Soon after Fox’s arrival in March (as mentioned already somewhere

in these scrawls) a negotiation was set on foot to bring together

all the opposers of Governt. to procure a degree of concert in their

proceedings. Tierney was instrumental in getting Ld. Moira and Ld.

Lansdown together. Soon after, a numerous meeting at the house of the

former was held, where Fox, D. of Bedford, Grey, and others all came

to an agreement as to their mode of acting in case of a Regency. The

King recovered unexpectedly and rapidly, and the zealous _Patriots_

dispersed.

Ld. Moira is offended, and thinks himself ill-used by the desertion of

his new allies, who, immediately upon the chance of getting into power

becoming more distant, each fled and followed his own devices. Tierney

also is discontented, and declares himself no longer a party man,

wishing it universally to be understood that he will not consider Fox

as his leader.

Previous to the King’s illness I was witness to rather an unpleasant

scene at my own house between him and Grey, where the D. of Bedford was

the moderator. The immediate cause of the dispute was that Sheridan

most unjustifiably repeated and _added unto_ a conversation held

over a table when most of the hearers and talkers were drunk. The

origin of the quarrel, however, was more remote. Tierney came into

Parlt. entirely by his own talents, neither owed his election or his

success in the Committee to the interference of any of his political

friends. Shortly after his becoming permanently seated, secession began

to be rumoured; he had spoken several times, but had not then much

distinguished himself. Fox still attending of course made him diffident

of putting himself too forward, nor probably had he acquired the

facility of speaking or weight enough to claim the notice of the House.

At a meeting held in Mr. Fox’s house upon the measure of seceding,

he offered to resign his seat, adding that he felt it incompatible

with his duty as a member of the H. of Commons to represent a body of

people without fulfilling _actively_ his engagements towards them; and

submitted to the will of Fox what he should do. (Ye D. of Bedford, who

was afterwards displeased with Tierney for his attendance, saying it

spoilt the effect of secession, affects ignorance of this proposal of

Tierney, but Fox himself, Fitzpatrick, and others, but especially the

first, say that Tierney behaved well, because he behaved frankly.)

Fox could not, and did not exact his renunciation of his seat, and

he remained near three sessions alone, unassisted, and unsupported,

Sheridan alone of the Foxites ever attending, and his attendance was as

much directed against Tierney as it was against Pitt.

[Sidenote: TIERNEY AND GREY]

This solitary opposition was of infinite use to T. as an orator and

as a public man; the daily use of his tongue taught him readily to

debate, and his diligence, ability, and plainness acquired him the

respect and confidence of the country. Successful as he was, he wanted

aid; he knew the aristocratical temper of the House was such that the

obscurity of his family would retard his progress, but that assisted

by Grey he could be high and well propped. Grey was a fit subject to

work upon; of an active, restless, unsatisfied temper, of boundless

ambition, he found himself a prey to melancholy in calm retirement.

Chance threw them together in the neighbourhood of Ham. Tierney did not

fail of encouraging his disposition to return, and strove to combat his

feelings of remorse about Fox, who had merely in compliance to Grey

and ye Duke of Bedford, adopted the measure of secession, a measure

notoriously against his own judgment.[170] In short, Grey resumed

his post in Parlt. Things went on smoothly, Grey made some capital

speeches, the divisions of Ministers fell off, but Opposition gained

nothing. Some of Fox’s old friends, the _staunch_ ones (such as Coke,

Ld. J. Townshend, and a few others), were offended at being written to

to attend, replying that no good could be done if Fox abstained from

coming, and that without his presence they would not attend. Grey,

always fickle, and generally desponding, grew soured; he saw Fox, and

at length persuaded him to come up upon his motion upon the State of

the Nation. Tierney, when he knew Fox was coming, expressed himself

strongly upon the absurdity of Grey’s going down to St. Anne’s to get

sense, and imprudently enough at the Friday Club declared his intention

of keeping away on the day of the debate, unless Fox gave a pledge of

his future attendance.

This was the conversation reported by Sheridan to Grey, and brought

forth a burst of rage and indignation from Grey against Tierney. The

expressions used on both sides were alarmingly strong. Upon T. saying

he should withdraw himself, if Fox was to come down occasionally and

Grey was not generally understood to be the leader, G. accused T. of

deceiving him by betraying him into attending by promises of support.

In short, the explanations and accusations were sharp and bitter on

both sides.

The King’s illness put a stop to the question; the motion was put off

from day to day, and Fox came, grew eager, and coalesced with Moira, as

has been mentioned elsewhere. The King’s recovery, like magic, drove

the whole set back to their hiding-places. Some fancied that Fox would

have continued in town but for Mrs. A. and the expense of a house; upon

which it was suggested to Ld. Hd. to hire one for him. This with his

usual alacrity to serve his uncle, he did without hesitation, announced

it to him by letter, and received the following reply.[171]

_April 28, 1801._--When Tierney heard of his determination against

coming, except to Tooke’s business, he told Grey peremptorily that he

should adhere to Ld. Moira and the neutrals. The assurance of attending

Horne Tooke’s question has not added to his popularity. In short, all

are offended with him.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: A FOOLISH PROTEST]

_Holland House: April 30th, 1801._

Dissentient.

We deprecate and protest against this Measure because, as far as it

may be carried into execution, it tends to dissolve the allegiance

of the subject. A country over which Martial Law is exercised may be

crushed or subdued, but it is not governed, much less is it practical.

Allegiance is not more a duty on one side than protection on ye other;

the character of subjects and of enemies cannot exist together. A

military force can exercise nothing but the dominion of the sword. With

respect to the people there is no government. We, therefore, conceive

it to be our bounden duty, in our endeavours to preserve the Governt.

of the United Kingdom, not to lose sight of those advantages which

alone render it worth preserving.

THANET

ALBEMARLE

HOLLAND

KING.

This protest was entered against the Martial Law Bill for Ireland.

The composition is Francis’s, whose brevity and terseness make the

performance nonsense.[172] Mr. Pitt remarked that the sentence which

asserts the incompatibility of the character of subject and enemy is

the precise definition of a traitor.

This foolish Protest made a great deal of noise; Ld. Clare moved the

expunging it on account of its treasonable and seditious tendency,

which was opposed by 17 peers, some of very respectable characters.

I quarrelled with Francis, and would not make peace with him. His

explanation was worse than the original offence; he declared that he

disapproved of the sentiments, and feared the making them public would

get the protesters into a scrape. Then _why_ abet and assist what you

think mischievous and of bad consequence to your friends?

Ld. Wycombe returned about a fortnight since from Paris, and tho’ he

will not see _me_, he has entrusted his journal for my inspection.

‘Paris, which I had known under so many different circumstances, and

which I had originally known in times so very opposite to these. It

is an observation of Thucydides that, in the country of which he was

a native and of which he wrote, the traveller could not take a step

without treading on historic ground. With equal truth may it be said

that it is impossible to traverse Paris, without at each step being

reminded of occurrences which are destined to become the materials of

future history: occurrences which are the more striking, inasmuch as

they have not been received by us on the faith of tradition obscured

by the lapse of ages or gathered from the Annals of our ancestors, but

have taken place within our own memories, have involved the fall of

persons we ourselves have known, have overwhelmed institutions with

which we have been personally conversant, and have already materially

affected the destinies of the generation to which we belong.’

‘The most eloquent discourse cannot half so well illustrate the

character of human passion, the vicissitudes of human fortune, the

vanity of human pursuits, and the instability of human things, as the

aspect of this metropolis.’

[Sidenote: THE INFERNAL MACHINE]

‘When we were within a few steps of the _Théâtre de la République_ we

were surprised by an explosion resembling the report of a cannon.[173]

On stepping out of the carriage I perceived a column of smoke making

its way over the tops of the houses. In an instant the rattling of

cavalry announced the approach of the First Consul, who drove by us

with rapidity. We entered the theatre lost in conjecture as to the

probable cause of so strange and sinister an incident. We had but

little disposition to attend to the business of the drama, which was

presently put a stop to by the account of that heinous atrocity which

exhibits such a melancholy instance of the most deliberate depravity,

and which had so nearly terminated the transcendent career of that

illustrious man, whose fame will be more durable than the Pyramids

he has visited, whose life is consumed in a succession of dangers,

whose preservation should be dear not only to all good citizens, but

to all good men, whose fortunes may be deemed inseparable from the

fortunes of the Republic. The actor who came forward upon this occasion

made the audience acquainted neither with extent or particulars of

the misfortune which made it indecent to proceed. The theatre was

immediately evacuated; guards were seen moving in various directions,

and the measures of precaution were taken with a degree of calmness,

quickness, precision, and intelligence which served to give me some

idea of the perfection of the military system.

‘No one was able to tell what was the number of persons who had been

killed and wounded; but it was understood that the disaster had

originated in an attempt to destroy the First Consul in his way to

the Opera. At the portico of the Opera, I heard that the performance

was going on without interruption, and that Bonaparte, unmoved, was

partaking of the entertainment, which was an Oratorio,[174] as if

nothing unusual had happened. The next morning heard a few particulars;

some of the manner in which the Chief Consul had conducted himself. He

appears to have expressed a conviction that in his situation and at a

period like the present, such an occurrence was not to be considered as

being justly matter of surprise. He told those who had an opportunity

of seeing him that when, a short time before, his life had been

conspired against, he felt no particular solicitude in relation to the

punishment of a crime which seemed to have him only for its object; but

that now when the blow which was levelled at himself had fallen upon

others, when the safety of a part of the population of the capital had

been actually endangered, and when several individuals had become the

innocent victims of so great an atrocity, he should not hesitate to

demand a law authorising the immediate trial of those who might prove

implicated in its guilt. That as to what regarded himself personally,

he should die with as much glory at the head of the Legislature as

he could do at the head of one of the armies of the Republic. To the

Prefect of the Police[175] he expressed his dissatisfaction with

an asperity which sufficiently proved that he imputed a defect of

vigilance to that department.’...

[Sidenote: A REVIEW]

‘Went to the Review. In front of the Thuilleries were drawn up the

Grenadiers of the Consular Guard, who had followed Bonaparte to

Marengo, and had from their conduct in that memorable battle been

compared by Berthier to a redoubt of granite. On ye remaining sides of

the square were drawn up other troops. In the centre of the _place_

were stationed the officers of the _État Major_ on horseback, whose

uniforms and accoutrements were splendid to the greatest degree.

A beautiful cream-coloured Spanish horse, adorned with crimson

velvet, magnificently embroidered in gold, was held in readiness for

Bonaparte. A sudden burst of martial music, issuing from a profusion of

instruments, proclaimed his descent from the Palace. He wears no plume.

He is distinguished by the quietness of his deportment, the pensiveness

of his aspect, and by the paleness of his countenance, which thought

and watchfulness have worn. He was attended by his Mameluke. Mounted

on his docile charger, he galloped thro’ the ranks. The air resounded

with acclamations of applause, to which he seemed insensible. His

attention was confined to the troops. When he passed the colours he

saluted with a singular propriety of manner. After having rapidly

inspected the difft. corps, he rode to the centre of the ground, where

he prescribed the evolutions of the day, which took up very little

time. Nothing can exceed the precision and intelligence with which

the whole manœuvre is conducted. I particularly remarked the fine

appearance of the Pioneers, who, as well as the Grenadiers, seem to be

picked men. The flying Artillery is much to be admired, but the horses

of the Dragoons, altho’ active, were inferior in beauty to those which

are commonly purchased for the English Cavalry.’...

‘One of the party had been in the society of the First Consul, where

General Lannes was present, subsequent to the villainous attempt made

in the Rue Nicaise. B. observed that when the circumstance took place

he was a great way off in imagination, that the explosion had been

heard by him without reflection, and that he was first excited to

attend by Lannes, who was with him. General Lannes explained by saying

that he thought at the time, by the breaking of the glasses, that

musketry might be firing at them. ‘Lannes,’ said B., ‘you are not of

the Institute; if you were, you would have known that it was the air

contained within my carriage which broke the windows of it.’

On 16th May, 1801, I dined at Mrs. Sharp’s, in the City, on Irish Hill,

to meet Horne Tooke. He was ill, and in all probability would not

have kept his engagement, had he not been aware that the dinner was

expressly made to give me an opportunity of seeing him, and wise as he

is, he is not free from the frailty of the weak (and oftentimes of

the wise, as in this instance), in possessing a considerable portion

of vanity, for he was gratified at knowing he was sought as a _sight_.

He is an infirm, exhausted old man, with a mild, placid countenance,

a small penetrating eye, and a flat, broad forehead. His manners are

those of a remarkably high-bred, old-fashioned man of quality; his

sentences are precise, clear, and short. His language obsolete and

affectedly so, but often productive of a happy and singular effect,

witty and brief. He so evidently laboured under the pressure of bodily

pain that he only _flashed_, but from those scintillations I could

easily perceive what he must have been in his days of vigour, when

his mind, unfettered by physical infirmity, could give itself full

scope. His praises of Mr. Fox were extravagant. He said: ‘God Almighty

has made that man to show his omnipotence.’ He said to Ld. H.: ‘You

see, my Lord, how your uncle has kicked me in the dirt!’ The answer

was puzzling, as it was difficult to know to what he alluded, but he

explained by adding: ‘He makes me despise myself. He, whom I have

abused from the commencement of his political life, has been the first

and only person who stood manfully forth in my defence.’[176]

_17th Nov., 1801._--Indisposition and indolence have combined to

prevent my either writing, reading, or thinking for three several

months back--after our return from Worthing. We stayed here about

a month, during which period we went to Ld. King’s at Ockham, to

Roehampton, and dined at Chiswick, and at Dss. of Leinster’s at

Wimbledon. Went to Brighthelmstone, September 15th; stayed there

till October 21st. During that interval passed 6 days at Ld. Robert

Spencer’s at Woolbeding. I _called_ at Goodwood, D. of Richmond’s,

on our way back to Brighton; returned here October 22nd. Sleep

occasionally at a house we have taken in Albemarle Street for the

play-nights and the late nights in H. of Lords.

[Sidenote: MINISTERIAL NEGOTIATIONS]

Peace has been made. Pitt continues supporting Ministers; the

Grenvilles are in open opposition.[177] A negotiation has just broken

off between Grey and Ld. St. Vincent, the purport of which was to

bring in G., the Duke of Bedford, and Ld. Moira into the Cabinet. Grey

gave up Fox with a quibble; the others excluded Sheridan, Lauderdale,

and Lansdown; insisted upon maintaining Ld. Clare in Ireland, and Ld.

Hardwick. G. said, if he is kept, we must have a Ld.-Lt.; they would

not agree. Ld. Moira objected to D. of Portland; King could not be made

to give him up. The arrangement, when they came to terms, could not

take place. G. used the D. of B.’s name further than he was warranted,

I suspect. It is all over now; only Tierney remains with Addington.

Fox was given up shamefully. For if ever one man was bound to follow

the bad and good fortunes of another, it is surely Grey, whose vehement

and rash judgment drove the other out of the high post he occupied;

and yet he is the first to negotiate and give him up. Fie, fie, for

such patriots, when they are not true to their friends as private men.

However, Grey is perfectly honest, only violent and irresolute, and

easily swayed by sudden impressions. Pelham[178] is Secretary of State

for the Home Department: he is married to Lady Mary Osborne, the Duke

of Leeds’s sister, an amiable person, who will no doubt make him happy.

_H. House, 18th Nov., 1801._--General Fitzpatrick told us yesterday

of a curious circumstance about a copy of Gibbon’s works, which

belonged to Mr. Fox. As a marginal note Fox wrote in the beginning of

the book, ‘This gentleman, on such a day, told me that the country

could not be saved unless the heads of three or four of the Cabinet

Ministers were laid upon the table of the House of Commons. On such

a day, about a week after he delivered that opinion, he was made a

Lord of Trade by those very men.’ Topham Beauclerk, who was a _friend_

of Gibbon’s, offered him anything for the book, saying: ‘I must soon

die, and my books will be sold after my death by public auction, so

Gibbon’s shabbiness will be notorious and perpetuated.’ Some time

after, an execution was put into Mr. Fox’s house, and his goods were

seized, but, having been assigned over to Mr. Moore, their seizure was

resisted. There was, in consequence, a trial in the Court of King’s

Bench, and one of the opposite counsel handed up this very book to Ld.

Loughborough, to prove to him that Mr. Fox must have considered the

book as his own, and not as Mr. Moore’s, by the marginal notes, and

that if necessary they should be read in court. Ld. L., who was a more

cautious friend than Topham Beauclerk, gave the book back, saying it

was unnecessary to read them to the court. Ye General was a party to

the bond, and was in court himself when this passed.

* * * * *

Some months, passed in anxiety and grief, have elapsed since I even

thought of this Journal. The winter had nearly proved fatal to

Charles. Illnesses and relapses succeeded each other so rapidly, that

his strength was almost exhausted, and in February we almost ceased

expecting that he could recover. He did, but to avoid the danger of a

return, we are to pass the ensuing winter in a warm climate.

[Sidenote: DUKE OF BEDFORD’S DEATH]

The death of the D. of Bedford followed. What did not that calamity

cost me! In him I lost the truest and best friend I possessed. His

society was amongst the greatest of my pleasures. I loved and respected

him, and was proud to see intimately the man on whom the eyes of the

public were turned with approbation and confidence. He died as he

had lived, an example to all who saw him. At the close of a medical

consultation about Charles, on ye 28th of Feb., Dr. Vaughan wished me

joy of the success of the operation which had been performed the eve.

before upon the D. of B. Frightened at this I asked an explanation,

and heard from Mr. Knight, the surgeon (who was here for Charles), the

nature of the disease.

* * * * *

We left H. H. on the 8th of July (1802), with the following persons

belonging to us, ourselves, Charles, Henry Edward,[179] Mr. Allen, Mr.

Howard, and little Marsh, for Paris.

We had apartments taken for us some time before we came; they are very

spacious and convenient, the whole _rez-de-chaussée_ of the Hotel

Beauveau, Faubourg St. Honoré. The next day we went to Maret,[180]

the Minister, to see the parade. The Carrousel has been considerably

extended, and 15,000 troops can manœuvre in it. The explosion of the

infernal machine, by destroying some houses, rendered it more easy

to enlarge the court. The Brazen Horses from Venice are placed upon

the Grille which runs across the Carrousel; they stand separate, and

produce a very poor effect.[181]

Nothing can be more splendid than the uniforms of the officers, and

the housings of the horses. The Consul rides a fine white Arabian. He

is known amidst his officers by the plainness of his dress and unlaced

black hat. The corps of Mamelukes appeared for the first time; their

sudden and uncombined evolutions give a wildness to their appearance

that shows a little what they must be when attacking in reality. The

town was illuminated in the evening, and as carriages were prohibited

in the streets, we walked, and saw everything with the greatest ease

and facility. There were public dinners given by the Government to some

hundreds of the soldiers at each public garden.

When I first came, I saw much of Madame de Coigny, but latterly less;

she is inquisitive and talkative.

On the 15th of Fructidor, Mr. Fox was presented to Bonaparte, who

seems to have studied how to receive him in a distinguished manner. He

addressed him in a speech evidently got by heart and of course highly

complimentary. The purport was that he was the greatest man of one of

the greatest countries, and that his voice had always been exerted on

the side of humanity and justice, and that to its influence the world

owed the blessings of peace.

[Sidenote: ST. CLOUD]

The journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland (1791-1811) Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 9 / 25 段