] Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xxxiv-v. The value

of the gold crown of the period was 4_s._ 6_d._ sterling (Ibid. p. 4)

and 200,000 scudos was the marriage-portion of Katharine of Aragon

when wedded to Prince Arthur of England (Ibid, p. lxiv), which is the

equivalent of about £500,000 of modern money. For the oppression of the

people see Gonzalo de Ayora (Boletin de la R. Acad., XVII, 447-8). Cf.

Clemencin, p. 185.

[61] From the _Notables_ of Cristóbal Núñez, printed by Padre Fidel Fita

in the Boletin, XVI, 561.

[62] L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hisp. Lib. XXI.

[63] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. V, Epist. cxiv.

[64] Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 43 _sqq._

[65] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. lxx.--Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad.

I, Lib. vii, cap. 6.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VIII, cap.

xv.--José Grestoso y Pérez, Los Reyes Católicos en Sevilla (Sevilla,

1891).--Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, n. 5.

[66] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. xcv.

[67] Ferreiro, Fueros Municipales de Santiago, II, 65 (Santiago, 1896).

[68] Ibidem, II, 314.

[69] L. Marinæi Siculi Lib. XIX, XXI.--Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap.

xxvii, lxxviii, xcvi, xcvii, xcviii; P. III, cap. xxxix, lxvi, c,

cxxvii.--Capitulos hechos por el rey y la reyna en Sevilla a ix de Junio

de M. y d. (_sine nota_).

[70] Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de

Españe, XVIII, 236).

[71] Bernaldez, cap. xlii.

[72] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. V, Epist. cviii. As Cardinal Ximenes says

in his letter of advice to Cardinal Adrian as to the conduct of Charles

V in taking possession of his inheritance, "por lo qual fue ella tan

poderosisima en su reyno, que todos del mayor á el menor temian _virgam

ferream_ de su justicia, y asi destruyó toda la tirannia." (Valladares,

Semanario Erúdito, XX, 237).

[73] Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Inquisicion Libros I, II.

[74] The limitations on the royal jurisdiction are exemplified by the

unseemly contest at Alcalá de Henares, in 1485-6, between Isabella and

the Archbishop González de Mendoza, respecting her right to administer

justice within his province. It lasted from December till the time

for opening the campaign against Granada, when she removed to Córdova

without having established her claim.--Francisco de Medina, Vida del

Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist, español, VI, 264).

Yet her jurisdiction was one of the points on which Isabella wisely

insisted with the utmost firmness. To quote Cardinal Ximenes

again--"Ante todo la dicha Reyna cuidaba de defender su jurisdiccion

Real, viendo que por ella los Reyes en Castilla se hacen mas poderosos y

mas temidos de sus vasallos" (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 238).

When, in 1491, the royal court at Valladolid, presided over by Alonzo de

Valdevielfo, Bishop of Leon, wrongfully allowed an appeal to Rome, she

promptly dismissed the bishop and all the judges and replaced them with

Juan Arias del Villar, Bishop of Oviedo, and other assessors.--Crónicon

de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XIII,

184-5).--Galindez de Carbajal (Ibid. XVIII, 278).

[75] Memorial histórico español, T. II, pp. 68, 72, 86, 94, 102.

[76] Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, Coleccion Diplomática, T.

II, pp. 3, 7, 46, 75, 81, 178 (Madrid, 1860).--Vicente Santamaria de

Paredes, Curso de Derecho Político, p. 509 (Madrid, 1883).--Córtes de

los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, I, 247, 300 (Madrid, 1861).

[77] Benavides, _op. cit._ II, 363.

[78] Ferreiro, Fucros Municipales de Santiago, III, 44.

[79] Coleccion de Privilegios, T. VI, p. 327 (Madrid, 1833).

[80] Crónica de Don Juan II, año XXXVII, cap. i.

[81] Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 795.

[82] Castillo, Crónica de Don Enrique IV, cap. lxxxvii, xc.--Barrantes,

Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VII, cap. xxviii.--Garibay, Compendio Historial,

Lib. XVII, cap. xxxi.--Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 103 (Madrid,

1829).--Bienvenido, Oliver y Esteller (Boletin, XIV, 382).

[83] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. li.--L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp.

Lib. XIX.--Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad. I, Lib. VI, cap. 1-3.--Garibay,

Comp. Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. viii.

[84] Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, No. 1.

[85] Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib. VIII, cap. V.--Galindez de

Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII,

319).

[86] Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib. VIII, cap. xx.

[87] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 70, 124, 143, 183; III, 103.

[88] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. xcv.--Palafox, Obras, VII, 338

(Madrid, 1762).--Fueros de Aragon, fol. 13 (Saragossa, 1624).

[89] Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 89.

[90] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. xii.

[91] Novís. Recop. Tit. xxv, Lib. XII.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc.

Lib. VIII, cap xiii.--Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 295.--See also the

description of the perfected system which excited the admiration of the

Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo, in 1563 (Relazioni, Serie I, T. V,

p. 21).

[92] Clemencin, p. 139.

[93] Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 136, 164, 173, 185, 336, 338; V, 669; VI,

425.--Novís Recop. Tit. xxxv, Lib. XII, ley 18.

[94] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 356 (Madrid, 1882)--"E las leyes

e costunbres son sujetas alos Reys, que las pueden hazer e quitar a su

voluntad, e vuestra Alteza es ley viba e animada en las tierras."

[95] Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 333.

[96] Mariana, Lib. XXVIII, cap. xi; Tom. IX, Append. p.

xix.--Giustiniani, Historie degl'Ordini Militari, pp. 386, 425, 460

(Venezia, 1692).

[97] Cartas de Ximenes de Cisneros, pp. 120, 131, 181 (Madrid,

1867).--Wadding, Annales Minorum, ann. 1516, n. 12.--Gachard,

Correspondence entre Charles-Quint et Adrien VI, p. cxi (Bruxelles,

1859).

[98] Thus Father Gams attributes the Spanish Inquisition to the

national peculiarity of the Spaniard, who requires that the State

should represent God on earth, and that Christianity should control

all public life; he demands unity of faith and not freedom of faith.

The Inquisition is an institution for which the Church has no

responsibility.--P. Pius Gams, O. S. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von

Spanien, III, II, 7, 8, 11, 12.

[99] Septimi Decretal. Lib. V, Tit. i, cap. 5.

[100] Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisitionis, p. 164.

[101] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147^{b} (Ed. 1494).

[102] Canon. Apostol. n. 69, 70.

[103] Concil. Eliberitan. cap. 16, 49, 50, 78.

[104] S. August, de Adult. Conjug. Lib. I, cap. xviii.

[105] S. Ambros. Epist. XL, n. 26.

[106] S. Joh. Chrysost. adv. Judæos Orat. I, n. 3, 4, 6. Chrysostom's

indignation was especially aroused by the popular belief among

Christians in the peculiar sanctity of the synagogues, which rendered

oaths taken in them more binding than in a church.

[107] Socrat. H. E. VII, xiii.

[108] Lib. XVI, Cod. Theodos. Tit. viii, Ll. 6, 9, 12, 21, 22, 25, 26,

27; Tit. ix, Ll. 2, 3, 4, 5.

[109] Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii.

[110] Edict. Theoderici, cap. 143.--Cassiodori Variar. IV, 33, 43; v,

37. Cf. III, 45.

[111] Concil. Agathens. ann. 506, cap. 40. This was embodied in the

canon law (Gratian. Decr. Caus. XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 14). The apologetic

tone in which Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, speaks of Jews

whom he likes and who "solent hujusmodi homines honestas habere causas"

shows that the more enlightened churchmen felt that any favor shown to

the proscribed race exposed them to animadversion (Epistt. Lib. III, Ep.

4; Lib. IV, Ep. 5).

[112] Concil. Quinisext. cap. 11 (Decr. Caus. XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 13).

[113] Gregor. PP. I. Epistt. XIII, 12 (Decreti Dist. XLV, cap. 3).

[114] Ejusd. Epistt. I, 10, 35; II, 32; V, 8; VIII, 27; IX, 6; XIII, 12.

It is true that Gregory strongly upheld the rule that Jews should hold

no Christian slaves, but he permitted Christians to labor on their lands

(Ibid, IV, 21).

[115] Ibid, I, 47.--Venantii Fortunati Miscell. Lib. V, cap. 5.

[116] Cassiodor. Variar. II, 27; X, 26.

[117] Lex Roman. Visigoth. Lib. XVI, Tit. iii, iv; Novell. Theodos. II,

Tit. iii (Ed. Haenel, pp. 250, 256-8).

[118] Concil. Toletan. III, ann. 589, cap. xiv.--Concil. Narbonn. ann.

589, cap. iv, ix.

[119] Gotth. Heine, Biblioth. Vet. Monumentt. Ecclesiasticor. p. 118

(Lipsiæ, 1848).

[120] S. Isidori Hispalens. de Fide Cathol. contra Judæos Lib. I, cap.

28; Lib. II, cap. 5, 9.

[121] S. Isidori Chron. n. 120; De Regibus Gothorum, n. 60; Sententt.

Lib. III, cap. 51, n. 4.

In the perfected doctrine of the Church it was simply a question of

policy and possibility whether the faith is to be extended by force

or not, for the pope is supreme and has the authority to punish all,

whether Jew or Gentile, who do not conform to the gospel.--Eymerici

Direct. Inquisitor, p. 353 (Ed. Venet. 1607).

[122] Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 57--adopted into the canon law

(Decr. cap. 5, Dist. XLV)--as well as a decretal of Gregory IV--"Judæi

non sunt cogendi ad fidem, quam tamen si invite susceperint, cogendi

sunt retinere" (Ibid. cap. 4). See also Ll. Wisigoth. Lib. XII, Tit. ii,

l. 4 (Recared I), continued in Fuero Juzgo, XII, ii, 4.

The Jew who had been baptized in infancy, or who accepted baptism as an

alternative of death, and reverted to Judaism was to be prosecuted by

the Inquisition as a heretic.--Nicholai, PP. IV. Bull. _Turbato corde_,

1288 (Bullar. Roman. I, 158, 179, 184, 263).--Cap. 13 in Sexto, Lib. V,

Tit. ii.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica, P. v, § v, n. 1.--Pegnæ Comment.

in Eymeric. Direct. Inquis., p. 349. For the established formula of

interrogatory, of Jews see MSS. Bibl. National de France, Collect.

Doat., T. XXXVII, fol. 258.

The forced conversion of Jews, so frequent throughout the Middle

Ages, gave rise to many nice questions, exhaustively debated by the

schoolmen. The subject is fully treated in a _Tractatus de Judæorum et

Christianorum communione_, etc., printed in Strassburg about 1470 (Hain,

9465), in which, for convenient use and reference, is gathered together

all the ecclesiastical legislation against the unfortunate race, forming

a deplorable exhibition of human perversity.

[123] Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64,

65, 66; Conc. VI, ann. 638, cap. 3; Conc. VIII, ann. 653, cap. 12; Conc.

IX, ann. 655, cap. 17; Conc. X, ann. 656, cap. 7; Conc. XII, ann. 681,

cap. 9; Conc. XIII, ann. 683, cap. 9; Conc. XVI, ann. 693, cap. 1.

Ll. Wisigoth. Lib. XII, Tit. ii, ll. 4-17; Tit. iii, ll. 1, 2, 10, 12,

16, 17, 19, 24 (Fuero Juzgo, ibidem.).

[124] S. Juliani Toleti Vit. Wambæ, n. 5, 28 (Florez, España Sagrada,

VI, 536, 556).

[125] Concil. Toletan. XVII, ann. 694, cap. 8.

[126] Roderic. Toletan. de Rebus Hispan. Lib. III, cap. xvi.--Morales,

Corónica General, T. VI, p. 361. Isidor of Beja, however, is the best

authority for the period, and he speaks of Witiza in terms of high

praise (Isidor. Pacens. Chron. n. 29, 30). See also Dozy, _Recherches

sur l'Histoire et la Littérature de l'Espagne_, I, 16-17 (3^{e} Éd.

Leipzig, 1881).

[127] Rod. Toletan. _op. cit._ Lib. III, cap. xxii, xxiii.--Dozy, I, 49,

52.

[128] Dozy, I, 17, 44, 53, 54, 56, 72, 74-5, 79, 350-1.

[129] An interesting instance of Moslem toleration is seen in the

_Farfanes_--Christians of Morocco who claimed to be the descendants

of Goths deported at the conquest at the request of Count Julian. In

1386 they sent Sancho Rodríguez, one of their number, to Juan I to ask

to be received back in Spain. Juan obtained from the King of Morocco

permission for their departure, and promised to provide for them lands

and support. In 1390 they came, numbering fifty cavaliers with their

wives and children, and bringing a letter from the Moslem ruler speaking

of them as nobles descended from the Goths and praising greatly their

loyalty and valor. It was in riding out from Burgos to welcome them

that Juan's horse fell and caused his death. In 1394 Henry III gave

them a confirmation of their ancient nobility, and in 1430 and 1433

we still find them recognized in Seville as a distinct class.--Ayala,

Crón. de Juan I, año X, cap. xx.--Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Lib. VIII,

año 1386, n. 2; año 1390, n. 3; Lib. IX, año 1394, n. 1.--Archivo de

Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta clxxiv, n. 4, 8.

[130] Francisco Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares de

Castilla, pp. 14-18 (Madrid, 1866).--S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum

Lib. II, cap. xvi; Lib. III, cap. i (Migne's Patrologia, CXV, 787, 800).

[131] Florez, España Sagrada, XI, 309 _sqq._; V, Append. x.--Samsonis

Abbatis Cordubensis Apolog. Lib. II (Ib. XI, 388 _sqq._).--Alvari

Cordubens. Epist. vii, viii (Ibid. XI, 147 _sqq._).--Hostegesis was

Bishop of Málaga, and the free exercise of discipline in the Mozárabic

church is shown in the complaint of the cruelty with which he exacted

the _tercia_ or tribute due to him, causing delinquents to be paraded

through the streets with soldiers scourging them and proclaiming that

all defaulters should be similarly treated.--Florez, XII, 326.

[132] S. Eulogii Epist. iii (Migne, CXV, 845-9).--Alvari Cordubens. Vit.

S. Eulogii (Ibid. 712).--The description by Alvar of his education with

S. Eulogio shows that the Christian schools of Córdova were flourishing

and active (Ibid. cap. i, p. 708).

[133] Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii, cap. iv, v.--Eulogii Memorialis

Sanctorum Lib. II; Lib. III, cap. ii, iii, v, viii, xvii.--Ejusd. Vit.

et Passio SS. Floræ et Mariæ.--Ejusd. Lib. Apologet. Martyrum.

[134] Aimoini Translatio SS. Georgii, Aurelii et Nathaliæ, Lib. I; Lib.

II, cap. xxviii.

[135] Liutprandi Antopodosis, Lib. II, cap. i.

[136] Dozy, Recherches, II, 178.

[137] Fernández y González, p. 57.

[138] Dozy, Recherches, I, 265, 269, 349, 352-61.--Orderici Vital. Hist.

Eccles. P. III, Lib. xiii, cap. 2.

[139] Crónica de Alfonso VII, cap. 46, 101 (España Sagrada, XXI, 360,

398).

[140] Dozy, Recherches, I, 370-1.--Fernández y González, p. 19.--See

also an essay on the Mozárabes of Valencia by Don Roque Chabás, in the

Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, XVIII, 19.

[141] Fernández y González, pp. 86-7, 93. The term Miramamolin, so often

used by Christian writers as a personal name, is _Amir-el-Momenin_, or

Prince of the Faithful, a title frequently assumed by Moorish rulers.

[142] Fernández y González, pp. 92, 96.

[143] Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 640-5.

[144] Dozy, Recherches, I, 365-7, 372-9.

[145] S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib. III, cap. iv.--Lindo's

History of the Jews of Spain, p. 44 (London, 1848).

[146] Lindo, p. 46.

[147] Dozy, Recherches, I, 285-9.

[148] Lindo, p. 62.

[149] Lindo, pp. 156-7.

[150] In the ballads the Moors are almost always represented as

chivalric enemies. Even when celebrating their defeats, down to the

capture of Granada, there is no contempt manifested and nowhere is

to be seen a trace of religious acerbity. Many ballads have Moors as

their heroes, as in those which celebrate the deeds of Bravonel and

Reduan, and there is nothing to distinguish their treatment from that

of Christians. Bravonel and Bernardo del Carpio are represented as

companions in arms. When Bernardo is banished by his king he betakes

himself forthwith to Granada to participate in a tournament, where

Que hay unas Reales fiestas, Donde el premio será dado

Al que mejor lo ficiere Sea Moro ó sea Cristiano;

and there he is warmly welcomed by Muza, the most gallant knight of the

Saracens.--Romances Antiguos Españoles, I, 65 (Leipzig, 1844).

[151] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVI, 159.

[152] Dozy, Recherches, II, 203, 233.

[153] Dozy, II, 109, 111.--Edélestand du Meril, Poésies populaires

Latines, pp. 312-13.

[154] Chron. Sampiri Asturicens, n. 3, 22, 26 (España Sagrada, XIV, 439,

452, 455).

[155] Chron. Pelagii Ovietens. (España Sagrada, XIV, 468, 472).

[156] Fernández y González, pp. 34, 48, 114.

[157] Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. xix-lviii.

[158] Ibidem cap. lxxvi.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib. I, cap. vi, xi

(Memorial hist. español, IX, 72-9, 92-8).

[159] Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lvii, cxi, cxxv.

[160] Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año XVII, cap. iv; año XIX, cap.

iv, v; año XX, cap. vi.

[161] Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib. VII, cap. xxii.

[162] Memorial histórico español, I, 159.

[163] Ibidem III, 151.

[164] Coleccion de Documentos inéditos de la Corona de Aragon, I, 25.

[165] Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216 _ad calcem_ (Harduin. VII,

75).--Cap. 6, 17, Extra, Lib. V, Tit. vi.--Concil. Lugdunens. I, ann.

1245, cap. xvii (Harduin. VIII, 394).--Concil. Ilerdens. ann. 1246

(Aguirre, VI, 318).--Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre,

V, 251).--Cap. 1 Extrav. Commun. Lib. V, Tit. ii.--Urbani PP. V, Bull.

_Apostolatus_, 1364 (Bullar. Roman. Ed. Luxemburg. I, 261).--Nicholai

PP. V, Bull. _Olim_, 1450 (Ibid. I, 361), and finally in the standard

anathema of the bull _in Coena Domini_.

Considering the character of the Roman curia in the Middle Ages it

would scarce be malicious to suggest that the chief object of these

prohibitions was to create a market for licenses to violate them, and

St. Antonino of Florence, about the middle of the fifteenth century,

tells us that as a rule the Venetian merchants had them (S. Antonini

Confessionale)

In spite of his laxity in practice, Alfonso X in the _Partidas_ embodies

the Lateran decree denouncing slavery for all who aid the Saracens in

any manner (Partidas, P. IV, Tit. xxi, ley 4) and in 1253 he admitted

papal control in such matters by obtaining in advance from Innocent

IV ratification of certain treaties which he was negotiating with the

princes of Africa (Fernández y González, p. 337).

[166] Bullar. Roman. I, 263.--Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 351(Ed.

Venet. 1607).

[167] Barrantes, Ilustraciones, etc., Lib. I, cap. iv, xiii, xiv, xx,

xxi.--Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año III, cap. iii.

[168] Chron. Sampiri Asturicens. n. 16, 24, 25 (España Sagrada, XIV,

447, 454, 455).--Marca Hispanica, p. 1232.

[169] Partidas, P. IV, Tit. xxi, leyes 6, 8; Tit. xxii, ley 3. In the

Fuero Real de España the only allusion to Moors is as slaves (Lib. IV,

Tit. xi, ley 3; Tit. xiv, ley 1). It is virtually the same in the old

Fuero of Madrid (Memorias de la R. Acad. de la Historia, VIII, 40).

The Church held that baptism manumitted the slave, even when the master

was Christian, but when it sought to enforce the rule the masters

resisted, either forbidding the baptism or demanding from the clergy the

value of the slave and seizing pledges to ensure payment. Innocent III

was much scandalized by this. In 1205 he complained to Alfonso IX that

in place of requiring such converted slaves to be paid for at the price

fixed by the canons he allowed the owner to determine the value, and

thus the Bishop of Burgos had recently been forced to pay two hundred

gold pieces for a girl not worth ten deniers (Innoc. PP. III, Regest.

VIII, 50; IX, 150).

[170] Partidas, P. IV, Tit. xxi, ley 7.

[171] Fernández y González, pp. 21, 24-5.

[172] Dozy, Recherches, I, 124-6.

[173] Fernández y González, p. 28.

[174] Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año II, cap. xvii.

[175] Fernández y González, pp. 39, 45-6, 58.

[176] Mondexar, Memorias de Alonso VIII, cap. cv, cviii.--Roderici

Toletani de Rebus Hispan. Lib. VIII, cap. xii.

[177] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI, 131.

[178] Fernández y González, p. 97.

[179] See the capitulation of Valencia in 1232 (Villanueva, XVII, 331);

also the _Constitutiones Pacis et Treugæ_ of Catalonia, in 1214, 1225,

and 1228 (Marca Hispanica, pp. 1402, 1407, 1413), and also that of

Rosellon, in 1217 (D'Achery, Spicileg. III, 587). In 1279 Pedro III

of Aragon issues letters "to all his faithful Moors of the frontier

of Castile and Viar," inviting them to come and populate Villareal,

offering them the vacant lands there and pledging them security for all

their goods (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 151).

[180] Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 571, 573, 584, 600, 608, 622, 632; VI,

93, 106, 112, 220, 292, 308, 326, 385, 455. A charter of San Fernando

III, in 1246, selling certain lands to the city of Toledo, says "vendo á

vos, concejo de Toledo, á los caballeros é al pueblo, é á cristianos é á

moros é á judios, á los que sodes é á los que han de ser adelant, todos

aquellos terminos, etc."--Fernández y González, p. 319.

[181] Fernández y González, pp. 117, 122, 123.--Memorial histórico

español, I, 285.

[182] Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 29.--Fernández y González, p. 294. In the

charter of Hinestrosa (1287) the wergild for homicide is 500 sueldos. In

that of Arganzon (1191) allusion is made to the wergild of 500 sueldos,

but the special privilege is granted that the murderer shall pay only

250, the other 250 being remitted "for the sake of the king's soul." In

the charter of Amaya (1285) the wergild is sixty maravedís.--(Coleccion

de Cédulas, V, 222, 112, 205.)

[183] Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, VIII, 39.

[184] Leyes de Estilo, 83, 84.

[185] Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 413.

[186] Fernández y González, pp. 407, 409. By a confirmation of Pedro IV

of Aragon, in 1372, to the aljama of Calatayud it appears that the Moors

of the cities were accustomed to have special shambles where their meat

was slaughtered and marked "secundum eorum ritum sive çunam."--Ibid. p.

384.

[187] Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, IV, 130; VI,

145.--Fernández y González, pp. 286, 290, 386, 389.

[188] Fernández y González, pp. 92, 94-5, 102.

[189] Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion Primera, Carpeta I, n. 49.--Fernández

y González, pp. 351, 353, 363.--Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii,

31.--Memorial histórico español, I, 81, 152.

[190] Fernández y González, pp. 221, 286.--Coleccion de Documentos de la

Corona de Aragon, VI, 157, 196.--Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 309.

[191] Aguirre, V, 225, 227; VI, 369.--Cap. 5 Extra v, vi.--Cap. 2

Extrav. Commun. v, ii.--Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 216

(Madrid, 1853).--Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxv, leyes 2, 3.--Constitutions

de Cathalunya, Lib. I, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588).--Concil.

Tarraconens. ann. 1245 (Aguirre, VI, 306).

[192] Fernández y González, pp. 107-8, 120, 286, 359.--Memorial

histórico español, I, 285.--For the manner in which the houses of

conquered towns were distributed see the _Repartimiento de Jerez de la

Frontera_ by Alfonso X in this same year 1266, printed by Padre Fidel

Fita (Boletin, Junio, 1887, pp. 465 _sqq._).

[193] Fernández y González, p. 346.

[194] Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI,

255.--Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxv, ley 10.

[195] Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 7 (Madrid, 1853). In this

collection the _Leyes de los Moros_ probably date from about the year

1300. Ice Gebir's _Suma de los principales Mandamientos_ was written

in 1462. It would not be easy to find a more practical moral code than

that presented in the short precepts assembled in Ice Gebir's first

chapter (pp. 250 _sqq._). It is somewhat surprising to learn that in

the _alchihéd_, or holy war against Christians, it was forbidden to

slay non-combatants--women, children, old men and even monks and friars

unless they defended themselves by force (cap. xxxv, p. 333). Even

harmless things, such as ants and frogs, are not to be deprived of life

(cap. clvii, p. 400). The vital reproach to be brought against Islam

is the position assigned to woman--her degradation in her relations to

man, and her scant recognition as a human being. In a classification

of society into twelve orders, the eleventh is that of _baldios_ or

robbers, sorcerers, pirates, drunkards, etc., and the twelfth and lowest

is woman (Ib. cap. lx, pp. 412, 415).

[196] The ballad chronicler relates how--

Et los moros é las moras Muy grandes juegos hacian, Los judíos con las

toras Estos Reyes bien recibian. Fernández y González, p. 239.

[197] Crónica de Juan II, año IV, cap. 26.

[198] Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII,

53.--Memorial histórico español, I, 239, 263; III, 439.

[199] Fernández y González, p. 389.

[200] Ibid. pp. 382, 386.

[201] Janer, Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España, pp. 47-9, 161,

162 (Madrid, 1857).

Under the Saracen domination, Almería was the chief port of Spain,

crowded with ships from Syria and Egypt, Pisa and Genoa. It boasted of

a thousand inns for strangers and four thousand weaving shops, besides

manufactures of copper, iron and glass (Dozy, Recherches, I, 244-5). For

the wonderful wealth of the Moors under the caliphs of Córdova, showing

the capacity of the race and of the land, see Conde's "Arabs in Spain,"

P. II, cap. 94. How unfitted was the Castilian chivalry to perpetuate

this prosperity is seen in a letter of Alfonso X in 1258, reciting how

he had peopled with Christians the flourishing city of Alicante, as it

was a stronghold and one of the best seaports; how the allotment of

lands had given dissatisfaction and on investigation he had found that

the Christians could not live and prosper there, wherefore he now makes

a new _repartimiento_ (Memorial histórico español, I, 135).

[202] Fernández y González, pp. 294, 321, 367. Cf. Concil. Vallisolet.

ann. 1322, cap. xxii; C. Toletan. ann. 1324, cap. viii (Aguirre, V, 251,

259); Concil. Parisiensis, ann. 1212, Addend, cap. i (Martene Ampliss.

Collect. VII, 1420).

[203] Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216, cap. lxviii (cap. 15, Extra, v,

vi). This device originated among the Saracens of the East, who, in

the eleventh century, required Jews and Christians to wear distinctive

badges (Fernández y González, p. 16). The earliest trace of it in

the West is found in the charter of Alais, in 1200, which prescribes

distinctive vestments for Jews (Robert, Les Signes d'Infamie au

Moyen Age, p. 7). In Italy, Frederic II obeyed the Lateran decree by

ordering, in 1221, all Jews to wear distinguishing garments (Richardi

de S. German. Chron. _ap._ Muratori, S. R. I., VII, 993), but he did

not insert this in the Sicilian Constitutions or include his Saracen

subjects. In 1254 the council of Albi prescribed for Jews a circle,

a finger-breadth in width, to be worn upon the breast, and that of

Ravenna, in 1311, a yellow circle (Harduin. VII, 458, 1370). In the

fifteenth century, the Neapolitan Jews were required to wear as a sign

the Hebrew letter Tau (Wadding, Annal. Minor. T. III, Regest. p. 392).

[204] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217, n. 84.--Amador de los Rios, Hist. de

los Judíos de España, I, 361-2, 554.

[205] Amador de los Rios, I, 362, 364.

[206] Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 11.

[207] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227.

[208] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238, cap. iv; ann. 1282, cap. v

(Martene Ampliss. Collect. VIII, 132, 280).--Fernández y González, p.

369.--Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 12

(Barcelona, 1589, p. 8).

[209] Ayala, Crónica de Enrique II, año VI, cap. vii.--Córtes de los

antiguos Reinos, II, 281.

[210] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. I, 479. It was apparently in

return for a tithe of ecclesiastical revenues that Jaime pledged himself

to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too wise a statesman to do

so, and as late as 1275 he invited additional settlers by the promise

of a year's exemption from taxation. On his death-bed in 1276, however,

partly, no doubt in consequence of a dangerous Moorish revolt, and

partly owing to the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian

habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise, and in a codicil

to his will he emphatically repeated the request (Danvila y Collado, La

Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24.--Swift, James the First of Aragon, pp.

140, 253, 290), but Pedro was obdurate.

[211] Fernández y González, p. 109.

[212] Constitt. Valentin. (Aguirre, V, 206).

[213] Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib. V, Tit. ii.

[214] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 370).

[215] Concil. Dertusan. ann. 1429, cap. xx (Aguirre, V, 340).--Raynald.

Annal. ann. 1483, n. 45.

In 1370 the _Carta Pueblo_, granted by Buenaventura de Arborea to the

Moors of Chelva specifically allowed their alfaquíes to cry Alá Zalá

as was their wont in the time of Pedro, her late husband.--Fernández y

González, p. 386.

[216] Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib. II, Tit. viii; Lib. V, Tit. v.

[217] Although the acts of the council of Zamora were fully confirmed

by the Córtes of Palencia in 1313 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I,

227, 240-1), it seemed impossible to enforce them. In 1331 the Córtes

of Madrid ineffectually petitioned that Christians denying debts to

Jews could offer another Christian as a witness and not be obliged to

have a Jew. The Fuero Viejo de Castiella, as revised in 1356, however,

grants the privilege (Lib. III, Tit. iv, ley 19). The editors of the

Fuero, Asso and Manuel (Ed. 1847, p. 83) say that the practice varied,

and that Henry III, in the Córtes of Madrid, in 1405, again granted the

privilege. As early as 1263 Alfonso X had enacted that in mixed suits

a Jew could not demand that his opponent should produce as witnesses a

Christian and a Jew, but that the evidence of two good Christians should

suffice.--Memorial histórico español, I, 207. The point has interest as

an evidence of the desire to protect Jews from imposition.

[218] Amador de los Rios, II, 561-5.

[219] Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 250).

[220] Innocent. PP. III, Regest. X, 69; XII, post Epist. 107.--Concil.

Lateran. IV, cap. lxix (cap. 16, Extra, v, vi).

[221] Fernández y González, p. 289.--Coleccion de Privilegios, VI,

97.--Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 3.

[222] Annal. Novesiens. ann. 846 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IV, 538).

Cf. Gest. Episc. Leodiens. Lib. II, cap. 41.--Hist. Treverens. (D'Achery

Spicileg. II, 222).

[223] Concil. Quinisext. cap. xi.--Gratian. cap. 13, Caus. xxviii, Q. 1.

[224] Cap. 13, Extra, V, xxxviii.

[225] Concil. Salmanticens. ann. 1335, cap. xii (Aguirre, V, 269).

[226] Ordenamiento de Doña Catalina, n. 10.

[227] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147^{a} (Ed. 1494).

[228] Mariana, Hist. de España, VIII, 69 (Ed. 1790).

[229] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 18.--Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic.

IV, 44. As recently as 1580 Gregory XIII recited the prohibitions of

employing Jewish physicians uttered by Paul IV and Pius V and deplored

their inobservance which precipitated many souls to damnation, to

prevent which he ordered their strict enforcement.--Septimi Decretal.

Lib. III, Tit. vi, cap. 2.

[230] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 371).

[231] Aguirre, V, 286-7. Pedro el Ceremonioso, the King of Aragon, was

then only a boy of eighteen, who had ascended the throne in January,

1336.

[232] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 311, 322-8.

[233] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 6.

[234] Concil. Palentin. ann. 1388, cap. v, vi (Aguirre, V, 300).

[235] Ordenamiento de Valladolid, i, xi (Fortalicium Fidei, fol.

176).--Fernández y González, pp. 400, 402.

[236] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 10, 19.

[237] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 270-84, 289, 292.--It was not until

1555 that Paul IV adopted the same policy in Rome and established the

Ghetto, or Jewish quarter.--Septimi Decretal. Lib. V, Tit. I, cap. 4

[238] For a series of these capitulations see Coleccion de Documentos

para la Historia de España, T. VIII, pp. 403 _sqq._

[239] S. Agobardi de Judaicis Superstitionibus; Ejusdem de cavenda.

Societate Judaica.--Amulonis Episc. Lugdunens. Lib. contra Judæos ad

Carolem Regem.

[240] Stephani PP. VI, Epist. 2.

[241] Cap. 7, 9, Extra, Lib. V, Tit. vi.

[242] Concil. Paris, ann. 1212, P. V, cap. 2 (Martene Ampliss. Collect.

VII, 102).

[243] Innocent. PP. III, Regest. X, 190. Cf. Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII,

T. I, p. 414 (Pertz).

[244] Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II, cap. xxiv,

xxv.--Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.--Vicente da

Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo,

fol. 131, 132, 134 (Lisboa, 1623).--Bodleian Library, MSS. Arch. S. 130.

[245] P. de Alliaco Canon. Reformat, cap. xliii (Von der Hardt, Concil.

Constant. I, VIII, 430-1)

[246] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1009.

[247] Berthold. Constant, ann. 1096.--Otton. Frisingens. de Gest. Frid.

I, Lib. I, cap. 37.--Vitoduran. Chron. ann. 1336.--Gesta Treviror.

Archiepp. ann. 1337.

[248] Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1182--Vaissette, Hist. Gen.

de Languedoc, VIII, 1191-2 (Ed. Privat).--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann.

1189.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann.

1210.--Matt. Westmonast. ann. 1290.

[249] Fuero Juzgo, Lib. XII, Tit. ii, ley 18.

[250] Marca Hispanica, p. 1439.

[251] Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 96 (Madrid, 1833).--Memorial hist,

español, I, 38, 124; II, 71.

[252] Amador de los Rios, I, 185-6, 189.

[253] Contin. Gerardi de Fracheto, ann. 1285 (Dom Bouquet, XXI, 7).

[254] Amador de los Rios, II, 67.--Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV,

II, 331.

It indicates the independent position of Jews and Moors that

they refused to pay tithes on lands acquired from Christians and

their liability was enforced only after a vigorous and prolonged

struggle.--See Cap. 18, Extra, Lib. v, Tit. xix (Concil. Lateran.

IV).--Innocent. PP. III, Regest. VIII, 50; x, 61.--Concil Tarraconens.

ann. 1291 (Aguirre, VI, 292).--Concil. Zamorens. ann. 1313, cap.

x (Amador de los Rios, II, 564).--Memorial hist. español, I, 33,

160.--Fernández y González, pp. 348, 355, 380, 389.--Benavides, _op.

cit. II_, 539, 541.

[255] Concil. Roman. V, ann. 1078 (Migne's Patrologia, CXLVIII,

799).--Gregor. PP. VII, Regest. IX, 2.

[256] Amador de los Rios, I, 28-9.

[257] Ibidem, II, 58.

[258] Amador de los Rios, II, 74-5.

[259] Leyes de Estilo, 89-90.

[260] El Fuero Real, Lib. IV, Tit. iv, ley 7.--Partidas, VII, xxiv, 5.

In 1322 Jaime II of Aragon forbids the molestation of Strogo Mercadell,

a Jew, for taking a second wife.--Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona

de Aragon, VI, 240.

[261] El Fuero Real, Lib. IV, Tit. ii, leyes 1, 2, 3.

[262] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita III, 3.

[263] Alex. PP. II, Epist. 101 (Decreti Consid. XXIII, Q. viii, cap. 11).

[264] Amador de los Rios, I, 189-90.

[265] Roderici Toleti de Rebus Hispan. VIII, 2, 6.--Malo, Histoire des

Juifs, p. 267 (Paris, 1826).

[266] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXII, 328, 329, 333.

[267] Amador de los Rios, I. 370, 447-51.--Lindo's History of the Jews

of Spain, P. 88.

[268] Leyes nuevas, Núm. XII, XIII. Cf. Ley 7 (Alcubilla, Códigos

antiguos, I, 182).

[269] Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv. The provision punishing with death

male Jews for intercourse with Christian women only expressed existing

legislation, even when the woman was a prostitute.--Benavides, Memorias

de Fernando IV. II, 210.

[270] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XIII, 332.--R. Nachmanidis Disputatio

(Wagenseilii Tela Ignea Satanæ).--Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de

Aragon, VI, 165.

[271] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 546 (Archivo hist,

nacional de Madrid).

[272] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 167.--Villanueva, XIII, 336.--Ripoll

Bullar Ord. Predic. I, 479.

[273] Aguirre, VI, 369.

[274] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 170.

[275] Amador de los Rios, I, 438.

[276] Florez, España Sagrada, XLIV, 298.

[277] Septimi Decretal. Lib. V, Tit. i, cap. 2.

[278] Florez, _op. cit._, XLIV, 297-99.

[279] Bernard d'Esclot, Cronica del Rey en Pere, cap. clii.

[280] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 194.

[281] Villanueva, XXI, 165, 303.

[282] Archivo gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Regist. 208, fol. 72; Regist.

229, fol. 239.

[283] Amador de los Rios, II, 98-102.

[284] Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 129 (Madrid, 1833).--Benavides,

Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 374.

[285] Amador de los Rios, II, 90-4.

[286] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 247.--Cap. 1, Clement. Lib. V,

Tit. v.

[287] Lindo's History of the Jews of Spain, p. 180.

[288] Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 327 (Ed. 1890).

[289] Decreti P. II, Caus. xiv, Q. 3, 4, 5, 6.--Cap. 1, § 2 Clement.

Lib. V, Tit. v.

[290] Cap. 12, Extra, Lib. V, Tit. xix.--Concil. Lateran. IV, cap.

67.--Concil. Lugdunens. II, ann. 1274, cap. 26.--Cap. 1 Clement. Lib. V,

Tit. v.--Concil. Pennafidelens. ann. 1302, cap. 9.

[291] Marca Hispanica, pp. 1415, 1426, 1431.--Constitutions de

Cathalunya superfluas, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 2.--Villanueva, Viage

Literario, XXII, 301.--El Fuero Real, Lib. IV, Tit. ii, ley 6.

[292] Marca Hispanica, pp. 1433, 1436.--Coleccion de Documentos de

la C. de Aragon, VI, 170.--Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 127,

227, 281.--Amador de los Rios, I, 393, 421, 587; II, 63, 69, 89, 121,

148.--Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 111, 113.

[293] Amador de los Rios, II, 139.

[294] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 234.

[295] Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionario de Antigüedades del Reino de

Navarro, II, 93.

[296] Ordenamiento de Alcalá, Tit. XXIII, ley 2. Cf. Ordenanzas Reales,

Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, leyes 1-8.

[297] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XI, 404.

[298] Amador de los Rios, I, 488.

[299] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 325.--Amador de los Rios, II,

320.

[300] Villanueva, XVII, 247.

[301] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. VI, cap. lxxviii.--Amador de los

Rios, II, 175-9, 284-5, 289-91.

[302] Zurita, Lib. VIII, cap. xxvi, xxxiii.--Amador de los Rios, II,

260, 263, 299-300.

[303] Raynald, Annal. ann. 1348, n. 83.

[304] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.--Quarta Vita Urbani V

(Muratori, S. R. I., III, II, 641).

[305] Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, año VI, cap. vii.

[306] Ibidem, año IX, cap. vii, viii.

[307] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.--Ayala, año XVII, cap. viii.

[308] Amador de los Rios, II, 571-3.--Boletin, XXIX, 254.

[309] Ayala, Crónica de Juan I, año I, cap. iii.

[310] Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1395, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.

[311] Amador de los Rios, II, 338-9, 579-89.--We have seen the

prohibition, in the imperial jurisprudence, to erect new synagogues, and

this was sedulously preserved in the canon law.--Cap. 3, 8, Extra, V, vi.

The twenty-three synagogues evidently refer to all in the diocese of

Seville. At the time of the outbreak there were but three in the city.

[312] Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1379, n. 3; año 1388, n. 3.

[313] Amador de los Rios, II, 592-4.

[314] Acta capitular del Cabildo de Sevilla, 10-15 de Enero de 1391

(Bibl. nacional, MSS., Dd, 108, fol. 78).

[315] Amador de los Rios, II, 613.

[316] Acta capitular, _ubi sup._

[317] Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 1, 2, 3.--Ayala, Crónica

de Enrique III, año I, cap. v, xx.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la

Casa de Niebla, Lib. V, cap. xx.--Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera,

Carpeta II, n. 53.

[318] Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, año 1391, cap. xx.--Mariana, Hist.

de España, Lib. XVIII, cap. xv.--Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap.

xxvii, § 3.--Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 347.--Amador de los Rios, II,

360-3, 370-1, 382, 389, 391.--Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n.

2; año 1404, n. 4.--Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta CVII,

n. 1.

[319] Amador de los Rios, II, 595-601.

[320] Amador de los Rios, II, 372-77, 398.--Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de

Cataluña, V, 35.

[321] História general de Mallorca, II, 319 (Ed. 1841).--Loeb, Revue des

Études Juives, 1887, p. 172.--Villanueva, XXI, 224.

[322] Revue des Études Juives, 1887, pp. 261-2.

[323] Amador de los Rios, II, 392-4.--Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de

Aragon, VI, 430.

[324] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 436, 438, 441, 454.

[325] José Fiter y Ingles, Expulsion de los Judíos de Barcelona, pp.

8-14 (Barcelona, 1876). This edict was renewed in 1479, 1480 and 1481

(Ibid. pp. 15-19).

[326] Viage literario, XVIII, 20.

[327] Amador de los Rios, II, 382-5.

[328] Amador de los Rios, II, 400-2, 445, 599-604.--Zurita, Añales de

Aragon, Lib. X, cap. xlvii.

[329] Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.--The Jews

likewise attributed their sufferings to this "Friar Vincent, from the

city of Valencia, of the sect of Baal Dominic."--Chronicles of Rabbi

Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 265-7.

[330] Chron. Petri de Areniis, ann. 1408 (Denifle, Archiv für Litt.

und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 647).--Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona

de Aragon, I, 118.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. cap. xii (Martene,

Ampliss. Collect. VII, 387).--Salazar, Anamnesis Sanctt. Hispan. II,

513.--Tournon, Hommes Illustres de l'Ordre de S. Dominique, III,

37.--Mariana, Hist. de España, VI, 423 (Ed. 1790).--Alban Butler, Vies

des Saints, 5 Avril.

[331] Rabbi Sam. Marrochiani de Adventu Messiæ (Mag. Bib. Patrum, Ed.

1618, T. XI, p. 421).--Jo. Chr. Wolfii Biblioth. Hebrææ, I, 1099.--This

tract was translated from Arabic to Latin in 1338 by the Dominican

Alfonsus Bonihominis and was reprinted so recently as 1742, at Cassano

by the Jesuits.

[332] Mag. Bibl. Patrum, T. XII, P. II, p. 358. For the zeal of the

convert to induce his brethren to follow him, see Hermanni Opusc. de

Conversione sua, cap. xvi (Migne's Patrol. Lat. T. CLXX, p. 828).

[333] D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I, I, 132.

[334] Pugionis Fidei P. III, Dist. iii, cap. 21, 22.

[335] Scrutinii Scripturarum P. II. See Graetz (VIII, 79) for a full

account of Selemoh Ha-Levi and of the controversies to which his

apostasy gave rise.

[336] Amador de los Rios, II, 447; III, 108-9.--P. de la Caballería,

Zelus Christí contra Judæos (Venetiis, 1592).--Libro Verde de Aragon

(Revista de España, Tom. CV, p. 571).

[337] Amador de los Rios, II, 413-16, 419-22.--Córtes de los antiguos

Reinos, II, 544.

[338] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxii-iii.--Colmenares, Historia de

Segovia, cap. xxviii.--Garibay, Compendio historial de España, Lib. XV,

cap. 58.--Rodrigo, Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 44.--Padre

Fidel Fita (Boletin, IX, 371).

[339] Crónica de Juan II, año V, cap. xxii.

[340] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxvi-viii.--Amador de los Rios, II,

496-502.--Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares, pp. 400-5.

[341] Amador de los Rios, II, 503, 515.--Villanueva, XXII, 258.

[342] The Spanish historians claim that all the rabbis, except Joseph

Albo and Vidal Ferrer, acknowledged the truth of Christianity and

abjured the errors of Judaism (Amador de los Rios, II, 438-42; Zurita,

Añales de Aragon, Lib. XII, cap. xlv), but Graetz (Geschichte der Juden,

VIII, 120-1) states with greater probability, that the only concession

made by the twelve was that the Haggadah passages of the Talmud are of

no authority and even from this Ferrer and Albo dissented.

[343] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XII, cap. xlv.

[344] Amador de los Rios, II, 627-53; III, 38.

[345] Concil. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, cap v, vi (Harduin. VIII, 1190-3).

[346] Raynald. Annal, ann. 1442, n. 15.--Wadding, Annal. Minor, ann.

1447, n. 10.

[347] Villanueva, XIV, 30.

[348] Amador de los Rios, III, 12.

[349] Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 257, 269).

[350] Caballero, Noticias del Doctor Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, p. 251.

[351] Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. XVIII.

[352] Tristan. Caraccioli Epist. de Inquisit. (Muratori, S. R. I., XXII,

97).

[353] Crónica de Juan II, año XIV, cap. ii.

[354] Amador de los Rios, III, 583-9.

[355] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[356] Amador de los Rios, III, 115-16.

[357] Boletin, XXVI, 468-72.

[358] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, III, 717.

[359] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. XXXI, § 9.--Amador de los Rios,

III, 164-7.--Fernández y González, p. 213.

[360] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. vii (Aguirre, V, 345).

[361] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 45.

[362] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 1-41.

[363] Archivo general de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 10, 33.

[364] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV. 443.

[365] Amador de los Rios, III, 288-90.--Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 134.

[366] Amador de los Rios, III, 170-1.--Merchan, La Judería y la

Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 647.

Lindo (Hist. of the Jews of Spain, p. 244) estimates the Jews of Castile

at this Period at between 200,000 and 300,000 over 16 years of age.

Graetz assumes the total number as 150,000; Isidore Loeb at 50,000 or a

little more.--Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 168.

[367] Amador de los Rios, III, 88-9, 116-17, 206-10, 213-15, 217-18.

[368] Amador de los Rios, III, 118-24.--Crónica de Juan II, año XLII,

cap. ii, v.--Crónica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii.

[369] Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 541-63.

[370] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1449, n. 12.

[371] Amador de los Rios, III, 125, 494.--Raynald. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[372] Nic. Antonio, Bibl. vetus Hispan., II, n. 565.

[373] In this I have chiefly followed a MS. account, evidently by a

contemporary, preserved in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., G. 109. See also

Amador de los Rios, III, 145-51; Valera, Memorial de diversos Hazañas,

cap. xxxviii; Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. xc, xci.

[374] Merchan, _op. cit._, I, 641-3.

[375] Castillo, _op. cit._, cap. cxlvi.--Mariana, Lib. XXIII, cap. xv.

[376] Castillo, _op. cit._, cap. clx.--Valera, Memorial de diversas

Hazañas, cap. clxxxiii.--Memorial hist. español, VIII, 507.

[377] Valera, cap. lxxxiii-iv.--Castillo, cap. clx.--Memorial hist.

español, VIII, 508.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.

VIII, cap. vi.--Amador de los Rios, III, 159-60.

[378] Amador de los Rios, III, 234.

[379] Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, II, lxxvii.

[380] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII, 431.

[381] Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. cxi.

[382] As this measure seems to have hitherto escaped attention, I give

the text of the document--a passage in a letter from Ferdinand, May

12, 1486, to the inquisitors of Saragossa. "Devotos padres. Porque por

esperiencia parece que todo el daño que en los cristianos se ha fallado

del delicto de la heregia ha procedido de la conversacion y practica que

con los judios han recebido las personas de su linage, ningun tan comodo

remedio hay como apartarlo dentre ellos de la manera que se ha fecho

en el arzobispo de Sevilla e obispados de Córdova e de Jaen, e pues

en essa ciudad tanto e mas que en ninguna otra han dañado, es nuestra

voluntad que los judios dessa ciudad luego sean desterrados dessa dicha

ciudad e de todo el arzobispado de Çaragoça e obispado de Santa María de

Albarracin como por el devoto padre Prior de Santa Cruz vos sera escrito

e mandado."--Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 96.

While this is apparently confined to the Saragossa Jews, a letter of

Ferdinand to Torquemada, July 22, 1486, alludes to the Jews of Teruel

having been ordered by the inquisitors to depart within three months.

He deems them justified in complaining that the term is too short,

seeing that they have to pay and collect their debts and sell their

houses and lands and he therefore suggests an extension of six months

additional.--See Appendix.

[383] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.--Mariana, Lib.

XXIV, cap. xviii.--Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 144,

156, 163 (Madriti, 1598).--Garibay, Comp. Hist. Lib. XIX, c. iv.

[384] An account of the expulsion at the end of the Libro Verde de

Aragon states this to be the cause (Revista de España, CVI, 567-8).

Ribas Altas, however was burnt some years earlier, for in the Saragossa

auto de fe of March 2, 1488, his mother Aldonça was burnt and the report

alludes to his previous burning and relates the story.--Memoria de

Diversos Autos, Auto 29 (see Appendix).

[385] Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, I, 458.

[386] Revista de España, CVI, 568-70. This correspondence was long used

as a weapon against the New Christians. See Vicente da Costa Mattos,

Breve Discorso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 55-7, 166

(Lisboa, 1623). Rodrigo prints it (Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion,

II, 47).

[387] I have considered this notable case at some length in "Studies

from the Religious History of Spain," pp. 437-68. It can be studied with

accuracy in the records of the trial of one of the accused, Jucé Franco,

printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XI, 1887) with ample elucidations.

The Catalan version of the sentence is in _Coleccion de Documentos de

la Corona de Aragon_, XXVIII, 68. For the legend and cult of the Santo

Niño see Martínez Moreno, _Historia del Martirio del Santo Niño de la

Guardia_, Madrid, 1866.

[388] Páramo (p. 144) seems to be the earliest authority for this story

and, as he tells it, it seems rather applicable to an attempt of the

Conversos to buy off the Inquisition, but modern writers attribute it to

the Jewish expulsion. See Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap. VIII, Art. 1, n. 5;

Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, XVIII; Amador de los Rios, III, 272-3.

[389] Manuel de novells Ardits vulgarment appellat Dietari del Antich

Consell Barceloni, III, 94 (Barcelona, 1894).

[390] Nueva Recopilacion Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, ley 2.--Novísima Recop.,

Lib. XII, Tit. i, ley 3.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año

1492.--Amador de los Rios, III, 603-9.--Boletin, XI, 425, 512.

[391] Zurita, _loc. cit._

[392] See Appendix.

[393] Páramo, p. 167.--Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P. II, Lib. vi,

cap. 20, § 2.

[394] Amador de los Rios, III, 403.

[395] Llorente, Hist. crít., Append, VI.--Archivo de Simancas,

Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 87.

[396] Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, 51.

[397] Zurita, _loc. cit._--Páramo, p. 166.

[398] Graetz VIII, 348.--Bernaldez, cap. CXII.--The cruzado of Portugal

was worth 365 maravedís, the same as the _dobla de la banda_. The ducat

was worth 374.

[399] Lindo, History of the Jews, p. 287.--Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben

Joshua ben Meir, I, 327.

[400] Graetz, VIII, 349.

[401] Bernaldez, cap. CX.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de

Niebla, P. IX, cap. 2.--Amador de los Rios, III, 311.--Lindo, p. 292.

[402] Amador de los Rios, III, 312.--Boletin, IX, 267, 286; XI, 427, 586.

[403] Graetz, VIII, 348.--Chrónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de

Documentos, XIII, 195).

[404] Bernaldez, cap. CXII, CXIII.

[405] Dami[=a]o de Goes, Chronica do Rei D. Manoel, P. I, cap. cii, ciii.

[406] Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 328.--Amador de

los Rios, III, 332-3.

[407] Amador de los Rios, III, 320.--Zurita, _loc. cit._

[408] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 124.--Isidore

Loeb (Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 179).--Ilescas, Historia

Pontifical, P. II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.--Kayserling, Biblioteca

Española-Portugueza-Judaica, p. xi (Strasbourg, 1890).

[409] Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, ley 3.--Novís. Recop.,

Lib. XII, Tit. i, ley 4.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[410] Bernaldez, cap. CXI.

[411] Arnaldin. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix (Valentiæ, 1534).

[412] Zurita, _loc. cit._--Mariana, Tom. VIII, p. 336 (Ed.

1795).--Páramo, p. 167.

[413] Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 182.

[414] Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 323-4.

[415] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. VIII, Epist. 157.

[416] Joan. Pici Mirandulæ in Astrologiam, Lib. V, cap. xii.

[417] Il Principe, cap. xxi.

[418] Arnald. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix.

[419] Censura et Confutatio Libri Talmud (Boletin, XXIII, 371-4).

The Jews distinguished between unwilling converts, whom they termed

_Anusim_ and voluntary converts, or _Meschudanim_; the former they

pitied and helped, the latter they abhorred. The Judaizing Christians

were also sometimes called _Alboraycos_, from _alborak_ (the lightning),

the marvellous horse brought to Mahomet by the angel Gabriel, which was

neither a horse nor a mule nor male nor female (Ibid. p. 379). A still

more abusive popular appellation was _Marrano_, which means both hog

and accursed. For the controverted derivation of the word see Graetz,

_Geschichte der Juden_, VIII, 76 (Ed. 1890), who also (p. 284) admits

the attachment of many of the Conversos to the old religion.

[420] C. Dertusan. ann. 1429, c. ix (Aguirre, V, 337).

[421] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 347.

[422] C. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, c. vi (Harduin. VIII, 1193).

[423] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 6.

[424] Fortalicium Fidei, Prolog. (Ed. 1494, fol. ii^{a}). The date of

the _Fortalicium_ is commonly assigned to 1459, the year which it bears

upon its rubric, but on fol. lxxvii^{b} the author speaks of 1460 years

having elapsed since the birth of Christ and, as this is at nearly the

first third of the book, it may not have been completed for a year or

two later.

[425] Nicol. Anton. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. Lib. X, cap. ix.

[426] Amador de los Rios, III, 60, 136.--Valera, Memoria de diversas

Hazañas, cap. iv.

[427] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlvi.

[428] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxi, § 3.--Valera, _loc. cit._

[429] All recent Spanish authorities, I believe, assume that Fray Alonso

was a Converso, but the learned Nicolás Antonio (_loc. cit._) says

nothing about it, and Jo. Chr. Wolff (Bibl. Hebrææ II, 1123) points

out that he nowhere alludes to his own experience as he could scarce

have failed to do when accusing the Jews of matters which they denied.

He cites (fol. cxlix^{a}) Pablo de Santa María, Bishop of Burgos, for

their prayers against Christians and another learned Converso as to a

secret connected with the Hebrew letters (fol. xciv^{a}). His knowledge

concerning the Jews was thus wholly at second hand and his assaults on

the Judaizing of the Conversos have every appearance of emanating from

an Old Christian.

[430] The prayers attributed to the Jews were the subject of repeated

repressive legislation. See _Ordenanzas Reales_, VIII, iii, 34.

[431] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlii-ix, clxxxi-iii.

[432] Fuero Juzgo, XII, iii, 27.--Fuero Real, IV, i, 1.--Partidas, VII,

xxiv, 7. In fact, these laws seem to have been a dead letter almost from

the first. I have not met with an instance of their enforcement.

[433] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. liii-liv, lxxv-vi, clxxviii-ix.

[434] Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii. See also

Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 134.

Bernaldez evidently derives his details from the inquisitorial sentences

read at the autos de fe, in which these evidences of Judaism are recited

in endless repetition.

[435] Amador de los Rios, III, 142.

[436] Castillo, Cróníca de Enrique IV, cap. liii.--Mariana Historia de

España, Lib. XXIII, cap. vi.

[437] Modesto Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 227.

[438] Boletin, XXIII, 300-1.

[439] Vicente Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II,

362.

[440] Córtes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid, 1861

_sqq._

[441] Archivio Vaticano. Sisto IV, Registro 679, Tom. I, fol. 52. I have

printed this bull in the American Historical Review, I, 46.

[442] It was during Isabella's stay in Seville that, on September 2d,

she confirmed, followed by Ferdinand at Xeres, October 18, 1477, a

forged decree, ascribed to Frederic II, granting certain privileges

to the Inquisition of Sicily. This was done at the request of Filippo

de'Barbarj, subsequently Inquisitor of Sicily, then at the court, whom

both monarchs qualify as their confessor. He is said to have exercised

considerable influence with them in overcoming the opposition to the

establishment of the Inquisition in Castile. With regard to the forged

decree of Frederic II, see the author's "History of the Inquisition of

the Middle Ages," Vol. II, p. 288.

[443] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XX, cap. xlix.

[444] Pulgar, Chronica, P. II, cap. lxxvii.--Bernaldez, cap.

xliii.--Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial hist. español, VI,

235).

[445] Páramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 134.

Padre Fidel Fita has pointed out the discrepancy in the dates.--Boletin,

XVI, 559.

[446] Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.

[447] Páramo, p. 135.--Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial

histórico español, VI, 235).

[448] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. clxxvii.--Pulgar (cap. iv) gives sole

credit to Isabella for the extirpation of heresy.

[449] The proceedings of this important assembly have been printed by

Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXII, 212-250).

[450] Printed by Dom Clemencin, Elogio de Doña Isabel, pp. 595-7.

[451] Fortalicium Fidei, Lib. II, consid. xi.--History of the

Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 512-13.

[452] This bull is embodied in the first proclamation of the

inquisitors, Seville, January 2, 1481, printed by Padre Fita (Boletin,

XV, 449-52). It had previously been looked upon as lost. Its main

provisions, however, are embodied in the cédula of Dec. 27, 1480,

printed in the notes to the Novísima Recopilacion, Ed. 1805, Tom. I, p.

260.

It is a little singular that the Inquisition possessed very few

documents relating to its early history. In an elaborate _consulta_ of

July 18, 1703, presented to Philip V on the affair of Fray Froilan Diaz,

the Suprema states that it had had all the records searched with little

result; many important papers had been sent to Aragon and Catalonia

and had never been returned; the rest were in a chest delivered to

the Count of Villalonga, secretary of Philip III, to arrange and

classify and on his arrest and the sequestration of his effects they

disappeared.--Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 198.

It is quite possible that the contents of the chest form the "Bulario

de la Inquisicion perteneciente á la Orden de Santiago," consisting of

eight Libros, or folio volumes (five of originals and three of copies)

now in the Archivo Histórico Nacional. It is from this collection that

Padre Fita has printed the proclamation above alluded to and many other

important documents, and it will be seen that I have made large use of

it under the name of "_Bulario de la Orden de Santiago_." There are also

vast stores of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional of Madrid,

in the archives of Simancas and Barcelona, and some in the Vatican

Library. Llorente burnt many papers before leaving Madrid and carried

others to Paris, some of which are in the Bibliothèque Nationale, _fonds

espagnol_. The Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid also has a large number and

others are dispersed through the various libraries of Europe or are in

private hands.

[453] See his brief of January 29, 1482, printed by Llorente, Historia

Crítica, Append. n. 1.

[454] History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 331.

[455] Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 1. See

Appendix.

[456] Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 452.--Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap. V, art.

ii.--Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 22 (Sevilla, 1849).

[457] Boletin, XV, 453-7. This was fairly within the rules of the

canon law but it did not put an end to the sheltering of fugitives

from the Inquisition by nobles who doubtless found it profitable. In

some instructions issued by Torquemada, December 6, 1484, there is

one regulating the relations between such nobles and the receiver of

confiscations.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[458] Bernaldez, cap. xliv. The castle of Triana continued to be the

seat of the Inquisition of Seville until 1626, when it was threatened

with ruin by the inundations of the Guadalquivir, and the tribunal

was removed to the palace of the Caballeros Tellos Taveros in the

Colacion de San Marcos. In 1639 it returned to the castle, which had

been repaired and it remained there until 1789, when the continual

encroachment of_the river caused its transfer to the Colegio known as

las Becas.--Varflora, Compendio histórico-descriptivo de Sevilla, P. II,

cap. 1 (Sevilla, 1789).--Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1693, n. 1.

The Counts of San Lucar were hereditary alcaides of Triana; in return

for surrendering the castle they received the office of alguazil mayor

of the Inquisition, which continued to be held by their representatives

the Marquises of Leganes--a bargain which was ratified by Philip IV,

November 8, 1634. In 1707 the office was valued at 150,000 maravedís a

year, out of which the holder provided a deputy.--Archivo de Simancas,

Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 105.

[459] Amador de los Rios, III, 247-8.--Bernaldez, cap. xliii.--Fidel

Fita, Boletin, XVI, 450 _sqq._, 557 _sqq._

As the parricide committed by the Fermosa Fembra entailed poverty and

disgrace on her, through the confiscation of her father's property and

the disabilities inflicted on his descendants, the Church interested

itself in her fate. Rainaldo Romero, Bishop of Tiberias, secured for

her entrance into a convent, but it can readily be understood that life

there was not rendered pleasant to her and she quitted it, without

taking the vows, to follow a career of shame. Her beauty disappeared and

she died in want, leaving directions that her skull should be placed as

a warning over the door of the house which had been the scene of her

disorderly life. Her wishes were obeyed and it is still to be seen in

the Calle del Artaud, near its entrance, hard by the Alcázar.--Amador de

los Rios, III, 249.

[460] Bernaldez, cap. xliv. Rodrigo tells us (Hist. verdadera de la

Inquisicion, II, 74-6) that only five were burnt who refused all offers

of reconciliation and were impenitent to the last, but the contemporary

Bernaldez says that Diego de Susan died as a good Christian in the

second auto.

[461] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.--Amador de los Rios, III, 250.--Field's Old

Spain and New Spain, p. 279.

The remark of the good Cura de los Palacios in describing the

_quemadero_ is "en que los quemaban y fasta que haya heregía los

quemarán." The cost of the four statues was defrayed by a gentleman

named Mesa, whose zeal won for him the position of familiar of the Holy

Office and receiver of confiscations. He was, however, discovered to

be a Judaizer and was himself burnt on the _quemadero_ which he had

adorned.--Rodrigo, II, 79-80.

[462] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[463] Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, I, 44.

[464] Amador de los Rios, III, 252. Rodrigo (Hist. Verdad. II, 76)

states that the first act of the inquisitors was the issue of the

proclamation of the Term of Grace on January 2d, but this is scarce

consistent with the narrative of Bernaldez.

[465] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[466] Páramo, p. 136.--Boletin, XV, 462.

[466a] It is very questionable whether a tribunal was established

at Segovia thus early. Colmenares (Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxiv, §

18) asserts it positively, but the only tribunals represented in

the assembly of organization, held in November, 1484, were Seville,

Córdova, Jaen and Ciudad-Real. There was at first some resistance at

Segovia on the part of the bishop, Juan Arias Dávila, who was of Jewish

descent.--Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv.

In Ciudad-Real, the earliest inquisitors, in 1483, were the Licentiate

Pedro Díaz de la Costana and the Doctor Francisco de la Fuente

(Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 154, n. 375).

Neither of these was a Dominican and the latter subsequently became an

inquisitor-general and bishop successively of Avila and of Córdova.

In Córdova the Inquisition was established in 1482, with four

inquisitors--the Bachilleres Anton Rúiz de Morales and Alvar González

de Capillas, Doctor Pedro Martínez de Barrio, and Fray Martin Cazo,

Guardian of the Franciscan convent. The first auto de fe was celebrated

in 1483, when one of the victims was the concubine of the treasurer of

the cathedral, Pedro Fernández de Alcaudete, who himself was burnt on

February 28, 1484. His servants resisted his arrest and in the fray the

alguazil of the Inquisition was killed.--Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de

Córdova, pp. 1-2 (Córdova, 1839).

[467] "En publica forma e se avia fecho en esta dicha ciudad por el

Doctor Thomás, juez delegado e inquisidor deputado por el reverendisimo

señor Don Alfonso Carrillo, arzobispo que fué deste dicho arzobispado

de Toledo."--Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Legajos 139, n. 145;

143, n. 196.

[468] Ibidem, Legajos 139, n. 145; 154, n. 356, 375.

[469] Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 262.

[470] Páramo, p. 170.--Padre Fidel Fita has compiled a chronological

list of the trials at Ciudad-Real preserved in the Archivo Hist.

Nacional (Boletin, XI, 311 _sqq._). These are included in the _Catálogo

de las Causas contra la Fe seguidas ante el Tribunal del Santo Oficio de

Toledo_, by D. Miguel Gómez del Campillo (Madrid, 1903).

[471] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293).

[472] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293-4).--Arch.

Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3864, fol. 31.--Graetz, Geschichte der

Juden, VIII, 323.--Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. 100.

Legally, Jews were not allowed to testify against Christians and the

prohibition to receive such evidence was emphatically included in the

ferocious bull of Nicholas V, in 1447, but, as we shall see, in the

Inquisition, all accusing witnesses, however infamous, were welcomed.

How distasteful Ferdinand knew would be the work prescribed to the

Aragonese magistracy is seen by his imperious command that it must be

done--"e por cosa del mundo no fagais lo contrario ni recusais de lo

facer porque nos seria tan molesto que no lo podriamos con paciencia

tolerar."

[473] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 295-6).

In 1629 a well-informed writer tells us that many of those who came

forward and thus accused themselves were in reality good Christians,

who, in the time while Jews were yet tolerated, had associated with

them in their synagogues and weddings and funerals and had bought meat

of their butchers. Terrified at the proceedings of the Inquisition they

came and confessed and were reconciled, thus casting an indelible stain

on their posterity when the records of the tribunals were searched and

their names were found.--Tratado de los Estatutos de Limpieza, cap. 10

(Bibl. Nac. Seccion de MSS. Q, 418).

[474] Relacion (Ibid. pp. 292 _sqq._, 297, 299, 301-2, 303).

In the closing years of the fifteenth century and the opening ones

of the sixteenth there seems to have been a special raid made on

Guadalajara. In a list of cases of that period I find 965 credited to

that place.--Arch. Hist. Nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262, n. 1.

[475] Páramo, pp. 138-9.--Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXIII, 284

_sqq._--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 108.

[476] Toledo, Cronicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos ineditos,

XIII, 176, 179).--Pulgar, Chron. P. III, cap. 100.

[477] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. Unfortunately my copy

of this important volume and also of Libro 933 are not folioed. The

dates of the documents however will sufficiently guide the investigator

desirous of verifying the references.

[478] A list of these, made in the last century, is printed by Padre

Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 332). It is probably not wholly complete. Of

later date than 1500 there are ten _reconciliados_--one each in 1509 and

1516 and eight in 1629--sent thither by the tribunals in which they were

tried.

Further details as to the organization of the various tribunals will be

found in the Appendix.

[479] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxv, § 18.--Garibay, Compendio

Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. 16.

[480] Páramo, p. 137.--Llorente, Añales, I, 73.--Zurita, Añales, Lib.

XX, cap. xlix--Instruciones de Sevilla, 1484, Prólogo (Arguello, fol.

2).--Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 2843.

In the conference of Seville in 1484, besides the inquisitors and the

members of the Council there are mentioned as present Juan Gutiérrez

de Lachaves, and Tristan de Medina, whom Llorente (Añales, I, 74)

conjectures to have been assistants of Torquemada.

[481] Folch de Cardona, in the Consulta of the Suprema to Philip V,

July 18, 1703, states that the earliest bull in the archives was one of

Sixtus IV in 1483 appointing Torquemada inquisitor-general with power to

deputize inquisitors and to hear cases in the first instance. It was not

till 1486 that Innocent VIII granted him appellate jurisdiction.--Bibl.

Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 199.

The title of Inquisitor-general was not immediately invented. In a

sentence pronounced at Ciudad-Real, March 15, 1485, Torquemada is styled

simply "juez principal ynquisidor."--Arch. Hist. Nac. Inq. de Toledo,

Legajo 165, n. 551.

[482] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 630; IV, 125. Yet modern

apologists do not hesitate to argue that the papacy sought to mitigate

the severity of the Spanish Inquisition (Gams, Zur Geschichte der

spanischen Staatsinquisition, pp. 20-1; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, p.

269; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 582), basing their assertions on

the eagerness of the curia to entertain appeals, of which more hereafter.

[483] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único,

fol. 28.

anll, IV, 126.

[486] Páramo, p. 156.

[487] Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3486, fol. 45.--Páramo, p.

137.

[488] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 6, 8.--"ad

nostrum et dictæ sedis beneplacitum."

The original appointments of Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martin

were similarly _ad beneplacitum_ (Ibid. fol. 10), which may perhaps

explain their assertion of independence of Torquemada.

[489] Ibid. fol. 3, 11, 13, 15, 20; Lib. IV, fol. 91, 118, 137; Lib. V,

fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.--Archivo de Alcalá,

Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[490] Instruciones de Sevilla (Arguello, Copilacion de las Instruciones,

fol. 2, Madrid, 1630).

[491] Páramo, p. 156.

[492] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 8,

10.--Monteiro, Historia da Inquisiçaõ, II, 415.--Boletin, XV,

490.--Ripoll IV, 5, 6.

Somewhat similar was the question which arose, in 1507, on the

retirement of Diego Deza and the appointment of Ximenes as

inquisitor-general of Castile. His commission as usual contained the

power of appointing and removing or punishing all subordinates, but

those who derived their commissions from Deza seem to have claimed

that they were not amenable to Ximenes and it required a special brief

from Julius II, August 18, 1509, to establish his authority over

them.--Bulario, Lib. III, fol. 68; Lib. I de copias, fol. 30.

[493] Llorente, Añales, I, 214.--Francisco de la Fuente, as we have seen

was inquisitor of Ciudad-Real as early as 1483. Alonso de Fuentelsaz

in 1487 was one of the inquisitors of Toledo and was then merely a

doctor.--Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 176, n. 673.

[494] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.--"Inquisitores

generales in omnibus regnis et dominiis serenissimorum regis et reginæ

dominorum nostrorum subdelegati a reverendissimo patre nostro fratre

Thoma de Torquemada ... inquisitore generali."

Yet we have the commission of Martin of Messina, in 1494, issued

directly by the pope.--Bulario, Lib. I de copias, fol. 3.

[495] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.--Arguello, fol.

12.--Marieta, Hist. Ecles. Lib. XII, cap. xcii.

Torquemada was buried in a chapel of the church of his convent of

Santo Tomás in Avila. In 1572 the body was removed to another chapel

to make room for the interment of Francisco de Soto de Salazar, Bishop

of Salamanca, when it gave forth a supernatural odor of delicious

sweetness, greatly confusing to those engaged in the sacrilegious task.

The Dominican provincial punished the authors of the translation and

the historian Garibay petitioned the Inquisitor-general Quiroga to have

the remains restored to their original resting-place, which was done in

1586.--Memorias de Garibay, Tit. X (Mem. hist. esp. VII, 393).

An anonymous biographer, writing in 1655, tells us that he retired to

the convent of Avila two years before his death, Sept. 26, 1498 and

that he has always there been reputed as a saint.--Biblioteca Nacional,

Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[496] Arch. de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol.

22.--Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 136.

[497] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 11, 12.

[498] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[499] Ibid. Lib. I; Lib. II, fol. 35.

[500] Correspondence of Francisco de Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 462).

[501] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 13, 15.

[502] Ibid. fol. 20, 72.--Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint et

d'Adrien VI, p. 235.

[503] Páramo, p. 137.

[504] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. c.--Archivo General de Simancas,

Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[505] Inquisitor-general Manrique caused the _Instruciones Antiguas_

to be printed collectively, with a supplement classifying the several

articles under the head of the officials whose duties they defined. This

was issued in Seville in 1537 and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian

Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 15. Another edition was issued in Madrid

in 1576, a copy of which is in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid,

Seccion de MSS. S, 299, fol. 1. It was reprinted again in Madrid, in

1627 and 1630, together with the _Instruciones Nuevas_, by Caspar Isidro

de Arguello. It is to this last edition that my references will be made.

All these texts vary in some particulars from the originals preserved in

the Simancas Archives, Inquisicion, Libro 933. Where such deviations are

of importance they will be noted hereafter. Professor Ernst Schäfer has

performed the service of reprinting the Arguello edition, with a German

translation, in the _Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte_,1904.

Llorente (Hist. Crít. cap. VI, art. 1) has given an abstract of the

_Instruciones Antiguas_. Curiously enough, in none of the official

collections are included the instructions issued by Torquemada in

December, 1484, and January, 1485, except in a few extracts. As they

have never been printed I give them in the Appendix, together with the

1500 Instructions of Seville, which are likewise for the most part

inedited. What Llorente printed as Torquemada's additions (Añales, I,

388) are merely the extracts gathered from Arguello's compilation, where

they are credited to _El prior en Sevilla_, 1485.

[506] See the oath taken, July 20, 1487, by the officials of Catalonia

and Barcelona to the inquisitor Alonso de Spina in Carbonell's _De

Gestis Hæreticorum_ (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon,

XXVIII, 6).

The decretals in question were issued by Lucius III, Innocent III,

Clement IV and Boniface VIII, and are embodied in the canon law as Cap.

9 and 13 Extra, Lib. V, Tit. vii and Cap. 11 and 18 in Sexto Lib. V,

Tit. ii.

When, in 1510, the jurats of Palermo made difficulties in taking the

canonical oath, Ferdinand indignantly wrote that he would take it

himself if required.--Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 134.

[507] Instruciones de Sevilla, § 1 (Arguello, fol. 3).

[508] Páramo, p. 170.

[509] Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Documentos de la

Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 12-17, 29, 40-49, 54-61). In these latter

cases there is no distinction recorded between the fugitive and the

dead, which would modify somewhat the proportions.

[510] Manuel de Novells Ardits, vulgarment appelat Dietari del Antich

Consell Barceloni, III, 58 (Barcelona, 1894).

[511] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[512] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. By a letter of February

22, 1501, Ferdinand and Isabella congratulate the inquisitors on their

action in such cases; if other New Christians assert that they had been

converted by force justice is to be executed on them.

In 1511 a ship belonging to Caspar de la Cavallería of Naples was seized

in Barcelona. The master, Francisco de Santa Cruz, hurried to the court

at Seville, where the inquisitor-general Enguera condemned the vessel

and he gave security in its full value. Meanwhile the receiver of

confiscations at Barcelona sold it without waiting for its condemnation,

whereupon Ferdinand ordered the money returned and the vessel taken

back.--Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 139.

[513] Ibidem, Lib. I.

[514] Boletin, XV, 323.

[515] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 62, 146.

[516] Ibidem, Libro I.

[517] Ibidem, Lib. II, fol. 17.

[518] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 42. This letter

is dated Dec. 22, 1509. It is duplicated January 19, 1510 (Ibid.

fol. 48). Seven of the Duke's officials had been summoned to appear

before the Suprema and had disregarded the order, which was repeated

January 21st under pain of confiscation and punishment at the royal

pleasure.--Ibid. fol. 57.

[519] Ibidem, Libro 73, fol. 115.

[520] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[521] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[522] Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 221.

[523] Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 22.

[524] Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 193, 214.

[525] Archivo de Simancas, l'atronato real; Inquisicion, Legajo único,

fol. 37.

[526] Informe de Quesada (Biblioteca nacional, Section de MSS., T, 28).

[527] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[528] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

The redistribution of offices may be reckoned among the influences which

reconciled the Old Christians to the Inquisition. These had been largely

in the hands of Conversos, causing so much jealousy that the prospect

of acquiring them led numbers of aspirants to wish for the sharpest and

speediest action. It was too slow for their eagerness and expectative

grants were sought for and made in advance so as to profit by the next

victim. The vacancies passed into the hands of the receivers and were

distributed by the sovereigns as favor or policy might dictate. See

Appendix for suggestive extracts from the register of the receiver of

Valencia.

A significant case is that of Juan Cardona, public scrivener and notary

of mortmains, who became disqualified by the condemnation of the memory

of his father, Leonardo Cardona, whereupon Ferdinand treated his offices

as confiscated and, by cédula of December 5, 1511, bestowed them on Juan

Argent, notary of the tribunal which had rendered the sentence.--Archivo

de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 33, 161.

[529] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[530] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol.

46.--Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, I, 392.

In 1513 an attempt was made to review the trial of the parents and son,

when Ferdinand summoned the Royal Council to sit with the Suprema in

the case showing his determination that the sentence should not be set

aside (Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Libro 9, fol. 146). The effort to

obtain justice was unsuccessful for, in 1515, we happen to find Calcena

in possession of a house renting at 9000 mrs. per annum which had formed

part of the confiscation (Ibid., Libro 3, fol. 439).

[531] Epistt. Pet. Mart. Anglerii, Epist. 374.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey

Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. xxix.--Rodrigo, Hist. verdadera, II, 238. Cf.

Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII,

153).

[532] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol.

46.

[533] Epistt. Pet. Mart., Epist. 385.

[534] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 300; Cajon J, n.

295, 296.

[535] Boletin, XVII, 447-51.

[536] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 304.

[537] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol.

46.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. xxix.

[538] Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 336, 337.--Gachard, Voyages des

Souverains, I, 519.

[539] Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621,

fol. 198.--Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 11, fol.

24.--Llorente, Añales, I, 328.--Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 548.

[540] Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, pp. 144-5.--Pedraza, Hist.

de Granada, P. IV, cap. xxxi (Granada, 1638).

[541] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 297.

[542] Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 295.

[543] Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 9.--Correspondence of Rojas

(Boletin, XXVIII, 448).

[544] Dom Clemencin (Elogio, Illust. XVIII) prints a noble and touching

letter of reproof from Talavera to Ferdinand. He had had the direction

of royal consciences too long to feel awe of royal personages.

Spiritually he felt himself the king's superior and his perfectly frank

simplicity of character led him to manifest this without disguise.

[545] Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 444, 448).--Gachard,

Voyages des Souverains, I, 534, 540.

[546] Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 452).

The story of Queen Juana la loca is one of the saddest in the annals of

royalty and her treatment by her father, husband and son is a libel on

human nature, but no one who has impartially examined all the evidence

can doubt that she was incapable of governing.

[547] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5.

[548] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. vi.

[549] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 302.

[550] Ibidem, n. 300.

[551] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol.

46.

[552] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 295, 298.--Archivo

de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[553] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.

[554] Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos,

VIII, 153).--Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg.

único, fol. 46.

[555] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.--Archivo de

Simancas, _loc. cit._

[556] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5; Cajon I, n. 304.

[557] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 320.--See Appendix.

[558] Pet. Mart. Epistt., 333, 334, 335.

[559] Pedraza, Hist. eccles. de Granada, P. IV, cap. 31-34.

[560] Pet. Mart. Epistt., 342, 344, 457.--Pedraza, _loc. cit._

The Inquisition which had hunted him to the death could never forgive

him for his escape. When, in 1559, Inquisitor-general Valdés compiled

the first Index of prohibited books, a long-forgotten controversial

tract against the Jews, printed by Talavera in 1480, was resuscitated

and condemned in order to cast a slur upon his memory and this was

carefully preserved through the long series of Spanish Indexes down

to the last one in 1790.--Reusch, Die Indices Libror. Prohib., p.

232.--Indice Ultimo, p. 262.

[561] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. xxix, xxxiv, xlii;

Lib. VIII, cap. i, v.--Villa, La Reina Juana, pp. 462, 463.

Zurita, who, as an official of the Suprema, no doubt reflects the

tradition of the Inquisition, says that many murmured at seeing

Ferdinand, to win over Ximenes, sacrifice Deza, for the latter was a

most notable prelate, a man of great learning and devoted to the king's

service. He has claims too on our respect as the patron of Columbus,

befriending and encouraging him when disheartened by the incredulity of

the court.--Irving's Life and Voyages of Columbus, Book II, Chap. 3, 4;